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when he was located in Constantinople. The Rector of
the University of Athens, an institution of about twenty
thousand students, said that he felt that one of the
most useful things that could come to Athens would
be the establishment of a small American college, so that
it might stand as an example in education of the American

Courtesy Near East College Association

The American University on the harbor at Beirut "not only satisfied Moslems and Christians, but had a kosher kitchen

for the Jewish students.



Courtesy Near East Relief. New York.

The Golden Rule Teas bring together many religions

ideal. Such a college as he had in mind has been founded.

There is no movement in the whole extent of that part
of the world I am discussing more striking than the edu-
cational enthusiasm. No one has explained just why the
aftermath of the War should have made so many people
seek a university course, but while it does not seem incon-
gruous in the United States, it would not have been ex-
pected in the new states which began their existence in the
greatest poverty and had all the problems of political or-
ganization to absorb them. But all the old universities
have doubled their numbers, and many new ones have been
established. There is no doubt that the known interest of
America in popular education has played an important part
as a stimulus. Lithuania, which before the war had no
schools in its own language, had a first-class university with
more than two thousand students six years after the war.
Latvia, at Riga, had a new university with five thousand

Czechoslovakia not only had the famous old university
at Prague but established two new ones, at Brno and
Bratislava. President Masaryk, although a great statesman,
has remained essentially a teacher. He looks upon crises of
government as occasions for the education of the people
and constantly emphasizes the fact that the organization
of the habits of a society takes place only through a long
process of time. A few days after the armistice he met
with some prominent men in New York who asked him
what they could best do to help Europe. To their surprise
he said, "Establish international scholarships, for the future
will be determined by the attitudes that the youth learn."
He himself is the best follower of his advice. Not only
does Czechoslovakia give scholarships for Americans to
study in Prague, but it took responsibility for the university
education of more than five thousand Russian emigre stu-
dents by providing a full Russian faculty in the university,
with tuition, board, clothes and a regular small amount of
money, for each student. It also provided special elementary
education for many thousands more. President Masaryk
knew historic Russia better than most Russians, and under-
stood the conditions which underlaid the Revolution, but
he also saw the great task that lies in the future. He be-
lieved so thoroughly in the efficacy of education that in
spite of the great expense to the new and poverty-stricken

republic he persuaded the government to under-
take this amazing program of education.

The Balkans have long been the synonym of
unneighborliness, though in recent years the
blame has largely belonged to the Great Powers
which have played them one against the other.
It will of course take a long time for them- to
live down their habit.

In spite of her spectacular queen, Roumania is
the most discouraging of them all. Although
Bulgaria got a raw and undeserved deal at the
Peace Conference she is much the most advanced
and encouraging. Modern influences are more
effective in Bulgaria than in the other Balkan
states. Greece has been saved by the refugees
who, though, at one moment adding twenty-five
per cent to the population, nevertheless brought
with them from Turkey both energy and technic
which were lacking in Greece proper. The Near
East Relief and the loan of $6o,OOO,OOO through
the League of Nations, as administered by Charles
P. Howland of New York, created boom towns where there
had been desolation. Serbia, for whose great suffering so
much help and sympathy were given, was also used as a
propaganda exhibit 'for developing hatred of the Germans.
The result was a distortion of her importance in her own
eyes so that now she has many of the characteristics of a
spoiled child, being both backward and overbearing.

In Palestine the coming of the Jews has introduced a
new element which is a great irritation to the Arabs, who
outnumber them six or seven to one. The new Hebrew
University on Mount Scopus is destined to be an institu-
tion of great importance. One day I was talking to the
Mufti of Jerusalem, who is the head of the Supreme Moslem
Council and holds his office because he is such a good fighter
against the Jews. I finally said, "If you Arabs wish to
compete with the Zionist Jews in Palestine the only way
to do it is on the Jewish level, which is represented by the
Hebrew University." He replied that they knew it, and
had only last year started an institution in Jerusalem which
would become a university, but in the meantime they were
very well served by the American University in Beirut.
When I got to the University in Beirut, I found that it
not only satisfied Moslems and Christians but also had a
kosher kitchen for the Jewish students. Judging from the
extent of its potential influence, I think that at present this
is one of the most important universities in existence.

