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City . . .

Analytic Index to This Number

May 1, 1927

Child Welfare:

Should fathers supplant mothers? p. 147
Early efforts of philanthropy, p. 151

Family Welfare:

Development of charity work, p. 151

What Germany does for family health, p. 155

Promotion of Health :

Starting Nurses' Aid in 1890, p. 152
German Cooperative Clinics, p. 155

Immigration and Race Relations :
Foreigners in China, p. 135

Industrial Conditions:

Technique stressed in clothing factory, p. 148

Industrial Relations:

As Labor Moves in China, p. 144

The Nash "Golden Rule" factory, p. 148

Labor and Ramsay MacDonald, p. 157

Social Invention in Industry:

The Amalgamated in Nash's clothing industry, p. 148

Peace and International Relations:

American Stake in China, p. 135

Russia in China, p. 135

Situation in China, p. 16o

Geneva Economic Conference, p. 16o

Inter-ally indebtedness, p. 161

Germany's relations with Europe, p. 161

Italy, Albania and Jugoslavia, p. 161

Rear-Admiral Bristol in Turkey, p. 162

Russia's enemies, p. 162

Disarmament Group at Geneva, p. 162

Mexican-American forgeries, p. 162

Motives and Ideals :

Perfection of the human race, p. 147
The ideals of Arthur Nash, p. 148
Newer philanthropy, p. 151 ff

Education Outside the School:

What the Russians have taught the Chinese, p. 139
Mass education by means of posters, p. 142 f


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Graphic Number

Vol. LVIII, No. 3

May 1, 1927


COVER DESIGN: The Chinese Giant Bound
FRONTISPIECE: Poster, Mongolian war-lord . 134

J. Stewart and Stella F. Burgess 135

Anna Louise Strong 139

WELL, WHY NOT? . . . Jean Harris .4 mold 147

EYES Robert If. Bruere 148


Olive A. Cotton 151

Michael M. Davis 155

S K. Ratcliffe 157

HORIZON LINES . Edited by James G. McDonald 160

Nothing Martha Bensley Bruere 163

LETTERS & LIFE . . Edited by Leon If/tipple 164

The Gist of It

WHAT lies back of the cables from
Shanghai you read this morning? Devel-
opments such as these were forecast in
the special number of Survey Graphic
brought out a year ago this month (East
by West; our annual racial number for
1926). Professor Robert E. Park and
his collaborators assayed the human problems that rim the
Pacific. The three articles which lead off this issue carry
the process forward in the light of swift events, breaking
the stereotypes of the day's news.

WE hear much of protecting the property of our
nationals in China. But what after all is the biggest
stake there? Measured in terms of dollars, the churches,
schools and hospitals exceed our total business investment.
Missionaries form the largest group of Americans in
China. And in their approach to the issues confronting
our State Department, educators and mission groups have
increasingly broken with the old policy of special privilege,
eager to meet the new China half way. Professor and
Mrs. Burgess envision for the future an independent
Chinese Christian church, independent schools and colleges
developing within an autonomous Chinese nation, calling
for a new type of work and a new type of worker from
the United States. Back of their prophecy lie seventeen
years experience, for it was in 1909 that Professor Burgess
began his work at Princeton-in-Peking, later affiliating also
with Yenching University as head of its department of
sociology. Mrs. Burgess grew up in Japan and was in
Y.W.C.A. work there before her marriage. Masters of the
Chinese tongue and keen students of the people, they are
outstanding social workers of the Orient. Page 135.

