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One may assume that contacts with the West, the slo
process of education, and other forces would inevitably ha 1
brought about, in the long run, a sense of national solidarit
Hut this process was needlessly accelerated and embitten
by a sense of national humiliation, a feeling that they we
set upon, not only by avowed exploiters, but by those wh
coming in a spirit of would-be helpfulness, should ha
appreciated the national aspirations of the Chinese peopl
Thoughtful patriots have come thoroughly to distrust t!
diplomatic platitudes of foreign nations. Recent histo
would seem to justify their belief that the allied powe
will give up no privilege of importance except as they a

THAT Russia has shown consummate skill in her utiliz
tion of this new state of mind and has had a direct i
fluence on certain aspects of the expression of this nation
consciousness, seems clear ; how great a lasting effect this w
have, is a question that cannot now be determined.
Russians no longer have extra-territorial privileges in Chir
and this has caused the Canton group to look to Russia
a friend willing to treat her as an equal. Russian advise:
especially Borodin, have guided the Cant nese in perfect!]
party organization and in the methods of propaganda. Th
have put their emphasis on organizing the farmers ai
laborers and on raising the economic condition of the mass)
That there is a strong centrist group headed by Chiai
Kai Shek that opposes certain features of the Russian i
fluence is clear.

The social and racial attitudes of residents within t
foreign concessions has been for years an increasing cav
of indignation. Assuming that China of the last centu
could not have remained in complete isolation, the first co

cts of foreign merchants may have necessitated the setting
ide of certain concessions. But the attitudes and practices
nnected with these settlements have become repugnant to
e Chinese people. This is true in spite of the fact that,
om the point of view of sanitation, good roads, and polic-
g these holdings some of them formerly waste-land are
)W the best parts of China. Free from oppressive native
xation, many Chinese merchants and manufacturers have
nassed fortunes in the settlements at Tientsin, Shanghai,
id Hankow. Ex-officials in large numbers have built huge
laces of refuge. An artificial system of special privilege
r foreigners living in these detached, segregated groups de-
loped a supercilious attitude toward the Chinese. The
ly contact of many westerners with orientals is with serv-
ts and compradores. Their information on China comes
rgely from the local foreign press, with its scornful at-
cks on all progress and change. Except on the part of
occasional sinologist in the customs' service, there is little
preciation of China's cultural heritage. There is general
strust of the capacity of Chinese to manage their own
:airs. Surrounded by a corps of servants, with traditions
short office hours carried over from tropic India, there is
erything to feed that sense of innate superiority to which
e white man so readily falls prey. Any prospect of de-
reasing special rights which allow the foreign merchant to
leap large profits from cheap labor and exemption from
iternal taxation, is looked upon as utter folly if not with
le abnormal psychology which comes with fear.

TNQUESTIONABLY the policy of some missions and
^_) the patronizing attitude of some missionaries has con-
ributed toward the ill-feeling toward foreigners. A noted
'rotestant Christian leader of the Chinese points out three
rincipal stages of the Christian movement. Before 1900,
oreign missionaries determined the policies and mission
oards gave the support. After 1900, when so many
Chinese Christians gave up their lives for their faith, the
emaining adherents began to believe that the church was
heirs. They sought for control and demanded the leader-
dip. "Many missionaries," affirmed this Chinese leader,
said, 'We wish you to grow' but held us back. God
as created circumstances," he said, "which will enable us to
led those who have hindered the progress of an indigenous
"hurch. The Christian movement of the future, while
till in need of foreign counsel, will be under Chinese leader-
lip. The independent, indigenous Chinese Church will

It will be recognized at once that the development of
uch a church and the training of Chinese leaders was the
rincipal aim of much of the work of the Protestant mis-
ons. But the new movement has come so quickly that some
lissionaries, often with the best of intentions, have main-
ained a paternalistic attitude toward their flocks, and re-
n'ned control that should in some cases have been turned
ver to Chinese hands.

