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idealism of ventures such as the New Republic books and the
Vanguard Press. One grew out of the New Republic
weekly which provided the ready-made audience that seems
necessary for the successful publishing of non-popular books.
It offered no annual subscriptions for books, but it did have
an editorial staff that people trusted the editors of the New
Republic. It created a list of 10,000 people who like its kind
of book. Sixteen volumes have been printed at one dollar
each, bound in heavy paper and protected by glassine wrappers.
Daniel Mebane, presiding genius here, says few people want
better bindings, though one may be provided. He declares that
lots of people buy books as gifts and not only do not object
to a five-dollar price but actually want to pay that (and have
it printed on the jacket) to make the book seem a real tribute,
like flowers or candy. He divides books into gift books, text-
books, shelf decorations, and books to be read. The New
Republic press prints books to -be read books that might other-
wise not get printed. It has sold 17,000 copies of Youth in
Conflict by Miriam Van Waters with the prospect of a total
sale of 25,000. E. C. Lindeman's Social Discovery has sold
4,000 copies. Only one or two of the series have not shown
a profit. These books have not been subsidized save as certain
salaries, rental, overhead and advertising in the New Republic
have not been charged against the book-publishing business.
The gross net profit totals $12,000, and this means that the
venture would have proved a going concern even if charged with
all its expenses.

r T"'HE serious and thoughtful book can .apparently pay its way
J. if you can discover and hold the right audience. The New
Republic list is principally in the fields of labor, education,
and industry with its best seller in child welfare by an author
unknown to the general public before this book appeared. The
book stores are quite ready to sell New Republic books, though
about 60 per cent of the sales have been made by mail. This
has led to the opening of a New Republic book store, the
Penguin Shop, in New York, to meet the demand from readers
for service in getting books by mail or in person. Something
like the selected books service is found in a monthly club offer
of three books at a reduced price. All in all, New Republic
publishing has proved an extremely useful venture.

The Vanguard Press is in a sense a labor-liberal publishing
concern. It received a share of the money of the Garland
Fund for Public Service, and is operated on a non-profit basis.
It sells cloth-bound books on good paper at fifty cents each or
five for $2 if you join the Society. Some of its books are
subsidized and on others it pays no royalty since they are re-
prints of the classics in social science and radical politics. It
also publishes radical fiction, and educational outlines. Its list
of over 50 titles runs all the way from Lecky's European
Morals to a symposium of new tactics in Social Conflict
presented by the League for Industrial Democracy. It is
frankly propagandist, but it shows that you can issue good
books at low prices.

The Workers' Education Bureau has done valiant service in
providing cheap books on many aspects of labor. Five years ago
it began its Workers' Bookshelf in cooperation with the George
H. Doran Company, and sold full-sized books in paper bindings
at seventy-five cents. Now the Workers' Education Bureau
Press, incorporated in 1926, is independent of any other pub-
lisher. Here again we find a publishing venture succeeding
because it covers a specific field in expert fashion, and dis-
covers among the workers an audience willing to buy its books,
pamphlets and research publications. The first volume in its
"research series," Electricity in the Home, is an example of

cooperative research. This extensive bibliography was prepared
by the Seminar of Social and Industrial Research at Bryn
Mawr College under the direction of Susan M. Kingsbury.
The point is, of course, that if institutions provide the texts,
publishing houses are relieved of the costs of authorship, and
both render real public service.

The final picture is one of experimenting. It is clear we
may expect new ways of publishing both good and mediocre
books. New audiences are going to be found or created. Mass
production is going to have its day, here as everywhere. There
are clear dangers to authors, to established publishers, and to
good taste. But there is no reason to fear we are likely soon
to have too many good books or good readers.


(Continued from page 18)

problem and one which would prevent any justified complaint
on the part of the belligerent power, would be for the United
States to enter into a convention with members of the League
or states signatory to the Pact of Locarno, in which each
would agree to allow the United States to apply this modified
form of economic sanction in the event of its beginning war
with another member or signatory state in breach of its under-
taking to adopt peaceful means of settlement. The covenant
could be phrased so that the United States would be under
no duty to act, it could make up its mind when the breach
occurred and war had been declared, but the state against
which an embargo might be declared or other measures taken
would have no ground for protest. The signature of the
United States to such a covenant, limited as its scope might
be, would at least align this country on the side of organized
peace and prove that it was ready to act as well as to recom-

Leadership in the long campaign for peace has passed from
the United States. No instant need has urged us to lead in
putting into practice the principles which have been advocated
behind the security of the two oceans. It is because they feel
an urgency which we do not that the ideas which American
statesmen, publicists and lawyers have been elaborating for
more than a century have been given form by others in the
League of Nations and as signatories to the Pact of Locarno.

But it is not enough to have expressed fine enthusiasms and
to have shown the way to others. The United States must go
further if it is to carry out the work so well expressed recently
by Elihu Root, "That our country should do its share for
peace and happiness and noble life in all the world."


(Continued from page 29)

certain conditions which make it easier in the Soviet Republic
than where the nationalists are more crystalized.