MUCH more epochal than the War itself were the
Russian and Turkish Revolutions. I think that the
Turkish Revolution is easily comparable to the Russian in
ultimate significance. In both of these countries, in spite
of the diplomatic quarantine, the influence of America has
been incalculable.

I went to visit the class in sociology in the state univer-
sity in Constantinople. The professor did not appear and,
since one of the students knew English, the students gath-
ered around me for the hour. They were anxious to know
about sociology in America. About half the class were
girls, and although all were Moslems they seemed to be
entirely without self-consciousness. Five years ago not a
girl was in the university, now there were bobbed-haired
girls who looked as though they might belong in Ohio.
When something was said about the woman's movement



one of the girls spoke up and said, "Of course we do not
believe there is any difference in the capacity of men and

Turkey has set out to be western and modern but to
remain Mohammedan. The English, French, Germans and
Italians are all disliked. While the extreme chauvinistic
stage through which Turkey is at present going prevents
open enthusiasm for anything that is not one hundred per
cent Turkish, nevertheless American schools and American
ideals are looked upon by intelligent leaders as of the ut-
most importance for their development. According to the
scale of choices of "social distance" made by Professor
Bogardus, the Turks were placed lowest of sixteen groups
of races and nationalities by Americans, and yet when one
meets them personally they would be put very near the top.

THE most significant thing about the Turkish Revolu-
tion is the fact that it has made a rift in the conserva-
tism of the Moslem religion and for the first time will
permit it to stand on its own feet as a religion, uninvolved
with a medieval political system. The outlook seems to be
that its competition with Christianity only on the basis of
virtue will make Christianity hustle to hold its moral su-
premacy. On the race question, which is a portentous prob-
lem, the Mohammedan practice is much superior to the
Christian, though the Christian preaching is sound. What
worried me in my ignorance was whether it could stand
the introduction of science and progress, and ! I asked about
it of every intelligent Moslem with whom I talked. There
was but one answer, "Perfectly." At dinner with some
Moslem scholars in Cairo I asked this question in detail;
then the conversation turned and they asked me in detail
how modern sociology dealt with behaviorism and psycho-
analysis, and we ended the evening talking about Russia
in a sympathetic way. Two of my hosts had written im-
portant theological books, and while they were thoroughly
modernist they have a large following and are very loyal to
Islam. They said that it would not be ten years before Egypt
would go as far as Turkey has gone in ecclesiastical matters.

The modernization of Islam will bring to Christendom
a stimulus which will be most healthy. The location of the
Mohammedan world at the point where all the races
meet gives it a peculiar significance at this time in
history when race-consciousness has become so potent.

There is one other force in Asia Minor which it
is difficult to estimate, and that is Zionism in Palestine.

In this ancient land the transformation which is
taking place is perhaps best symbolized as the sudden
passage from camels to automobiles. The Arab vil-
lages cannot differ much from those of
Prophet Mohammed's
time, but the Jewish
villages might
be real estate

subdivisions in New Jersey. The relations between Jews
and Arabs is another of the insoluble problems with which
the world abounds, but something new and different has
come to the Holy Land. Those anti-Semites who have
favored Zionism with the hope that all the Jews would
go there have no basis for their expectation. Even suppos-
ing there might eventually be room for two or three mil-
lions (there are now less than a hundred and fifty thou-
sand), the natural increase by that time will more than
equal that number. Palestine is a symbol to the Jew, but
his presence is a stimulus to the Arabs, albeit mostly to
hostility. Very few American Jews have gone there to
settle, but American money and sympathy make many
things possible.

Russia is as important as the universal interest in her would
signify, even though deprecations and political hostility ac-
company that interest. The uncensorable communications
both into and out of Russia are of incalculable importance.

