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City. Roscoe C. Edlund, director of the institute, had a
modern version of it in the story of a workman in an
immaculate food factory, who came from the rest-room
without washing his hands, a heinous offense. An inspector
stopped him at the door. "O, I didn't have to wash my
hands," said the man, "I wasn't going to work, I was going
to eat."

The Cleanliness Institute has three planks in its platform.
It will make research into all aspects of cleanliness and
what it means; it will make the result of its research
available to anyone who wants it, in literature, pictures,
perhaps movies; it will set out to raise to the American
standard of cleanliness all those homes, persons and insti-
tutions which are dirty from ignorance or slovenliness or
even from choice. It's work will be done through social
and health agencies and schools. It's staff will be under
the direction of Roscoe C. Edlund, formerly a community
chest executive, secretary to the president of Cornell Uni-
versity and to the general director of the Russell Sage
Foundation, with Dr. W. W. Peter as health consultant
and Sally Lucas Jean as consultant for schools. Anyone
who wants any information or help on cleanliness, including
ammunition for campaigns, can have it for the asking of
Mr. Edlund at 45 East 17 Street, New York City.

The Institute believes in cleanliness as a measure of
social and health import. It has frankly met in advance
any criticism of its motives by recognizing the commercial
stake in the program the more cleanliness the more soap.
Makers of 80 per cent of the soap products in this country
are in it and they have provided a budget of a half million

7 R V E Y July 15, 79271

dollars for the first year. It has staked its claim to the<
need of preaching cleanliness in a world which established
its first bathtub as recently as 1842 in Cincinnati; a world
where, as Dr. Finley showed, even Boston has been clean
scarcely more than a single life-span, for it was in 1845
that Boston enacted an ordinance a health ordinance, they
called it forbidding bathing in a tub except on a physician's

ON May 30, while scores of anxious Kentuckians were
watching a long thin line of dirt along the eastern
bank of the Mississippi and were wondering whether the
new flood from the Missouri River would break through,
heavy rain was falling in the mountains of eastern Ken-
tucky, 300 miles away, the mountain streams were full of
water and the Kentucky River was at flood stage. That
night a heavy cloudburst made rushing torrents out of the
mountain streams and turned the Kentucky into another
Mississippi, carrying destruction and death into twelve
counties of eastern Kentucky.

It was several days before accurate reports could be had,
for the storm tore up railroads and washed away wires and
telegraph poles. Many of the people who lived back in the
mountains could be reached only by horseback or afoot.
Special trains were sent out from Louisville and other
places with food, medical supplies and clothing, but there
was great difficulty in getting supplies into the flooded
area. Governor William J. Fields of Kentucky asked the
Red Cross to take charge of the relief and rehabilitation
work and appointed a committee of three with Dr. A. T.
McCormack as chairman to represent the state. Red Cross
headquarters were established at Lexington in charge of
Lewis Kilpatrick and Henry M. Baker and an experienced
disaster worker, released from the Mississippi flood, was
put in each county, assisted by eight case-workers and
eighteen nurses.

There was great destruction of crops, most of which
cannot be replanted on account of the lateness of the
season, but the College of Agriculture of the University of
Kentucky has recommended certain farm and garden
products which still may be planted with profit. In the
'Big Sandy Valley there was a large amount of temporary
unemployment as a result of the flooding of coal mines.

The mountain people get most of their drinking water
from open wells, which would of course be particularly
dangerous after a flood. The State Board of Health sent
representatives into every area to work with the Red Cross
nurses in preventing the spread of typhoid by chlorinating
the wells. Eighteen persons were killed and about 2.SOO
were injured. They were sent to nearby hospitals or were
treated at clinics set up in schoolhouses or whatever buildings
were left standing. As most of the roads and bridges had
been washed away, the nurses had to climb over the
mountain trails to the clinics and to reach the homes of
the people. But as a result of their work there has been
no epidemic of any kind. Later in the summer the State
Board of Health will follow up this work inaugurated by
the nurses, with a series of child health conferences, many
of them to be held in isolated mountain regions. There has
been each summer a serious epidemic of dysentery in these

'uly 15, 1927



nountains, especially among children, and the State Board
>f Health is convinced that with the start already given by
:he clinics and the health work done by the nurses they
lave an opportunity greatly to improve health conditions
imong the mountain youngsters.