A glimpse of the history of the Christian missionary enter-
rise shows how easy it was for a proprietory attitude, for-
lerly of some value, to hold over and cause friction. It
lust be remembered that up to the revolution of 1911
here were practically no adherents of the Christian faith
rawn from a literati or government student class. Most
f the missionaries were in the rural districts, and the
Church was largely built on the splendid peasant stock.
Artisans, day-laborers, servants, and small merchants were

also attracted. It was almost inevitable that the mission-
aries, many of them college men and women, should assume
the leadership in a movement composed so generally of the
common people. Proprietory attitudes and paternalistic care
by the foreigner was a natural result of this situation. At
the same time, however, the mission schools were training
boys and girls to be leaders of the next generation. It
should be recalled that Sun Yat Sen was, in his younger
days, a worker employed by Christian missions and that his
manifestos show marked evidences of Christian attitudes.
Such outstanding national leaders as Dr. W. W. Yen and
Dr. C. T. Wang, prime ministers, were sons of Christian
pastors and educated in mission colleges. A long list of
prominent men in educational and political life are
the direct products of Christian families and Christian

After the founding of the Republic, with its accompany-
ing establishment of religious liberty, there was a manifest
interest in the Christian religion on the part of the intel-
lectual and student class, and an influx into the Chinese
Church from groups formerly apathetic. In some places the
result was an approximation to an indigenous Chinese
Church, but in others the old attitudes of foreign domina-
tion and of native subservience continued.

It was very natural that of late one of the outgrowths
of the new nationalism should be a tendency to single out
the element of foreign domination theological, ecclesiastical,
and educational in the Christian movement as a point of
attack. This seemed a vulnerable point as the status of the
missionary and of mission schools was only made possible by
treaty privileges, the existence of which young China con-
sidered a national disgrace.

The anti-Christian movement is not so much against
Christianity as such as against the foreign form in which it
has been presented, and the political and economic policies
of the nations from which the missionaries come. This
later point is vividly portrayed by the Christian general,
Feng Yu Hsiang, as reported recently in the Japan Ad-
vertiser :

"When I accepted Christianity I accepted it because it was
made up of the most beautiful and humanitarian precepts that
were preached by any existing faith. . . . But I do not like
the Christians who come to us. I have received Christianity
from their hands, but I have no admiration for the givers.
I have grown to dislike the missionaries who come to us to
preach the Christian faith. . . . Christianity is the enemy of
militarism, imperialism, tyranny and ruthless industrialism.
But whenever a crisis arises, we find our missionaries lacking
in courage to declare for the truth. They try to teach us
meekness, the meekness of the weak. But Christ's conception
of meekness was the meekness of the free and strong. So I
tell the missionaries, "You have given me a beautiful faith. I
like it. But I don't like you."

IN contrast with this is the suggestion by a Chinese scholar,
a leader of the renascence movement, not himeslf an ad-
herent of Christianity, that a Chinese interpretation of Chris-
tian teaching, made by Chinese scholars, would enrich the
cultural life of his country.

While the essential triumph of the new nationalism seems
inevitable, the task of nation-building is enormous, and the
process only begun. The social structure of old China,
which automatically vested in the head-men of the families
and villages all civic responsibilities and under which the
people took no interest in national affairs, makes the creation
of the sense of responsible citizenship extremely difficult.


In any emergency the basic social groups would act together
as a unit. The guild, as one man, would fight the tax im-
posed by the local official. The village, as a unit, would
contend with the neighboring village over the water-supply.
And the family clan not only stood together but was held
responsible for the individual action of all its individual

This social solidarity and this tendency to act uniformly
and in groups, may be an explanation for the often un-
reasoned mass-action in the present situation. When once
the wind is up, the individual cannot and dare not oppose
the trend. The difficulties in building the new nation may
be indicated by merely mentioning the fact that between 80
and 90 per cent of the population are illiterate, that millions
live on the verge of starvation, that there must be reabsorbed
into civil life the million, some say million and a half, men
now under arms.

