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would somehow help to change the social order fundamen-
tally. The contemporary student has less faith in his own
power to change that order. His interest is analytical and
diagnostic rather than revolutionary or reformatory. He

does not share with his elders their dreams of Utopia.
He just doesn't believe in it, any more than he believes
in Santa Claus. He does believe that a more intel-
ligent and therefore a more effectual handling of the
ills of the present social order will lead to the
prevention of some of them. That is about as far a
he goes.

There are many reasons for the change. We are probably
safe in thinking it is due partly to the war, partly to an in-
creased prosperity and largely to an ever deepening respect
for the scientific. This is mirrored in typical statements of
professional teachers of social work: "students come knowing
what they want;" "younger, with more mental equipment
but less devotion and loyalty on the whole much better ;"
"much better type of students who have sporting rather
than sentimental or uplift attitudes." There is a healthy
conviction that self-sacrifice for its own sake is "bunk,"
"blah," or "applesauce."

Our 1927 undergraduate still has a desire to "serve,"
even if he doesn't like the term, but social work is not the
only calling in which this ego satisfaction can be found.
The other professions and even business organizations have
stolen the thunder of the social worker. Medicine, law,
teaching and the public utilities speak in terms of public
welfare and speak scientifically withal.

Social workers and that part of the friendly public that
has through some personal contact become informed about
modern social work, know that social work is not without
its scientific principles. They recognize that the science of
human behaviour and relationships is in the making and
that the field of the social worker is the laboratory of that
science. The natural place to look for guidance in principle
and for theories of experimentation is in the classroom of
the sociologist. The works of the authorities in this field 1
should be the reference library of the practitioner as is the
medical library the guide of the physician, while experi-
ments in the field should be the basis for new undertakings.
Unfortunately, this rarely happens.

T~)ECENTLY a study has been begun to determine how
J[\_ familiar are the professors in the social sciences with
the work carried on by national social agencies. Sixty-six
questionnaires have been returned from thirty-two colleges.
The professors were asked to signify whether they were
slightly informed about, well informed about, or com-
pletely ignorant of twenty-four national agencies. They
were asked to state whether or not they would like further
information about any of the organizations. The follow-
ing table throws more light on our problem:

















American Red Cross




American Social Hygiene Assn.




National Child Labor Committee




Boy Scouts of America




National Committee for Mental Hygiene




National Board of Y.W.C.A.




Camp Fire Girls




National Consumers' League




American Assn. for Labor Legislation




National Tuberculosis Assn.




National Probation Assn.




Playground and Recreation Assn. of





Girl Scouts




National Council of Y.M.C.A.




National Assn. of Travelers Aid Societies




American Country Life Assn.




American Assn. for Organization Family

Social Work




American Child Health Assn.




National Organization of Public Health





Child Welfare League of America




National Assn. of Legal Aid Organiza-





National Health Council




Boys' Club Federation




National Committee for the Prevention

of Blindness




Obviously a goodly number of teachers of social science
do not agree that a knowledge of what goes on beyond the
campus is necessary to an understanding of theoretical
principles. When an instructor of rural sociology compla-
cently admits complete ignorance of such an organization
as the American Country Life Association some necessary
link is missing somewhere.

The social worker is disdainful of a professor of this type.
He feels that the teacher should keep himself well informed
in the field, even if it costs him (as it does one sociologist
of my acquaintance) a hundred dollars a year for the neces-
sary memberships and publications. Only through the in-
telligent interest of the teacher will a student become aware
of current social problems and of his own relation to them.
No student is likely to become interested who has been
working under a professor who describes social work as
"uplift," dismissing it with the criticism that "dealing with
inferiors creates inferiority."

Here again business leads. Many large business organiza-
tions are spending much thought and large sums of money
in educating college professors in the needs and opportunities
in their particular fields. To be specific, the American
Telephone and Telegraph Company recognizes that college
professors are in a strategic position. During the last three
years they have held one institute in Chicago and two in
New York to which they have invited college professors
whose subjects have an intimate relation to the work of the
company. The conferences last two or three days. All ex-
penses are paid. The men who attend are given an under-
standing of the philosophy of the organization, the op-
portunity which it offers college men in terms of public
service and financial returns. They go back to their class-
rooms with practical illustrations of their sociological and

economic principles and actually, if indirectly, they become
recruiting officers.

Nor does business neglect what is probably the most out-
standing development in the colleges in recent years, the
placement and personnel bureaus. They are in all stages
of development from the office with one secretary who tries
to find summer jobs and teaching positions, to the office with
an elaborate staff that studies the special aptitudes of the
student from the day of matriculation and advises as to
courses of study with a view to a future career. I quote
from an annual report of the Bureau of Personnel Research
of Dartmouth College:

When the old college graduated men almost entirely for the
professions, the old college accepted the responsibility of ac-
quainting a man with these professions during his senior year
and in being as helpful to the individual as possible. In the
new college, with over sixty per cent going into business, the
college has the same responsibility for providing graduates with
a similar amount of information regarding business. This
it does.

