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gressive full-time health officers for seven years. In 1924.
the Commonwealth Fund joined hands with the city and
county in a five-year child health demonstration through
which every available community resource has been brought
to bear on the growing child's health needs. Consistent
teaching in the schools has built up in the child himself a
desire for health progress. Regular medical examinations
of babies, preschool and school children have not only
fostered normal development but have brought to light the
physical handicaps that are correctible. An oral hygienist
has devoted herself especially to the schools.

The particular wave of interest which is now at its crest
dates largely from the strategic use made of an annual
dentists' meeting early in the fall. An address by Dr.
Harold DeW. Cross, director of the Forsyth Infirmary of
Boston, together with a clinic on preventive dentistry for
children, aroused great interest among local practitioners,
and this was communicated to many parents and teachers
through a public meeting. School teachers took up the idea

of stressing immediate dental corrections ; those in one
school, attended chiefly by mill-workers' children, raised a
revolving fund so that these families could borrow the cost
of dental work from a common pool and pay it back in
small installments. The board of education offered a spe-
cial holiday to any grade or school which completed its
job of tooth-fixing. Record cards issued to the child when
he was examined were taken to the dentist, filled out when
the work was done, and returned to the teacher, who usual-
ly posted them in the classroom as a spur to the laggards.
The mill district school was first to complete its task and
win its holiday. One of the three colored schools has al-
ready secured 85 per cent of the needed corrections. The
work goes on.

Dental corrections, of course, are never finished, for
teeth don't stay fixed. And the child health workers in
Athens have more difficult problems to deal with when
hearts, eyes, ears, tonsils or nutrition are below par. But
as they push forward against all the physical obstacles that
lie in the way of normal childhood, their success in this
particular type of corrective service may show the way to
equally striking results in others.

IT is possible to get a general view of the status of munici-
pal recreation in New York City from the proceedings of
two conferences, held recently a week apart, by the leaders
in leisure-time activities in the Greater City. The meetings
were held as an answer to requests for a technique whereby
obvious needs for playgrounds, playfields, recreation centers,
public baths, swimming pools could be presented to city of-
ficials in a way that would bring favorable action. The
requests and the conferences indicate that recreation workers
feel that New York City officially is not keeping pace in this
form of municipal enterprise with the demands of a growing
population nor the standards of the experts.

The great difficulty of recreation improvement in New
York City, faced by this as well as every conference for a
score of years, is that of funds. Subways cost hundreds of
millions all that the city has, all that the city can borrow
up to its debt limit, and then some. Recreation asks com-
paratively little, but its demands come either last or a long
way down the list, and its voice, though heard, is seldom
more than gently and verbally answered.

The next step is one of education. Public provision de-
pends on authorities who must depend on votes and cannot
go very far beyond the level of appreciation of those who do
the voting, even when the programs of social workers and
their advice is perfectly understood and fully appreciated.
Publicity, it was agreed, elementary, simple, interesting, con-
tinued and varied, is desirable in order to teach the public
and in order to show authorities what the public is being

The conference members decided that a comprehensive,
thoroughly thought out plan for municipal recreation had
never been prepared, particularly had never been coopera-
tively thought out. Civic and recreation leaders insisted
that the one most urgent need is a plan such as is now pro-
posed for each borough, whereby the sections shown by popu-
lation studies to be in greatest need are given playgrounds at
borough expense. Unity in the efforts of agencies back of a



n to cover the city over a period of years plus perennial
ort instead of sporadic efforts for particular objects or
al neighborhood benefits, it was felt, would eventually
n the day. It was agreed that the basis of that plan as
ently worked out in the Russell Sage Foundation studies
now quite generally accepted and that unity of action is