Both educationally and politically the Soviet Republic not only
permits but promotes the cultural freedom of the nearly forty
groups that have linguistic variations and traditions. I attended
a committee meeting in the Department of Education where
text-books were prepared in many languages. I have even a
primer in Korean. There is no jealousy for the Russian lan-
guage. There are state universities in five different languages.
In the Kremlin there is a council with representatives of twenty-
two nationalities which deals with political questions. There is
not the slightest fear on the part of the central government of
cultural differences, which is one of the reasons that the repub-
lic h s so much harmony as it has. The policy which needs
more elaboration than I can give here is, in my opinion, the
wisest one any state has ever adopted, and whether this at-
tempt succeeds or fails it is the only way human integration
can ever be secured.

Ten years after the War the principals in it still think that
they are the centers of civilization. I think that the Future
is moving East.


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Lectures at Toynbee Hall.
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(Continued from page 16)


none of whom is connected with the military establishment.
These local draft boards secure the registration of and provide
the men and decide all cases of exemption, subject to review
by the District Boards established by the President in each
Federal Judicial District. No bounty-jumpers no substitutes
no slackers tolerated!

And now that these fine youngsters are coming to us we pro-
tect not only their health but look after their moral and spiritual
welfare. The Red Cross, the Y, the Jewish Welfare, the
Knights of Columbus, the Salvation Army all our old friends
are with us once again. Our women, even our children, are
mobilizing to help win the Victory. The Nation is in Arms!
How smoothly the whole machinery runs from the Presi-
dent down! Brains, organization, will, training, experience,
remembering and profiting by the past, a clear conception
of our needs, and a determined warning to meet the great
emergency! That's all.

But is it not strange that to win the war we do not follow
"the intelligently-voiced opinion" of experts the world over who
have studied "the revolution in military science since 1918?"
Gas, germs, air-planes dropping all kinds of death ; technicians,
chemists, engineers, laboratorians, writers, philosophers, biolo-
gists; radio, x-ray, death-ray, infra-red, supra-violet, cathode,
experts of all kinds, methods of all kinds except the well-
trained soldier and sailor are scheduled to win this war!

Listen! In war every poison has its antidote every thrust
can be parried except one: The man behind the rifle and bay-
onet, with character, guts and the will to win I Everything else
that we mobilize is to help that man go forward: The farm
and factory that supply him; the Navy that transports him
safely to shore; the big guns that roar; the air plane that spots;
the staffs that plan and guide and place. That's our principle
and we are fighting it out on that line until human nature

Marstonia look out for that man when he is in full career!
Especially if things have been going against him.

"The courage of our soldiers goes far beyond belief. Were it
not so war would be unbearable. How strongly God keeps the
balance even. In fullest splendor the soul shines out amidst the
dark shadows of adversity; as a fire goes out when the sunlight
strikes it, so the burning essential quality in men is stifled by pros-
perity and success."

Finally, at the head of our cots we frame the Ten Com-
mandments for a soldier, by a soldier, Ferdinand Foch:

"1. Keep your eyes and ears ready and your mouth on the
safety notch, for it is your soldierly duty to see and hear clearly,
but as a rule you should be heard mainly in the sentry challenges
or the charging cheer.

"2. Obey orders first, and if still alive, kick afterward if you
have been wronged.

"3. Keep your arms and equipment clean and in good order;
treat your animals fairly and kindly and your motor or other
machine as though it belonged to you and was the only one in the
world. Do not waste your ammunition, your gas, your food, your
time, nor your opportunity.

"4. Never try to fire an empty gun, nor at an empty trench, but
when you shoot, shoot to kill, and forget not that at close quarters
a bayonet beats a bullet.

"5. Tell the truth squarely, face the music, and take your pun-
ishment like a man; for a good soldier won't lie, he doesn't sulk,
and is no squealer.

"6. Be merciful to the women of your foe and shame them not,
for you are a man; pity and shield the children in your captured
territory, for you were once a helpless child.

"7. Bear in mind that the enemy is your enemy and the enemy
of humanity until he is killed or captured; then he is your dear
brother or fellow soldier beaten or shamed, whom you should no
further humiliate.

"8. Do your best to keep your head clear and cool, your body
clean and comfortable, and your feet in good condition; for you
think with your head, fight with your body, march with your feet.
"9. Be of good cheer and high courage; shirk neither work nor
danger; suffer in silence, and cheer the comrades at your side
with a smile.

"10. Dread defeat, but not wounds; fear dishonor, but not
death, and die game; whatever the task, remember the motto
'It Shall Be Done'."

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(Continued from page 7)

Naturally the great burden of work under the Espionage
and Sedition Acts fell upon the Department of Justice, a small
bureau of investigation, erected in Roosevelt's administration,
being transformed into a nation-wide spy system, with millions
of money and thousands of employes at its service. According
to authentic evidence, every practice dear to the Russian
police of the old regime was employed by federal agents:
provocative "tools" were "planted" among organizations of
humble working people, supposed to have radical tendencies,
and were instructed to incite them to unlawful acts; meeting
places of such associations were raided without proper war-
rant, property was destroyed, papers seized, innocent bystanders
tbeaten, and persons guilty of no offense at all rushed off to
ijail, subjected to police torture, held without bail, and released
without recourse.