This bureau recently published a thesis on The Depart-
ment Store as a Vocation for College Trained Men. The
report says further, "The professions have already compiled
such information in booklets." The professions are listed
elsewhere in the same report as law, medicine, religion,
and teaching.

This lack of information about social work is not due
to indifference on the part of the personnel advisers. They
say that many students who come to them are tempera-
mentally much better fitted for social work than for other
types of professional life, but they do not know what kind
of advice to give. Business does not wait for them to in-
form themselves as best they can. Why should social work?

THIS brings us to the whole subject of recruiting. Who
should recruit, where, and for what? It is obviously
impossible for each social agency to go on recruiting for its
own organization from the colleges. The colleges are be-
coming more and more inhospitable to outside agencies
making direct appeals to groups of students. Even in
colleges where this condition has not as yet been reached
and a social agency is still welcome to try to skim the cream,
what will happen to graduates who start in without train-
ing? The average girl who is offered a fifteen- or sixteen-
hundred-dollar job immediately upon graduation will not
enroll in a graduate school. The schools are finding, how-
ever, that after three or four years of work, probably much
of which has been by way of trial and error, the apprentice
sees that to do effective work she will need more training.
She leaves the agency that has struggled with her during
her green years, returns to school, and in many cases after
getting only superficial professional training, returns to work
with another organization.

There is a general though not complete agreement that
students should be recruited for social work training.
Professional schools have sprung up like mushrooms. There
are now thirty-nine of them, thirty-two of which have come
into existence since the war. They vary widely. Their
entrance requirements range from a highschool diploma to
a college degree. Thirteen of them offer undergraduate
and twelve graduate degrees. (They are working on stand-
ardization of requirements for entrance, courses of study
and degrees received.) Some (Continued on page 522)


WHEN they struck out for independence,
for liberty, justice and the rights of com-
mon men as against the arbitrary acts of
courts and governors, our forefathers took
pains to pay a decent respect to the opinion
of mr.nkind. Governor Alvan Fuller of Massachusetts took
one step in line with their example in his public explana-
tion of his reasons for refusing to intervene in the execution
of Sacco and Vanzetti. He took a second step in giving
out the report of his committee of advisers. But neither
his investigation nor theirs, his statement nor theirs resolved
the crucial issues in the case. This is not saying that they
failed of endorsement on many hands, especially among the
groups socially and economically dominant in his own state.
It is to be noted that their findings have been most loudly
acclaimed by such as denounce the two Italians as anarchists.
The men admitted this from the beginning. Governor
Fuller roundly condemned the South Braintree murder. Its
cold-bloodedness they have never denied. But that they
were guilty of this murder they denied, and that their trial
fell short of even-handed justice won them the espousal of
so conservative a lawyer as William G. Thompson, of so
keen and disinterested a reviewer of the case as Professor
Felix M. Frankfurter. The statements of Governor Fuller
and his associates failed to dispel the grave doubts, wide-
spread throughout the world, as to the guilt of the men
and as to the fairness of their trial. Rather they strength-
ened the suspicion that the United States in our day is no
exception in the history of intolerance when it comes to
executing men for their ideas. In the face of this recoil,
here and abroad, in which men and women of all shades
of opinion have joined [the liberals as a minor note in the
solidly banked chords of radical and working-class protest].
Governor Fuller has taken a third step as this issue of the
Survey Graphic goes to press: granting a twelve day stay
while final appeals are argued before the Supreme Court
of Massachusetts.

Whether the state procedure, which has hitherto vested
in the trial judge all discretion as to evidence as distinct
from the law in case, will prove too brittle to make this
more than an empty gesture, will be known before these
pages are read. Nothing short of a new trial, before a
judge whose prejudices are not engaged so outrageously,
before a jury not bedevilled with post-war hysteria, weigh-
ing the new evidence pro and con, will clear the record.
Otherwise the heritage of all Americans who cherish New
England for the ideals of justice it has courageously handed

down to us, will be tarnished by the blood of men who
dead or alive may yet be proved innocent, and who have
not been convicted in the court of mankind, nor in the
minds and hearts of manv an American.