"HE real "new Negro," they agreed, is the one who un-
derstands that he is primarily a worker, agricultural

industrial, and that on that basis his group must seek

salvation. If the job of organizing in labor unions,
. Negroes who are coming into industry in increas-
g numbers is to be done at all it will have to be done by
e Negro workers themselves. They are ill-advised to look
some miracle-working deliverer either from among the
ell-to-do in their own racial group or from the white
orld ; hence the great significance of such organizations as
e Brotherhood of Dining Car Employees and the Brother-
of Sleeping Car Porters. While Negro workers must
us set about organizing themselves, they must not permit
juffs they may encounter from white unions or other
nsiderations to keep them separate from the main stream
the American labor movement; they must join the
merican Federation of Labor unions wherever possible, and
iere an industry is manned almost wholly by colored
orkers and they effect organization among themselves, they
mst seek admission into the American Federation of Labor.

hile presenting some peculiar difficulties on account of the
icial issue, the problem of organizing Negro workers is not
isentially different from that of organizing any group of
nskilled and semi-skilled workers on a low wage level and
mployed mainly or often in trustified industries. Over
gainst white unions that discriminate against the Negro,
iere are others that receive him, as the American Federation
Labor has repeatedly urged, and this must become the
olicy of the American labor movement generally if the
Jegro is not to be forced into the hands of the unscrupulous
mployer who will use him for a strike-breaking, wage-
epressing agency against all workers.

These, in rough outline, are findings of a conference
n The Negro in Industry and in the Unions, recently held
t Brookwood Labor College, Katonah, N. Y. It is signifi-
ant that Negro leaders from such varied groups as the
National Association for the Advancement of Colored
>eople, the National Urban League, the Dining Car Em-
loyees, the Sleeping Car Porters, the Atlanta School of
locial Work, cooperated in this experiment, and found that
heir divergent experiences had led them to much the same
onclusions as to the real nature of the problem of Negro

abor. . . .

The Brookwood students who, with a few of their frien.
onstituted the audience, are all trade unionists representing
ifteen different international unions and as many states 11
11 sections of the country. "It is safe to say," one of them
emarked, "that we are going back to our trades not on. v
vith a new sense of the importance of the Negro labor
>roblem, but profoundly impressed with the quality

JULY (15 to 29) will again see gathered at Honolulu
a group of citizens of the countries that rim the Pacific
informal, unofficial, meeting on invitation of President
Wilbur and his associates in the Institute of Pacific Rela-
tions. Readers of The Survey will remember the report of
the first of these gatherings (The Survey for September,
1925) by Chester Rowell of California, from whom 1 we
anticipate an appraisal of this year's session. Their signifi-
cance is of the future, but they may be said to have already
passed the experimental stage. As Professor Shotwell has
pointed out, "international contacts have now become so
many and so varied that neither diplomacy nor governments
can deal with them 1 unless the questions themselves have been
studied from all sides." The Honolulu conference belongs
to the distinctly new type of international meeting which
has made headway since the World War. It is already
spoken of as a new bond among the Pacific peoples. In an-
other sense it loosens even more than it binds, dissolving
some of the old and hard concepts with which one people
looked upon another, opening up vistas of democratic feel-
ing and action. For example, under an autocratic govern-
ment like Japan's, with a strong tradition of militarism, the
tendency is to fall in line implicitly with official policy and
to assume that that trait is characteristic of other countries.
It was an eye-opener to the Japanese at the last meeting to
find American speakers not only splitting with our govern-
ment policy on immigration but breaking with each other.
Here, evidently, was a new concept of Americans, a new
exhibit of democracy making up its mind, a new intro-
duction to points of view other than that of our most
raucous newspaper spokesmen. And the realization has
had very tangible results in affording opportunity for
rapprochement between non-governmental groups in both