T ~~\ETAILED predictions of the outcome are folly:
I J there are no historical parallels from which to reason.
A few charcoal strokes may, however, suggest the possible

It seems inevitable that the Nationalist movement will
eventually succeed both in putting the country under unified
rule and in recovering the rights of a sovereign nation.
America, in the end, must readjust relations with our
oriental neighbor on the basis of mutual reciprocity and
fairness. These readjustments may come grudgingly and
tardily in the form of what a Chinese has termed "post
mortem first aid," or even yet they may be made in such
a way as to assure the Chinese people of our genuine good-

America's investments in Chinese commercial undertak-
ings amount to approximately $70,000,000. In 1924 there
were approximately 600 American firms operating in China.
With the abolition of foreign treaty rights and the present
disruption of trade there will undoubtedly be a temporary
setback. In the long run, however, there will be more op-
portunities for legitimate foreign trade under a government
which has a progressive policy than under the reactionary
war-lords of the past ten years. The efficient financial ad-
ministration of T. V. Soong, Nationalist minister of finance,
and the express declaration of Sun Yat Sen (now having al-
most the weight of scripture) that foreign capital to de-
velop the resources of the country is an imperative neces-
sity, would indicate that there will be greater opportunity
in the future for safe investments by Americans. This
market, however, will not be bulwarked by special
privileges of any "most favored nation clause," but will
be built on a principle recently emphasized at a dinner in
New York of economic experts and business leaders
that trade knows no national boundaries, that the market
is the world.

WHAT probable future has our greatest enterprise, the
$80,000,000 invested in schools, churches, hospitals,
and residences? It may be asserted with some confidence that
the anti-foreign and anti-Christian feeling which at present
embarrasses all types of Christian enterprise in certain sec-
tions will abate, and that there will be an opportunity for
certain kinds of valuable missionary activity. It seems prob-
able that much of the evangelistic work and of the executive
leadership of the Chinese Church will rightly pass into the
hands of Chinese. In recent conversation with one of the

most eminent of these leaders the future contribution e
missionaries and mission societies was outlined somewhat a
follows: In the immediate years ahead one of the mos
pressing needs of the Christian movement will be for en
dowments of the colleges, hospitals, and Y.M.C-A.'s, most o
which have been built on a scale so much above the eco
nomic level of the constituency of the Chinese Church tha
it is at present impossible for them to be carried on with
out foreign financial aid. It was pointed out that, witli th<
development of a democratic government, there would bi
an even greater need for the graduates of Christian col
leges and universities. Adjustments in curricula will ix
needed to train young men and women for the new regime
Registration under the Chinese government will involve tht
abolition of compulsory religious teaching, and a greatei
proportion of Chinese control will be required. The mort
experienced foreign teachers, however, will be needed foi
a number of years, and technical experts whether ir
agricultural, engineering or religious education. A perma-
nent place for foreign teachers is found in those chairs whick
interpret the inner meaning and development of western
civilization. The intermediaries between the West and tht
East will have a place in the new Chinese nation of vital

Are there any changes of outlook which are required ol
the constructive imagination of the American people at
home? After all, white business men in the Orient are but
emissaries of companies at home, and missionaries, whether
in education or belief, are but a cross-section of the churches
which send them, individually touched by enough of the spirit
of internationalism to see no national boundaries to their
enterprise. A colossal awakening to its birthright of a
fourth of the human race puts into the discard our old men-
tal patterns and demands from us a rethinking of racial ques-
tions. With our pride of achievement, our worship of
machine efficiency, our faith in the Nordic myth, we of the
Anglo-Saxon race have come to assume that we have a
paternalistic obligation, if not to manage the affairs of the
oriental peoples, at least to pass judgments on their ability,,
according to our standards, to reorganize and readjust their
national life and to instruct them in the way in which they
should go.

THERE are indications that, while China has much to
learn from western civilization, she does not propose to
swallow our institutions whole. She will select what she con-
siders valuable. It is interesting to note tor example that in
adoption of the general principles of western democracy, Dr.
Sun adds to the conventional three-fold division executive,
legislative, and judicial the old Chinese idea of censorship
and the principle of entrance to public office by examination,
the corner-stone of the political system of ancient China.
In the sphere of religion, there is a demand that China's
ancient classics shall be recognized as the Old Testament
history of her race.