THE first Russian school I visited seemed to have a pe-
culiar method of conducting its classes. I was told that
they used the Dalton Plan. I looked dazed, but no one
saw it because they could not have believed that I, who had
been announced as a university professor, had not heard
of this modern American invention. Whether or not the
Dalton Plan is the best pedagogical system and the Rus-
sians have already found many limitations in it it is never-
theless true that when the Soviets undertook to reform their
archaic educational system they looked to America for ideas.
Besides the Dalton Plan, I think that Teachers' College at
Columbia and the School of Education at the University
of Chicago have nowhere more disciples than in the Soviet
Republic. I met in Moscow the director of extension edu-
cation who had just returned from a study of the American
system, having been especially influenced by the University
of Wisconsin.

The Bolsheviks have repudiated much in the old civiliza-
tion but they have no objection to appropriating anything
which they think of value, and they seem to think that
America offers the greatest possibilities, not only in educa-
tion but in business and technical organization.

There is one other development in Russia which I
wish to mention in the most unequivocal manner pos-
sible. If it continues to work, which of course one can-
not be sure about, I think that it may be worth the
whole cost of the War and all the revolutions. It is a
mere incident or even accident of the Communist phil-
osophy. This is the method of dealing with races
and nationalities, or the ubiquitous problem of minor-
ities. There are, to be sure,
(Continued on page 49)


The nev Jerusalem branch of the Y. M. C A on St. Julians Waj
Gate. From model by the architect, Arthur Loom,* Harmon of

i Sigurd Fischer

Three Wars % chari es

I AM old enough to have observed three
wars in which my country took part. In
the Civil War I was but a boy, just old
enough to have impressions register as long
as memory lasts. To be the son of a nat-
uralized citizen of German stock a pro-
nounced Union man in a Southern state (in a colony that
would not tolerate slavery in its midst) gave abundant
opportunity to observe and to feel the sting of impatient
public opinion. History says that we were right ; but for
the immediate purpose we were wrong enough to suffer the
lash of contempt, and, finally, to have to flee our country
for personal safety.

I did not favor the Spanish war, because I predicted that
the firing of a single gun would mean the conquest of for-
eign territory, and would strain our Constitution to the
breaking point. I can now, I think, without question ac-
cept the consequences, and may with entire consistency in-
sist upon our self-imposed responsibility to the Philippines.
History has spoken, and the question is not who may have
been right in opinion then ; but what is right in policy
and conduct now.

In the World War the complications were many. The
composition of our own people forced upon us problems,
subordinate to the main issue, but of gravest importance
to the peace and even to the effectiveness of our own coun-
try. As to them I counseled as best I could ; but through-
out I challenged the charge that any one people must bear
the sole guilt for that war; and from first to last I main-
tained that the earliest self-respecting peace would be the
best peace for all the world. Again, history has spoken.
We now see the victor nations engaged in helping to heal
the wounds of the vanquished not for sentimental reasons,
but moved by the eternal rules of international economy
and self-preservation. We may well ask ourselves whether
real statesmen might not have preserved peace, or at least
have effected an earlier and a wiser peace, by steering their
ships of state to a safe harbor, instead of leaving them to
political time-servers and demagogic acrobats to be gathered
as cracked hulls with tattered sails in a bay of doubt and

Reflection upon the experiences of that period would
have one say that it may be wise and must be patriotic to
try to be right; but it can certainly not be prudent to be
right at the wrong time. In time of war, he who would
prove his patriotism in that way should reckon in advance
with the penalties. Further reflection will show that no
such risk is run in time of peace. We may without diffi-
culty during a whole lifetime keep fairly in step with the
trend of normal development, but find ourselves popularly
wrong in every period of armed conflict. That very cir-
cumstance marks the dividing line between peace and war.
One condition admits of and presupposes discussion, con-
sideration and rational decision. The other is the very
abnegation of a process of reasoning. That is what war
means. If the rule were limited to the prosecution of war,
it would be one thing. It is quite another thing when the
methods of war are invoked to force the decision, as was
done the last time. If the fair and open discussions which