Similarly this summer, with China in civil
American delegates may come back with altogether new
concepts of the forces for nationalism, for independence, for
unity at work there. Windows are opened both ways.
The American delegation is stronger in outstanding person-
alities than ever before. But it is the British delegation
which in size and make-up is most significant. American
observers are of the opinion that the British have rather
made a mess of it in handling relations in the Yangste region
the past year. Their best men were at Peking,
cials dealing with the tidal southern movement made a poo.
fist of it taking color from the typical colonial-mindednesj
of the business group at Shanghai of which the dispatches
of Moore in the New York Times have been a mouthpiece,
and without that strong offset that missionaries and edi
tors afforded to our own jingos there. The Honolulu meet-
ine will afford the British a new and informal coign c
vantage for fresh contacts with the complex Chinese leader-
ship More than that, with shifts of power from I
ing Street to the capitals of the self-governing dommions,
Honolulu will see Australia and Canada adequately repre-
sented as well as the mother country. Again an opemng .
of the texture of relationships. With Asia no less
Europe a stage of world decision, it is well that the numerous
neetings at Geneva, Stockholm, and elsewhere are balance.
I summer by this Honolulu meeting; and with America
a weaker sister in the governmental gatherings of the W
t Ts a matter for congratulation that we have taken the
initiative in this non-official gathering of the 1


Strikes and the Rights of the Community


THE Trades Disputes and Trades Unions Bill,
although assured of the support of a Govern-
mental majority in the present British House of
Commons, threatens to embitter in an unprece-
dented fashion party strife in Great Britain. Al-
though it may be described as merely an act projected in
defence of the political and economic freedom of the in-
dividual worker, the recent Bedford Cut Stone case in this
country has served to show that the fruits of this philosophy
of political freedom may be strange. The bill may be
represented as intended for the protection of the community
against a hold-up by trade unionists, but it lends itself to
ready representation as an attack upon the workers as a
class by wealthy men alarmed by the growing power and
organization of "the people." Both views are equally

The effect of the bill is to force out of the hand of the
worker the instrument of the strike when this extends
beyond the limit of a trade dispute in a particular trade
and can be construed as designed to coerce the Government
or to intimidate the community, or any substantial portion
of it. And no picketing must take place which in the
opinion of a law court intimidates individual workers. The
bill is a preventive measure taken frankly in view of the
possibility of a repetition of the general strike of last year.
Lord Salisbury said last April,
voicing moderate Conservative sen-
timent, "it is grotesque to think
that this country, let alone the
Government with its pledges and
convictions, is going to take no
legislative steps in order to pre-
vent the recurrence of a general
strike." The fundamental issue,
therefore, involved in the present
dispute is whether a general strike
or extensive sympathetic strike is
to be regarded as an anti-social
threat to the community, which
should be declared illegal, or
whether it should be regarded as
an emergency weapon for workers
who, from the nature of the case,
are at a disadvantage in organiza-
tion compared with employers.

The character of the strike which
occurred last year was obscured by
the endeavor of either side to put
its opponent in the wrong and it-
self in the right. As parliamentary

leader, Mr. MacDonald, in his speech of May 22, 1926,
represented that critical phase of the mining dispute, the
general strike, which the ardent Mr. Wheatley saw as
"a wonderful, unforgettable spectacle" and the impeccable
Sir John Simon as "a nine days' blunder," as a mere ex-
tension by a sympathetic strike of a trade dispute, against
which the charge of unconstitutionality was absurd. It
was perhaps an illegitimate child of the labor movement
arousing mixed feelings in the paternal breast, but it was
no monstrous birth. For the Conservative press, the strike
all its phases was a challenge to the community, to


the state, and
Lord Balfour

to the constitution. The philosophic
even detected in it "an attempted revo-


T is possible that in retrospect neither of these views can
be accepted as satisfactory. The general strike had an
emphatic political aspect, since it was a method of putting
pressure upon the Government to take action in what was,
nevertheless, a primarily industrial matter. Industrial ac-
tion on a large scale, in the present highly articulated condi-
tion of civilization, inevitably affects the life and becomes
a concern of the community. Either there must be constitu-
tional action in both fields soon or, before long, there will
be unconstitutional action in both fields. Let us admit that
the Conservative press misrepre-
sented the temper of the workers
when they called the general strike
"unconstitutional" in any political
or revolutionary sense ; the new bill
is more likely in the opinion of
well-informed observers to result
in making rife such a mood.
Whether technically illegal acts
were committed during the strike
has been the subject of much dis-
pute, yet, despite the Astbury judg-
ment, in the opinion of a recent
writer in the Yale Law Review
this was not the case. But, apart
from the argument for the present
bill as enunciating more clearly the