'"THERE are reports of Bolshevik intrigue in China
I Red plots and clashes between Communists and
moderates. How much flame there is under the smoke
cannot be gauged at this distance. But what actually
of the technique of the Russian Revolution have the
Canton Nationalists taken over and welded into the
American formula fashioned by Sun Yat Sen? How have
they unravelled the armies of the northern war lords? How
have they fomented general strikes back of the enemy
lines? Clues are given by Miss Strong who capped five
years spent in Russia with her visit to China last year.
And behind that, she had organized Know Your City

institutes and Child Welfare Exhibits in many American
cities, and had been a member of the School Board of
Seattle, and an editor of the Seattle Union Record (labor).
She took part in post-war relief work in Poland under the
American Friends' Service, and from there under the
Friends' Mission (English and American) she took the
first car of foreign food into the famine area of Russia.
Since then she has been correspondent of the North Ameri-
can Newspaper Alliance in eastern Europe.. Page 139.

AND there's the stereotype of the Chinese as an ancient
civilization. True, the industrial revolution has
reached the mainland fifty years later than Japan, a
hundred years later than America, two hundred years
later than England. But today the manufacturing cities
of the Yangtze make up the Ruhr of modern China.
Tientsin, the port of Peking, is also a great factory center.
The Chinese are going through the excruciating process
of industrialization, and the first survey of it in terms
of labor conditions and movements was that of Miss
Kelsey, who from 1920 to 1923 was a feature writer for
the North China News and confidential secretary to the
managing director of the China General Electric. Today
she is on the staff of The World Tomorrow. Page 144.

TZ. KOO, who has just arrived in the United States
as American representative of some fifty Chinese
guilds and commercial organizations, in an article in the
New York Times, points out that American statesmen
(like Hay and Roosevelt), business men, educators and
missionaries have built up a fund of good will in China
which is worth infinitely more even in terms of trade
'than all the territory and special privileges extorted from
us by the powers in eighty years." Grover Clark, editoi
of the Peking Leader, now in this country, points out
that this may be jeopardized by the failure of the principal
Western Powers to take concrete action looking toward
cooperation with the moderates, while Thomas F. Millard,
staff correspondent of the World, cables that the Chinese
view of western policy is colored by the action of the
Municipal Council of the Shanghai Internatienal Settle-
ment, "which embodies the standpat foreign attitude about
pending issues," and whose chairman, an American, an-
nounced at the annual tax-payers meeting in mid-May
that its powers were independent of the diplomatic corps.
Mr. Clark, writing in The New Republic, urges that the
American government clear up any misapprehension as to
the purpose of American forces in China, and address the
Chinese people formally and directly through the Chinese
minister at Washington, requesting them to appoint
representatives to negotiate new treaties of mutual equity
and reciprocity based on the "full recognition that the
Chinese nation possesses the same basic national rights as
the nations of the West." We have disclaimed a desire to
retain old privileges impinging on this principle, but we
have done nothing to turn our generalities, addressed to
the world, into direct, friendly and specific action. Here is
a point where Americans who favor a break with the old
gunboat policy can make their pressure felt at Washington.

TEAN HARRIS ARNOLD (Mrs. j. H. Arnold) of

J Cleveland Heights, O., contributes her breezy ratiocina-
tion on the future of the family as a postscript to our
Woman's Place number of last December. Page 147.

ROBERT W. BRUERE, associate editor of THE SURVEY
in charge of the Industry Department, turns this
month to one of the most hotly discussed factories in the
United States the Cincinnati plant where Arthur Nash
makes men's clothes by the Golden Rule with the expert
help of the Amalgamated Clothing Workers. Page 148.

MICHAEL M. DAVIS gauges the cooperative clinics of
Berlin from his experience as secretary of the Com-
mittee on Dispensary Development in New York. Page 155.
SK RATCLIFFE, who gives a side light on the British
. labor premier, now on a visit here, is a lecturer known
to hundreds of American audiences. Page 157.

OLIVE A. COLTON has achieved a whimsical detach-
ment from the innumerable good causes which have
enlisted her efforts in Toledo. Page 151.


A poster picturing a Mongolian war-lord seizing
everything as taxes and beating up the people


MAY 1,

Volume LVIII
No. 3

The American Stake in China


GH1NA, to quote the New York Times, has
leaped upon the front page and walked
through all the doors of the State Depart-
ment. The question naturally arises, could
these distressing events have been foreseen,
and, foreseen in time, prevented?