are now had could have been had in the beginning, even
hysterical politicians here and abroad could not have kept
the civilized peoples of the world from coming to an under-
standing. But the ability to so discuss and determine war
issues is the very condition and test of self-governing democ-
racy. Without that capacity democracy is unthinkable. To
consider now with awe what we did then in heat, furnishes
no guaranty against a repetition of the horror. To pro-
claim abject pacifism now in atonement for ruthless de-
nunciation then, provides neither protection for the sufferer
nor forgiveness for the offender. One is as wrong as the
other; and this may be said with full appreciation of the
danger of being right at the wrong time.

No, ours is not a case for either apology or resentment.
This is the time for stout hearts and straight thinking.
It is well enough to worship ideals. But it must be remem-
bered that this is far from being an ideal world. To save
it, our measures will for many a day have to take on prac-
tical form. Neither the spiritual idealist nor the intolerant
persecutor of unwelcome opinion can suffice. The best we
can hope for is to have the accepted methods of reaching
rational conclusions employed in time of war as well as
in peace. That much can and should be asked, if for no
better reason than that the impetuous and ill advised war
fomentors should be saved from the awful responsibility of
drafting our innocent and misguided youth for an early
grave. When we now consider the causes, the methods and
the outcome of the war, the wonder is that some of our
blatant war patriots can rest their heads in peace.

Happily theirs is not the prevailing note in normal times.
It is of them Montague so aptly said, "War hath no fury
like the non-combatant." After a war they are the true
apologists even though they do not know it, or at least
would not own it. Subject as we are to unholy agitation
and disturbance for a war, no people can be more tolerant
and fair even to weakness after the strife is over. And
nowhere could it be more unwise or ungenerous to harbor

Again, I recall my three war experiences. Intense as
the feeling was in the South during the Civil War, I can
say with a sense of deepest appreciation, that we were never
subjected to violence. No soldier in gray, officer or priv-
ate, ever showed us aught but courtesy, kindness and even
protection. That I am glad to put into the scale against
the foolish and sometimes cruel demonstrations of misguided
stay-at-home patriotism. At the close of the Civil War,
with family disrupted and grief and care upon his head,
my father admonished me never to entertain hate for a
brave defeated people; there would be others to take care
of that and there were. That I put into the scale against
the mad vaporings of men and women who were busy sign-
ing pledges never again to buy the products of a hated people.
When after the War the unknown soldier was borne through
our streets to find a resting place at last, I could bow with
the multitude in grateful remembrance of the patriotic re-
sponse of our youth to the country's call, "We can make
but one war at a time." The die had been cast there was
no more time for dispute then and now gratitude and
glory to those who made the great sacrifice.


My Novitiate


' Y father's daugh-
ter could never
from early child-
hood be long un-
aware of the de-
veloping struggle for women's
political rights. A welcome
incident in our London sojourn
in the summer of 1883, when
the family were in England with
Father convalescent, was a call
from Susan B. Anthony. From
the beginning, at Seneca Falls
in 1848, of the movement for
women's suffrage, Father and
Grandaunt Sarah were perma-
nently interested. He was an
early and frequent speaker for
both abolition and suffrage, and
after Representative Sargent of
California went to the Senate,
Father became sponsor for the
Suffrage Amendment in the
House. He deplored every break,
by reason of difference of opinion
among suffragists as to state

or federal procedure, in the long struggle which he would
gladly have seen a continuous campaign for immediate sub-
mission by Congress.