. law restraining the admitted evils

days. 1 he closure rule was adopted. L . . ., . , . . . ^

. . of intimidation by pickets, the Con-
after the Premier had pointed out

that at the current rate of progress
the bill would occupy Parliament
till September. The center of con-
troversy is the definition of "illegal
strike" within the meaning of the bill.

The Trades Disputes Bill, after-
math of the British general strike
(see The Survey, July I, 1926)
which was introduced into Parlia-
ment in April, has stirred Laborites,
Liberals and Conservatives to the
stormiest debates since the days of
home rule for Ireland. Labor mem-
bers introduced more than four hun-
dred amendments at the second read-
ing. Two weeks later the Labour
Party walked out of the Commons
in protest against the "guillotine"
motion introduced by Premier Bald-
win, limiting debate to twenty-one

servative contention appears to be
sound that a struggle which affects
the nation's industry to a vital ex-
tent is not one which can be waged
as a mere private matter between
miners and their sympathizers on



[:he one side and the employers and their supporters on
lie other, with the government as a mere third party,
sible ally or enemy, in the economic dispute. A gen-
strike is a political issue, threatening the organic
life, and in this sense the constitutional life, of the com-

'T may be urged, that by organizing themselves indus-
trially and taking action sectionally for the improve-
ent of their condition, the miners were merely adopting
[the Manchester philosophy accepted by the employers,
[which rigidly distinguishes the field of politics from that
of business and asks for competition unrestrained by gov-
[ernmental action. The organization of the trade unions
made this competition effective for the worker in his pursuit
[of wages, just as large corporations made it effective for
[the employer in his pursuit of profits. The trade unions
provided some measure of that "equality of position between
the parties, in which," as Mr. Justice Holmes declared in
Coppage vs. Kansas, "liberty of contract begins." The inter-
esting fact which emerges from recent events in England, is
that this claim of one section of the community to free indus-
trial action was denied by another section, which called itself
the community and emphasized the right of the state to
exercise control. But what was sauce for the goose was
sauce for the gander. The sympathy of a not inconsiderable
body of the nation, even if it was not given to the miners,
was alienated from the mine owners, because the owners
were felt to be deficient in a sense of responsibility for the
effect of their actions upon the future of the country, a
deficiency which in the case of the royalty owners amounted
to levity.

It is highly significant that even that organ of respectable
opinion, the London Times, last year demanded, not the
non-interference which characterized the American govern-
mental attitude toward the anthracite strike, but coercive
legislation overruling both parties. It was not the solidarity
of the miners in demanding their "rights" which gave pause
to the normal conservatism of the ordinary citizen but the
strange psychological traits displayed by the owners in
demanding theirs. For many citizens, quite innocent of ex-
propriatory sentiments of revolutionary enthusiasm men
who had no relish for a general strike the sacred right of
the owners to conduct legitimate business in their own
fashion seemed unconvincing in a country of restricted size
and in an age of large industries, since the management of
these industries affected the lives of no inconsiderable por-
tion of the citizen body and the convenience and prosperity
of the rest. An eminent judge decided in substance against
this right, and in favor of national regulation. A distin-
guished and expert commission, on this crucial point, ratified
the opinion of Mr. Justice Sankey by its proposed inter-
ference with mineral rights. The unwelcome general strike
forced the issue to the fore. It may be doubted whether in
Britain, this small and most hard-pressed portion of a
great Commonwealth, the issue will again recede into the

THE responsibility of the directing few to the greater
number, whose happiness it is the duty of a good society
to procure, is as desirable in the economic as in the political
field. Responsibility to one's self alone is as inadequate a
safeguard against the abuse of power with a manufacturer


as it is with a monarch, and the responsibility of the em-
ployers of the majority of the nation to their own con-
sciences must be judged on the same basis as the doctrine
of the divine right of kings. As Professor Morris Cohen
has recently well pointed out, property is not a natural
and indefeasible right but carries with it a species of
sovereignty and is subject to the same considerations of
democratic rights as is political sovereignty itself.