To the official army of the grand inquest was added a still
greater force of more than two hundred thousand private
citizens enrolled by the Department of Justice in the work of
watching neighbors. Any person man or woman willing to
play the role of informer was admitted to the fellowship. So
in offices, factories, mines, mills, churches, homes, schools,
restaurants, trains, ships, ferries, and stores, government
watchers could be found listening to conversations, insinuating
and suggesting, noting prattle and tattle, and reporting
"findings" to Washington to be filed in huge dossiers of
"information" recalling the fateful days of 1692 in Salem.

Private associations and societies conformed to the pre-
vailing mood of the bureaucracy. From institutions of higher
learning, professors were expelled, frequently on evidence
that would not convict a notorious cut-purse in normal times,
Columbia University leading off in this kind of "purification."
Clergymen were unfrocked and sent to prison for overempha-
sizing the Sermon on the Mount. Members of clubs were
ostracized for failure to conform.

And yet when all these immense inquisitorial activities sifted
down to the very bottom, only two conclusions of significance
emerged. The first is that not a single first-class German spy
or revolutionary workingman was caught and convicted of an
overt act designed to give direct aid or comfort to the enemy.
The second is that, as in England during the period of the
French Revolution, the occasion of the war which called for
patriotic duties was seized by emotional conservatives as an
opportunity to blacken the character of persons whose opinions
they feared and hated.

Undoubtedly the great body of citizens would have given
the Wilson war administration unstinted support without the
whip of coercion. It is true that the proletarian revolution
in Russia in November, 1917, caused a flurry in radical circles
and alarmed old ladies and gentlemen at their tea and cakes
but it made no perceptible drag on the mobilization of national
forces for the war. Hitherto pacifist in profession, the So-
cialists split asunder. Speaking in the name of the American
Federation of Labor, Samuel Gompers declared that "this is
labor's war," pleading the undivided support of all the bodies
under his jurisdiction. While the Department of Labor, headed
by a trade unionist, spared no efforts in stimulating the loyalty
of workers in mills, mines and factories, their demands for
higher wages to meet the mounting costs of living were
granted with an alacrity that surprised the veterans of stubborn
battles, who could recall the scenes at Homestead and Pullman.
As labor became more revolutionary in Europe, during the
course of the war, the importance of conciliating it tempo-
rarily in America loomed especially large in the minds of
government officials and industrial captains.

In this war of arms, industry, and politics, the women of
the nation, like the men, were completely absorbed. In Napo-
leon's time, the bayonet had been thrust into the hands of the
common man together with the ballot, making war democratic
and national. In the age of industry and woman suffrage, the
age of belligerent economic titans, all services short of fighting
in the trenches fell to the lot of women and were radiantly
accepted by them. In the Civil War they had served as nurses,

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organized hospital relief, furnished supplies for the wounded,
Hooced to the factories that made war materials, labored on
the farms, and participated in charity drives.

In the World War, they did all these things and more. Now
organized in clubs and associations of a thousand varieties
they were easily drawn individually and collectively into the
mam war currents. They established all-women hospital units-
they acted as doctors, nurses, ambulance drivers, camouflage
artists, propagandists, entertainers, hostesses at canteens and
danc: halls, spies at home and abroad, members of government
defense and war committees of all kinds, and informers under
the Sedition Acts. In short they served in every capacity save
that of the soldier at the battle-front, foreshadowing, perhaps
the day when equal opportunity will have no limitations or
exceptions even there.

VV7HILE capital, materials, opinion, labor and women
VV were mobilizing for the gigantic struggle, the army and
navy were being organized to carry the weight of the United
States to the battle lines of Europe. At the outbreak of the
war, the general public was no doubt confused with respect
to providing man power for the front. Although Old World
experience pointed to universal service as the inexorable solu-
tion of the problem, American tradition ran against military
compulsion as an aid to patriotism. President Wilson imme-
diately crystallized vague and fluid ideas by declaring in favor
of conscription. Under his direction Congress, by an act of
May 18, 1917, provided that the military and naval forces for
the war should be recruited by lot from among the adult
males of the land, excluding alien enemies, between the ages
of twenty-one and thirty-one inclusive limits which were ex-
tended the next year to eighteen and forty-five. This decree,
calling the entire manhood of the country to the colors, was
accepted by the people of every section and smoothly ad-
ministered with a precision that surprised all prophets of

Effective cooperation with the Associated Powers the great
goal for which national energies were being mobilized was
facilitated by expert assistance. As soon as the proprieties
admitted, Allied commissions appeared in Washington with
the Honorable Arthur James Balfour and General Joffre as
the most impressive leaders. The former with the quiet dignity
of an English gentleman captivated those members of the
public who had the privilege of meeting him personally; when
he turned aside from diplomacy to confess his faith in a
personal God, the efficacy of prayer, and the immortality of
the soul, he linked himself with hooks of steel to the great
heart of America. He was cheered to the echo when he de-
clared at the Chamber of Commerce in New York City that

Online LibrarySurvey AssociatesThe Survey (Volume 58) → online text (page 11 of 130)