The American people may well add to the new realiza-
tion that China in the future will control her own develop-
ment, the further idea that she has also her own unique
contribution to make to the world's culture. It is difficult
to see how we can come to such an attitude toward the
more distant Oriental as long as within our own borders the
Negro, the southern European, the Jew, and the Oriental
are not on terms of social, economic, or racial equality with
the too per cent American.

Canton Learned from Moscow


N and through all the cables from China are
constant allusions to Soviet influence: to
Reds and anti-reds, here labor unions sup-
pressed with violence, and elsewhere peas-
ant meetings voting "monstrous communist
schemes" of land division. Whether the in-
table split among the Nationalists develops now to the
t and prevents their reaching Peking, putting China back
haps for a decade; or whether it is briefly patched up
reappear in milder form as opposing parties in a civil
/eminent, it is worth while knowing what Moscow has
n teaching to Canton. There is pretty general admis-
n that without the Russian advice and the employment
Russian tactics in their drive north, the Southern forces
uld not have reached the Yangtze. Beyond that, little
alysis has been made. What is the actual content of this
d partnership in which the Cantonese get the territory
d the Bolsheviki get the blame?

Let me begin with the Russian Embassy in Peking. Like
: other legations, it is a large walled compound contain-
many scattered buildings in a plot of grass and trees.
iere is one parade entrance where I went to call on the
ibassador for my visa. There is another at the side,
arer to the scattered dwellings, where I went to meet
rs. Borodin and other Russian friends whom I knew
mi Moscow, and who had invited me to have supper
th them at the Soviet Club.

This club formed the center of the recent raid on the
ibassy compound. I found it a bit of Moscow trans-
inted to Peking, a typical workers club with dining-
11 and assembly room, hung with flaming red banners
aring the mottoes of the moment on cooperation, the
;hts of women, and "workers of the world unite." It
ffered from a Moscow workers' club only in that some
the banners were lettered in Chinese as well as Russian,
id portraits of Sun Yat Sen were honored along with
[arx and Lenin. The members were mixed Chinese and
ussian, the sum total of all the employes of the embassy
om ambassador to Chinese janitor, together with any
ray Russians or Chinese who were in town and wanted
come. Simple food was put on the table all at once
the disorderly Russian fashion of supper, and people came
at almost any hour to eat it, sitting where they chose
id changing seats as often as they wished to join some
:w arrivals. Russians and Chinese were laughing to-
*her, joshing each other, calling each other by nicknames,
ithout the slightest consciousness of race difference. It
as an utter contrast to the usual foreign legation in China
r the usual foreigners club. Even the carefully consid-
:ed attempts I saw made by progressive Americans to form
ttle social groups of Americans and Chinese jointly, for
le purpose of breaking down barriers and "understanding
ich others' point of view," seemed painfully self-conscious
their well-meant endeavors beside this utter uncon-
riousness of any barriers that needed breaking. As for
le ordinary business and social clubs of Anglo-Saxons,

it is well known that Chinese are admitted only as

It is not in Peking, however, but in Canton, that the
real effect of Russian ideas has been most noticeable,
personified in the Russian adviser, Borodin, the only
foreigner to sit in the executive committee of the
ECuomintang Party. He has the reputation of behaving
with great tact and never offering an opinion until asked
for it. In ordinary human intercourse, as I have known
him in both Moscow and Canton, he has a cheerfully
philosophic temperament, secretive regarding his personal
movements from the habit of an old-time Russian revolu-
tionist of 1905, but pleasantly expansive regarding theories
of human destiny, able even to analyze with detached humor
the foundations of his own beliefs. Two years ago, the
English-speaking papers of China began to call him the
"red dictator of Canton." This he smilingly disclaimed,
pointing out that he administered nothing but was only

But advice, based on the experiences and also on the
mistakes of the Russian Revolution, has been tremendously
potent in forming Cantonese tactics. It has helped create
the unity that brought them as far as the Yangtze; it is
today helping to create the split which holds them there.