I America's principal interest in China is the cultural con-
Lct between the two peoples embodied in the missionary
Interprise which symbolizes the altruistic interest of Amer-
lans. Our investment in mission property in China is esti-
tated at $80,000,000 as against $70,000,000 in business
Indertakings. Of the 12,000 or more Americans living in
tthina, about two-thirds are in the missionary body
Ivangelists, doctors, nurses, secretaries of the Y. M. and

m. w. c. A.

J The present situation in China raises many questions as
lo the future of this large undertaking. Property ownership
inust, of course, be adjusted in the light of changing polit-
Ijcal relations. An interesting problem is the attitude that
Chinese Christians, inspired by Nationalist feeling, will
lake toward continued ownership by foreigners of institu-
tions which they have increasingly come to believe are the
I nstruments of a native Christian movement. The method
If transfer of this property into Chinese hands is, of course,
Knly a small part of the future relation of Americans to
the religious and cultural development of China. That a
; -eadjustment of the type of work and in many cases of
j the type of worker sent out from America is one which the
I missionary movement will have to meet, seems clear. Con-
jtributions of great value in the pre-national period may be
ma. hindrance to the Christian movement under an autonomous

Of even greater importance are such questions as these:
Ipf what permanent value will the past work of the mis-
Iskmary group be in the building of the new China? How
| may the results of this work be best conserved for the in-
terest of the Chinese people? What type of contribution
[should America make to aid and not hinder the growth of
I an independent Chinese nation and the welfare of the Chin-
lese people?

LL foreigners in Peking know the Clock Shop with its
conspicuous time piece at the East Four Gateways.
Once inside the brick gateway, flanked by canny beggars,
one's rickshaw catapults into a wide courtyard surrounded
by the sloping roofs of a well-stocked shop of ^ silks and
cloth. Scores of unhurried clerks await the buyer's will.

On a morning of brilliant North China sunshine two
years ago, tea was forthcoming for the American with
whom a friendship had been built up by common work in
the Community Centre of this block of 9,000 people a
friendship strong enough to allow the head clerk to break
through the tense silence of hatred and suspicion which rose
like a high wall upon the shooting of Chinese students in
Shanghai on May 30, 1925, as they were parading in protest
against labor conditions in foreign-owned mills.

The proprietor leaned across the tea-table to make his
words emphatic to his American customer.

"Taitai, your words sound well that we must each de;
with this matter in the spirit of fair-dealing and in the light
of truth. But I tell you the whole situation is foundec
on injustice: They scorn to deal with our people as equals.
They do not recognize that we, as well as they, are a part
of the human race. They will not chiang li" (talk out 1
moral points involved).

His voice and his fists were rising now.
recognize the placid friend of the week before.

"You people from the Out-Lands don't get the sigmr
cance of this movement. You think that you can sew a
patch on this rent that it's a minor tear,
is just beginning!"

Calling to his side a little boy of six, he put his arm
around his first-born with a gesture which is universal.

"We are dinning it into the ears of little fellows xvho
are no larger than this. Whether they are eating or playing
we see to it that they hear of the injustices of the foreign
nations toward us. Wait! Wait until these little fellows
have come to maturity you will see !"

That afternoon this same American was caught
swirling eddy of thousands of students storming the en-
trances of the Legation Quarter. The then only art.culate




group in the country were yelling as they marched, "Down
with unequal treaties! Give us back our territory!" all
the slogans which, in the past two years, have swept like
a prairie fire through the largest nation on earth. With
imprecations and tears of shame they beat against the cordon
of Chinese soldiery about this piece of China controlled by
aliens, reviling them as traitors.