WHEN it is possible for the general secretary and in-
dustrial secretary in charge of important work among
he city's working girls to admit with a certain pride member-
hip in an organization definitely rated as anti-patriotic,

jacifistic, and through its interlocking directorates in direct
iaison with Soviet Russia and international revolution; . . .

when it is the general practice of these radicals, having attained
o positions of influence in important community organizations
o make these organizations serve purposes contrary to the

>est interests of any American community, then there would

ippear to be occasion for the patriotic majority to know the
ruth and to set about eliminating these influences as positive
orces and centers of influence.

Thus muttered the Fort Wayne, Indiana, News-Sentinel
n one of a series of six articles designed to show up radical
>lots in America, published last March.

What was the nefarious organization, whose adherents
vere undermining the safety of Fort Wayne through their
connection with the local Y.W.C.A. ? None other than the
Fellowship of Reconciliation. By processes of reasoning
known only to itself, the News-Sentinel declared the
Fellowship to be "intimately hooked up with the Reds, the
communists, and the subversive elements of the most perni-
cious radicalism. It is itself opposed to decent preparedness
for this country. It is extremely pacifistic in its program.
In league with the vicious designers and plotters of Moscow,
it eminently serves the purposes of the bolsheviki."

The newspaper's unsubstantiated assertions might be
ignored save for their serious consequences. Twice the
board of directors of the Y.W.C.A. passed resolutions of
confidence in their general secretary and their industrial
secretary, thus attacked because of membership in an or-
ganization whose religious tenets they upheld ; four women's
clubs which had come in contact with their work for the
Y.W.C.A. supported them ; there was general testimony as
to the value and faithfulness of their years of service. But
the resolutions passed by the directors were not made public
"lest a newspaper controversy ensue." On May 30, when
no action against the secretaries had been taken, the paper
declared in an editorial signed by its management, "More
may be said. That will depend entirely upon what steps
are taken to preserve the Y.W.C.A. under the standards to
which it should continue to devote itself and which, we
think, the Fort Wayne public has a perfect right to expect
that it will devote itself." Still the board of directors failed
to make any statement of their position, and a short time
later the two secretaries, to save the organization and them-
selves further embarrassment, offered their resignations.
These were accepted on the advice of the board of trustees,
who recommended further that the two secretaries be re-
lieved immediately of official connection with the organiza-
tion, though their contracts still had a month or two to run.

The News-Sentinel congratulated the Y.W.C.A. Later
it published in full a long statement of facts and principles

by the two women whom they had accused of an un-
American interest in peace, industry and internationalism,
and two articles by one of the executive secretaries of the
Fellowship, which it countered with three articles of its
own, decrying the organization in a series of charges
centered in the fact that.some of the directors of the Fellow-
ship of Reconciliation had also served as officers or members
of the American Civil Liberties Union, the League for
Industrial Democracy, or the American Fund for Public

Thus a campaign of shouting reduced to silence the re-
sponsible officers of the Y.W.C.A., who were ready to
declare privately their confidence in these members of the
staff; it removed from offices which they had filled ably not
only these two women but two other secretaries and one
member of the clerical staff who have resigned in protest;
and it divided the city of Fort Wayne into two hotly
disputing camps. The triumph of fear and hysteria in a
time so far removed from the real emergency of war is as
discouraging as it is surprising. The National Board of
the Y.W.C.A., after sending representatives to talk over
the events in Fort Wayne, has testified to its faith in the
work and leadership of the secretaries who resigned by
offering them responsible positions elsewhere.

AT the time of his death on May 19, Edward Twichell
Ware was president emeritus of Atlanta University,
having resigned the active presidency on account of tuber-
culosis which attacked him eight years ago. He was born
and brought up in Atlanta, surrounded by the New Eng-
land teachers of the University and by its Negro students
and teachers. In his home he watched his parents live their
lives of service and Christian faith. After graduating from
Yale and from Union Theological Seminary, he traveled
in the North as financial secretary for the University. His
heart was in his work. He believed in it. He felt then as
indeed he did until the day of his death, that here was a
chance to put Christianity to the test, to make of "brother-
hood" something more than a word. He believed that
every soul, regardless of race, color, creed, should have a
chance to train and use what power lay within him.
Atlanta University was chartered "for the liberal and
Christian education of youth." Its aim was to prepare
leaders. Over 80 per cent of its graduates have been teachers.
After his marriage in 1905 and after a short term as
chaplain, Mr. Ware succeeded Horace Bumstead as the
third president of Atlanta. Trusted utterly by his Negro
friends, he never ceased to try to win some of the southern
white leaders to a deeper understanding of the Negro
situation. He believed that the leaders of both races should
work together and learn of each other. He pleaded for
tolerance and an interest that included not only family,
school, race, but the welfare of mankind. He warned against
partisanship and urged cooperation wherever that might be
brought about without the lowering of standards. He had
the courtesy that "listened to another's personality" and he
had a faith that never admitted defeat for any struggling
soul. In his search for health in various sanitaria, he
touched many lives. Young people especially felt his



July 15, 1927

strength and serenity and pioneer spirit and became aware
of new ways of transforming defeat into victory.