The essential consideration to be kept in mind is that
wherever there is real control of man over man, whether
called industrial or political, that control shall be, in sub-
stance, democratic control. The same issue which brought
into collision Cavalier and Roundhead, of whether the
man of superior position, with his superior information
and expert councillors, shall not only direct the manage-
ment of affairs but shall rule, answerable to himself alone,
or of whether he shall be answerable in some predetermined
manner to the body of the common people, as Ireton or
even as Lilburne understood that phrase, has again been
raised in a new form. It is necessary to view as an interlude
the period when the battle of the parties has been for the
extension in the political sphere of the principle of demo-
cratic control, during which responsibility to the democracy
has come to mean some kind of bungling direction of policy
and of government supposed to be exercised by the man
in the street. The main line of battle for the democratic
principle of "no power without responsibility" sweeps on
from the political to the economic field.

THE outlawry of industrial strife, when it assumes the
proportions of a strike extending beyond "a single
trade or industry" whatever that may mean and when
in the opinion of the courts it is calculated to "coerce the
government, or to intimidate the community," is justified
if it is to be accompanied by a moral disarmament of capital
and labor. In expanding America, with its economic lee-
way, this has largely proved possible thanks to a generous
willingness to experiment and to the recognition of mutual
individual advantage. In a country where there is a
stronger tradition classifiying the distinct "two cities" of
capital and labor, and where there is less ability to bear
the cost of experiment and error, this moral disarmament
will involve the clear recognition by both sides of the
superior authority of the community and of its right to
interfere in economic matters. The present Trades Dis-
putes Bill, while declaring in the name of the rights of
the community widespread strikes illegal, and even declar-
ing it to be a criminal offense to bring into "ridicule or
contempt" any worker not sharing in such a strike, con-
tains no disclaimer of the laissez faire theory so far as the
rights of owners and employers is concerned. And yet the
inefficiency of management of the vital coal industry, as
at present run, has been pointed out by as impartial an
observer as a recent president of the United States Chamber
of Commerce. Until the British Conservative Government
recognizes the logical consequences of its own theory of
community rights, and adopts an attitude of at least os-
tensible impartiality, such as even Signor Mussolini has
not disdained, the curtailment of the privilege of the
employe to strike, to organize and to collect funds from
those who do not signify their unwillingness to contribute,
will be resisted with a bitterness which can only be con-
templated with apprehension.

A Cultured Conference


JJSTICE demands an immediate statement to the effect
that the fifth National Convention of the Workers'
Education Bureau of America, held recently in Boston
was, viewing it in the light of its promoters, quite suc-
cessful. Major tones of conflict were rarely heard, and
the sessions moved along with a smoothness in a sphere of
split deliberativeness that must have been highly pleasing to
Professor Sheffield, whose elaborate labors kept the delegates
properly cubby-holed for calm discussion and to the secretary
f the Bureau whose evident desire to keep the convention
on a high academic plane was eminently successful.

The sessions were run on a plan engineered by Professor
Sheffield. The delegates were divided into discussion groups,
each group meeting separately for the discussion of a special
subject. The findings were then presented to the conven-
tion for action. Only at the beginning and the end of the
conference did curricula, text-books, teaching methods, or-
ganization, affiliation and finance meet each other for com-
plementary consideration. About three-fourths of an hour
was squeezed into the debate on the joint problems at the

Online LibrarySurvey AssociatesThe Survey (Volume 58) → online text (page 73 of 130)