A GREAT human issue like this inexorably fingers out
any flaw, any weak spot, and old and bloody knot
in the fabric of our institutions. Such is the case of the
Massachusetts law which left it to one man, Judge Thayer,
with all the limitations of human nature, with all the warp-
ing which tradition, training, emotions gave to him, to hold
the lives of two men in the hollow of his prejudice for eight
successive times, and to pass on whether their case should
come before another court. Again, such has been the posi-
tion confronting Governor Fuller. His courage in standing
his ground in the face of world-wide agitation has met
with outspoken praise. This is not discounted in pointing
out that had his decision been otherwise it would have gone
counter to the mind-set of the groups with which his asso-
ciations and political fortunes are bound up. That also
would have taken courage, perhaps of a finer order. He
would have been denounced by some of his present acclaimers
as a weakling and a renegade. His integrity, rather than
his courage, kinged on his acting according to his lights.
The needless, the oppressive burden upon him was that in
his case also the lives of two men depended upon the judg-
ment of one other man: and he that man. Once Sacco
and Vanzetti are dead no reparation can ever be made if
Governor Fuller's judgment was wrong.

BUT let us assume that the governor's decision was just as
well as honest. Nonetheless there are a great many dis-
interested and intelligent people who firmly believe that
Sacco and Vanzetti did not have a fair trial, or even further,
that they were not guilty. The effect of a decision of this
sort, which closes the case forever so far as the lives of the




men are concerned, is to spread the feeling that there is no
justice in the courts. Executed, with this lingering uncer-
tainty, Sacco and Vanzetti will be a symbol of class martyr-
'dom in class agitation for decades to come. In a case in
which public opinion is bent on vengeance say, like the
Frank case we see the worth of the legal machinery in
safeguarding human life against the violence of the mob.
But the legal decision in Massachusetts is more drastic
than the general feeling; and the final judgment of one man
means that the state must execute prisoners whose guilt is
the subject of honest and reasoned doubt. Instead of strength-
ening respect for law and order, this outcome arouses skeptic-
ism as to the course of justice. And under the white light
of a great crisis like this we see capital punishment for what
it is not an asset in our scheme of law and order but a
crude and brutal survival among us from the days when
men held to torture, to boiling in oil, to quartering and
thumbscrews as the rightful means to suppress both crime
and heresy.

ANEW phase of organized labor's long wage struggle
is defined by William Green, president of the Ameri-
can Federation of Labor in the current issue of The
American Federationist. The early fight for higher rnqney
wages soon became a demand for higher real wages that
is, an increase of income measured in terms of purchasing
power. Now labor finds that "higher real wages from a
social point of view do not improve the situation of the
worker if productivity increases more than real wages.
For higher productivity without corresponding increase of
real wages means that the additional product has to be
bought by others than the wage-earner. This means that
the social position of the wage-earner in relation to other
consumers becomes worse, because his standard of living
will not advance proportionately with those of other
groups." The American Federation of .Labor therefore sets
its face toward a higher "social wage," that is, "wages
which increase as measured by prices and productivity."

The day of this policy announcement by President Green
marks the beginning of the sixth month of a bitter wage
struggle on the part of 2OO,OOO bituminous miners which
is frankly a fight for money wages, for "no backward step"
from the wage scale of the Jacksonville agreement,
terminated April i. (See The Survey, March 15, p. 773.)

Operators in the central competitive field insist that
"they cannot pay the Jacksonville scale and live." Ohio
miners recently refused a "$5.00 wage scale," declaring
that under the proposed scale 75 per cent of the men woulil
earn $4.00 a day or less, and pointing out that "the
operators know Ohio mine workers have been employed
only an average of about 150 days a year for years past."
The operators then announced that they would open their
mines with non-union labor, but the United Mine Workers
Journal observes that on the date set "the operators of Ohio
failed to open a single mine." Coal Age reports that in
Western Pennsylvania "between io,OOO and 1 2,000 men
are working at former union mines," and that "no steps

have been taken to resume negotiations in Illinois since the
break late in June." In a few places, as the Fullerton
Coal Co. mine at Belleville, 111., work is going on under
a temporary extension of the Jacksonville agreement.

The confusion, bitterness and human suffering that this
long and futile struggle represents afford striking evidence
of the validity of the president of the A. F. of L. position.
No wage scale based on these factors means, as Mr. Green
points out, lifting the labor movement "to an absolutely
new level. Higher social wages mean betterment of the
economic and social position of the worker. The modern
wage policy guarantees an active but stable development of
industrial society." This is not an achievement that can be
"battled" for. It depends on mutual study, analysis, defini-
tion and evaluation by both parties to the agreement, the
substitution of Mr. Green's principle of "labor-management
cooperation" for the "fighting bulldog" tradition.

THE Mississippi flood, which swept away farmhouses,
stock and the season's crops, has destroyed as well the
educational program of many of the devastated communities.
Fifty vocational agricultural schools in Arkansas, Louisiana
and Mississippi have been forced to suspend because of the
loss of buildings and equipment. These are consolidated
rural schools and, in the case of the Negro schools, in almost
every instance they are also the county training or high
schools. Dr. H. O. Sargent of the Federal Board for Voca-
tional Education, recently declared that in those communi-
ties where the flood has made planting impossible there
will be no tux money with which to repair damage and to
support schools.