Evening of the same day, and a garden-party in an ancient
Chinese courtyard, lighted by the moon and scores of lan-
terns strung between high elms. In one corner, flanked
by college pillows, sat a burly Anglo-Saxon expressing his
satisfaction that in Shanghai at least, the unruly students
had come up against bullets. "Served them jolly right
ought to be spanked and sent back to their books, the whole
crowd of them ! . . . They can't shake us out." After two
periods of residence in China he was still of that type of
which the cloth merchant had spoken that morning "You
will not see!"

SO far as America's relations are concerned, the term im-
perialism scarcely seems appropriate, yet the total effect
of our political, economic and religious impact has made it
difficult for Chinese to believe that we have no definite
imperialistic policy. Of late years the term imperialism, it
must be remembered, has signified to the Chinese any policy
of enforcing the will of a foreign group on unwilling or
passive Chinese, from the holding of foreign concessions to
compulsory chapel in a Christian college. It signifies a con-
viction of superiority, a lack of appreciation of the capacities,
aspirations, or cultural heritage of their people.

A quiet but powerful influence since the founding of the
public schools in 1905, has come from the readers made
compulsory by the Board of Education, which told every
Chinese boy and girl of the humiliation of their people un-
der the present treaties. The World War, with its revela-
tion of the aims of western diplomacy and of underlying
trade jealousies, the marauding war-lords who had forced
the conclusion that the people must take a hand in public
affairs, or perish, the disintegration of the old social system
under modern industry around the port cities these and
many other influences have tended to break down clan-
mindedness and preoccupation with local affairs, and awake
an ardent desire for a united and self-respecting nation.

Such a united consciousness was made possible by two
factors, each epoch-making in its own way: first, the adop-
tion of the spoken language in a written form as a medium
of expression for emotional ideas and their quick spread ;
second, the active pushing of a mass education movement,
on a scale never attempted by any people at any time. Added
to this there was a great extension of the educational system
earlier established. The figures show that in 1910-11 there
were 57,267 schools with 1,626,529 students, and that this
number had increased by 1922-23 to 158,972 schools with
6,819,486 students.

Outbursts of national feeling and protests against foreign
encroachments revealed for a number of years the growing
tide of nationalism, sweeping up like, the famous bore of
Hangchow. Huge demonstrations in the large cities fol-
lowed the presentation by Japan of the twenty-one demands
in 1915. Annually since that time there has been com-
memorated this "seventh day of the fifth moon" as the na-
tional Day of Shame. In 1919 demonstrations inspired by
students and backed by the merchants indicated China's pro-
test against the signing of the Versailles Treaty, in conse-

quence of which the delegates withheld their signatun
The reader of current Chinese periodicals and the daily pn
noted the increasing vehemence in the demands for nation
autonomy and at the same time patriotic scholars we
emphasi/.ing the importance of the reappraisal and preserv
tion of the best of China's ancient cultural heritage t
readily consigned to the scrap-heap by hot-bloods in the fij
flush of their ardor for reform.

Looking back it is easy to see how Chiang Kai Shek, a
ting out from Canton with 30,000 organized troups as t
champion of the Nationalist program, swept half of Chii
under his control. Unlike the war-lords of the North, tt
general represented a definite political party and prograi
one in which, in its broad outlines, all thinking Chinese pi
their hope. This victorious, onward military movement w
but one manifestation of the underlying national aspiratk
with its two slogans of "Down with the militarists" ar
"Down with foreign aggression!"

Months before the rapid rise of the Cantonese National!
Party, there were not lacking foreign residents with an a
preciation of the new national feeling. Such an apprais
came most directly and easily to those in close touch wii
students of government and mission schools. In the winter i
1925-26 we recall an American educator of national reput
tion. advocating a striking gesture, a bold stroke of diplomac
a clear-cut statement of policy which would convince tl
Chinese people that America wished revision of the unequ
treaties and was prepared to treat China on a basis i
equity and reciprocity. The dangers of delay were clear
portrayed. Recent events have clearly justified his pr

Online LibrarySurvey AssociatesThe Survey (Volume 58) → online text (page 31 of 130)