When Borodin first went to Canton some three years
ago, he found Sun Yat Sen in despair with his Chinese
Revolution and Nationalist Party, which he had organized
on the American model, based on his own contact with
America and intense admiration for her democracy. In
crucial ways, that model had failed to fit the Chinese.

Scattered over a vast territory were some four hundred
million peasants, illiterate, unable to vote because of the
literacy test which the new ballot system of voting imposed.
Above them a small circle of officials kept themselves elected
to chances of graft, remaining totally out of touch with the
peasants and noticing the growing body of Chinese industrial
workers only to suppress their strikes and behead their
leaders. Starving peasants borrowed in April rice to last
them till harvest, repaying it four months later with 150 per
cent interest added. Landless peasants rented land for 50
to 75 per cent of the crop. They starved, went bankrupt,
sold their daughters, then sold their wives and at last
turned bandit.

THE first stage of banditry was still close to the peasant
from which it sprang. Villages which gave hospitality
and food were left unlooted. But as bandits combined,
roving further from home, they became "soldiers" and stole
everything they could lay hands on. Various strong men
arose as generals, who hired some of these bands and put
down others, and looted by the more orderly devices of
printing paper money and forcing it on the merchants, or
compelling peasants to plant opium for which the taxes
were heavy. The whole of China became a prey to these
shifting local autocrats, whose troops were loyal as long as
they were well paid, but deserted to any enemy who would




pay better. They fought as a job, not for any cause; there
was no nationalist cause in China that aroused the masses.
The so-called Nationalists were an undisciplined group of
intellectuals and officials.

Down to Canton in those days drifted the remains of
every defeated "revolutionary" army. Like the rest of
China, Canton became a sea of conflicting generals and
grafting officials. "Yet under all the graft and corruption
and conflict," said Borodin to me in Canton, "lay the ideas
of Sun Yat Sen, powerless, but with the possibilities of
power. A score of conflicting generals liked to offer lip-
loyalty to Dr. Sun; but they broke his heart by never
obeying a word that he said."

It was then that Borodin introduced Russia to Dr. Sun.
He pointed out the methods whereby a seething sea of "red
guards" had been transformed into the disciplined "Red
Army." He added: "You will never have order until you
train a small disciplined force of your own troops, loyal not
to any general but to a nation and a party." This was the
principle that made the Whampoa Military Academy the
"West Point of China."

It was a principle that might have been applied by
Americans ; it had no communism in it. In fact, Sun Yat
Sen first sought Americans for his army instructors but
was unable to get them because his government was not
recognized. He applied to Borodin and received Russians,
who were probably better fitted to the job in hand, which
was not that of building an army under an already stable
government, but of building both an army and a govern-
ment out of a continuous battle-front. The Russians them-
selves had had experience in doing this, at the cost of ter-
rific mistakes and terrible losses. The Cantonese took over
the Russian knowledge, and the Russian tool of discipline
through propaganda; they added their own knowledge of
the actual conditions in China, and created the plan which
brought them last winter to the Yangtze. They improved
on the Russian model, having a chance to plan and consider
in peace before action ; but the model was Russian, modified
by Chinese brains. It was a new model, singularly effective.

THIRST the Whampoa cadets were trained, not merely
as military leaders, but with the political tactics they
would later require to explain to half-loyal new troops what
they were fighting for. Then the province of Kwangtung
in which Canton lay, was consolidated and cleared at least
in part of bandits. Peasant organizations were formed,
demanding such revolutionary things as "no interest rates
higher than 2O per cent a year." Workers' organizations
also were started. The Kuomintang was reorganized on
the "Soviet system," which meant that delegates came to
its highest conferences elected from peasants' and workers'

Online LibrarySurvey AssociatesThe Survey (Volume 58) → online text (page 32 of 130)