When Miss Anthony succeeded in having a suffrage
convention held in Washington during every Congress, she
relied upon Father as a regular speaker. Out of this usage
grew a friendship which lasted throughout his life. Showing
the sincerity of both, I remember one characteristic incident.
When Father became chairman of the Committee on Ways
and Means, he pledged himself to meet with the sub-
committees, not merely to preside at formal meetings of the
whole. Miss Anthony had advertised him for a certain
evening as a speaker at the Suffrage Convention. Unhappily
there was also a sub-committee meeting that evening of the
Committee on Ways and Means to consider the general
subject of acids. I attended Miss Anthony's convention,
and my anxiety was second only to her own as speaker after
speaker was introduced and Father failed to appear. As
the evening closed Miss Anthony said: "This is a new and
painful illustration of the lack of respect for the vote even
among men who are convinced advocates of suffrage. Even
Judge Kelley considers the tariff on vinegar of greater im-
portance than votes."

I went home with my heart in my shoes. I foresaw
Father's indignation that, after a quarter century's active
allegiance to a cause still sufficiently unpopular, he was
ridiculed by the great leader whom he counted a friend.
At breakfast next morning I watched anxiously as he opened
the paper. I had not courage to open it myself. Great

Women's Part

Increasingly through the years of
Mrs. Kelley 's novitiate came aware-
ness of women's part in the intellect-
ual and political life of a new gene-
ration. But not there alone. Insist-
ently, invading even the universities,
came the consciousness of women's
new share in the industrial life which
was sweeping people into cities and
women into factories, and with them
their children, in our own and every
other industrial nation. It is of these
stirrings that Mrs. Kelley writes in
this instalment of her Notes of Sixty
Years. Earlier chapters were pub-
lished in Survey Graphic for Octo-
ber, 1926, and February, 1927.
Others will follow during the Spring.

was my bewilderment and relief
to hear him laugh and say: "The
good old Major! I'm afraid I
deserved that."

Learning of his very serious
illness, Miss Anthony came to
call in London. I see them
now he was lying on a couch,,
exhausted and wan, and Miss
Anthony, wearing her famous
Paisley shawl, sitting straight as
a young birch tree, suggesting by
her posture his affectionate nick-
name of the Major. In the
presence of what was to prove,
seven years later, after a gallant
struggle, his fatal illness, there
was that day no merriment in
either face. And how far they
were from believing that the
coming of suffrage in the United
States was still thirty-seven
years in the future!

In the decade 1876 to 1886,
I shared in the new university
life open to women here and in

Switzerland. As frequent companion of my father, a Re-
publican member of Congress from Pennsylvania, I was
already conscious of tremendous initiatives in the swift
development of American industry. Amid endless talk of
iron and steel and tariffs, I cherished his charge that it was
for his generation to create the great industry and for ours
to devise methods of just distribution of its products. I
was to offer a slender study of The Law and the Child for
my Cornell bachelor's degree, one among the first theses on
such an economic subject offered in those days by an
American senior; to start three months after graduating,
an evening school for working girls in Philadelphia which
still survives under the name the New Century Guild ; and
to have my childhood impressions of American glass-house
boys and textile mill girls deepened by a visit to the English
Black Country. And following my reverent listening to
the debates of my elders, American protectionists and
English free traders, I was to come in contact in the halls
of a Swiss university with ardent students from a dozen
countries who had been caught by the new wildfire of
Socialism, then spreading over the whole Continent.

Even in the United States (despite the classical pre-
occupation of the colleges) the period was not without its
ferment of ideals and compunctions destined later to issue
in various creative movements. Julia Lathrop was at
Vassar, Jane Addams was reading the Greek Testament
\vith a beloved teacher on Sundays beside her daily work
at Rockford Seminary, which did not become a college
until she was a member of the Board of Trustees. Carrie


Chapman Catt was a student at Iowa State College, and
Anna Howard Shaw, having studied at Albion, Michigan,
was taking graduate courses in medicine and theology at
Boston University.

MY Cornell thesis on The Law and the Child* com-
pared with the scholarly documents so common today,
had been slight enough. For me it was of incalculable im-
portance. The choice of the subject followed naturally upon
Father's years of effort to enlist me permanently in behalf
of less fortunate children. The thesis itself completely
accomplished that purpose. The winter of 1881-82, when

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