Despite this recent set-back, gains of the past few years
in rural education in the South are striking. One illus-
tration of them appeared recently in the annual report of
the Julius Rosenwald Fund. The Fund cooperates with
public school authorities and citizens "in efforts to provide
and equip better rural schoolhouses for the Negroes of the
Southern States." For the year ending June 30, 1927, it
gave aid toward the building of 545 building projects:
450 new schools, 20 teachers' homes and 66 additions to
Rosenwald schools previously built. This program repre-
sents an expenditure of $2,812,718, of which the Negroes
contributed 16 per cent, the whites a little more than 3 per
cent, school authorities 66 per cent and the Julius Rosen-
wald Fund 14.6 per cent. A third of these new schools
were located in states which suffered from the flood : Ar-
kansas, 56; Louisiana, 36; Mississippi, 54.

On the basis of his experience as relief director in the
delta region, Herbert Hoover stated, "The South is poor
but is making amazing progress. The first great need is
for Negro education." (See The Survey, July i, p. 360.)
Southern leaders are asking gravely how this need is to be
met in a region which, always poor, has been further im-
poverished by the most destructive flood in the country's
history. Only a further extension of the spirit of helpful
cooperation, such as the Rosenwald Fund exemplifies, can
alleviate a situation which was difficult enough before the
disaster, by supplementing from more prosperous communi-
ties the gallant desire of the South to help herself.

Letters & Life

In which books, plays and people are discussed


Whither World?

THE years of confusion are passing. Since 1914
events have been too vast and too incessant for
us to realize whence we came and whither we
are bound. We were like sailors blindly busy
from crisis to crisis of a storm with the instant
safety of the ship and too driven by desperate urgency for
survival to plot a course. Then came the spiritual fog in
which we merely drifted. We could repeat in a daze:

How far I wandered here I cannot say,
Nor when nor whence by what labyrinthine way
All that I knew was I was doomed to stay,
Drugged with waked sleep, too deep to sigh or pray.

Now, thank God, we can shoot the stars again, write up
the log, and lay a course for tomorrow. The ne\v charr-
books are being issued, and of them, I urge you to read
three two to get the mad tale of the last dozen years
straight and one for a glimpse of tomorrow.

Winston Churchill in the four volumes of his The
World Crisis (1914-1918) of which 1916-1918 are covered
in two recent volumes, gives the best bird's-eye history of
the World War. Frank Simonds in How Europe Made
Peace Without America carries the tale from Versailles to
Thoiry on the same sweeping lines. And Count Hermann
Keyserling faces our present spirit and future hopes in The
World in The Making. These books should be issued as
a set (perhaps including Mark Sullivan's Our Times) to
get us straight on the facts and clear our heads of confusion.
They dovetail to give the whole picture; Churchill's in-
spired synthesis of the war years explains Simonds' orderly
and judgmatical story of the peace while the despair both
may engender is relieved by the stern yet challenging specula-
tions of Keyserling.

Here are real textbooks but for adult education! They
take large and long views, almost defining the meaning of
historical perspective. They are frameworks, but magnificent
and comprehensible ones, with their facts and ideas ham-
mered by good minds into residual clearness and simplicity.
Churchill is brilliant, colorful and at times stately in style.
Simonds gives us a marvel of order and right emphasis.
Keyserling, the philosopher, depends on no professional
jargon, but packs the essence of his thought into aphorisms

that leave the mind busy for a day. Listen to Churchill on
the German effort:

Yet in the sphere of force, human records contain no mani-
festation like the eruption of the German volcano. For four
years Germany fought and defied the five continents of the
world by land and sea and air. The German armies upheld
her tottering confederates, intervened in every theater with
success, stood everywhere on conquered territory, and inflicted
on their enemies more than twice the bloodshed they suffered
themselves. To break their strength and science it was necessary
to bring all the greatest nations of mankind into the field
against them.

That is the tale in a paragraph, with the aloofness of true

Note how Simonds sums up an event and a man with
devastating calmness in this bit on Poincare's Ruhr ad-
venture :

Even when, with patent reluctance, he st out to occupy the
Ruhr, he never dreamed of German resistance. He imagined
that he was sending a sheriff to execute a writ. When the
whole German people rose passionately and violently, when
passive resistance came promptly, he was utterly amazed. The
military occupation which had to follow was totally improvised
and therefore was carried out with the clumsiness of a national
guard manoeuvre. In all that happened subsequently, he was
the victim of his own utter and complete misconception.

BOTH Churchill and Simonds should be read with cur-
rent newspapers of the time before you. Then you will
realize their remarkable gift of clarification and understand
what has before been seen through a glass darkly. Keyser-
ling would need to be quoted in bulk for his argument is

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