TO be known and loved as "a friend of the children"
requires a rare combination of wisdom and unselfishness.
When one of these gentle, whimsical, far-seeing men passes
it leaves so complete an emptiness that one realizes with a
pang of regret how few they are and how hard to find. It
is so easy to gather together classes in "parental education"
and to talk glibly of "problems" and "complexes" and
"the new psychology." But a real understanding of what
a little child feels and thinks and needs is no casual, arti-
ficial growth. Those who achieve it are, like "Tusitala"
and Eugene Field and "Margaret" of New Orleans, rich
spirits, hard to spare. William Fincke, who died recently
in his early fifties, lived lopg enough to see the things he
undertook for the sake of his young friends firmly estab-
lished. He had served for some years as pastor of the
Greenwich Presbyterian Church in New York City before
he was stricken with the long illness from which he never
recovered. He had been a courageous friend of movements
for human betterment, even when it meant facing harsh
criticism as a "radical" and a "bolshevik." But the real
work of his heart was the Pioneer Youth Camp and
Manumit School, both planned to make life fuller and
richer and more joyous for the children of city workers.
William Fincke and his wife gave to Manumit the beautiful
rolling acres of their farm near Pawling, New York. The
farm routine crops and gardens and stock raising are a
vital part of the school life that now goes on in the fine
old farm buildings (see The Survey, June 15, page 334).
Manumit and Pioneer Youth Camp are expressions of a
genuine friendship for children, and through them William
Fincke's understanding love for girls and boys remains a
continuing and a growing thing.

'"""I"" 1 HERE are two kinds of beggars. Some sit on the
street corner and hold out tin cups; some sit behind
mahogany desks and send out mail appeals." Thus the
challenge of street mendicant to social worker at the biennial
convention of the American Association of Workers for the
Blind. Some three hundred persons from thirty-seven
states teachers, business men, field workers, executives,
private citizens, many of them blind had gathered to talk
over the adjustment of the blind to the community.
Addressing this group was the Honorable Matthew A.
Dunn, member of the lower house of the Pennsylvania
Legislature, a blind man who made his living for many
years as a "street worker" in Pittsburgh and elsewhere.
He was elected on a platform of pensions for the blind,
partly through the support of labor organizations. Street
work, he maintains, is a necessity for many blind people ;
wages in the special workshop for the handicapped are too
small to support a wife and children; a man can make

several times as much on the street and who has the right
to deny him as good a living as he can get? We shall have
street work until the state provides pensions adequate for
the blind and their families. Thus Mr. Dunn. Blind people
who are now working on the street came to his support.
Street work, they testify, is not "the easiest way" but it is
the way they earn a living and they have a right to con-
tinue in it. After all, they say, every charitable institution
in the country is supported by begged funds; the street
worker is only franker in his begging. A. W. Lewis of
Harrisburg, who introduced himself as representing the
Brotherhood of Railroad Trainmen, endorsed Mr. Dunn
and his supporters: "Our poor blind brothers are entitled
to a living wage and the arm of labor will keep them on
the streets until society provides for their support."

The reactions of the social workers present were vigorous
and varied. The independent blind have always more or
less ostracized the blind who begged. The seeing worker
for the blind usually shares this feeling and organized work
for the blind frequently has been identified with efforts to
remove the blind from the streets. Small wonder then that
discussion came thick and fast. Edison Mosiman of the
Newark, New Jersey, Social Service Bureau, received hearty
support when he stated as a fundamental proposition that
mendicancy among the blind is no worse and no better than
mendicancy in any other group ; it is an evidence of funda-
mental unsoundness in society. Blindness makes a special
appeal to the sympathies of the public, uninformed as to
the thousands of self-supporting blind men and women who
pursue useful and even distinguished lives. And so long
as there are people to give to beggars, blind or seeing, so
long will there be beggars to take. Hearty approval also
greeted the statement that the street worker gets the wrong
kind of publicity for the blind, yet this is the only publicity
that ever reaches the average citizen. "If we could only
exhibit on a street corner some of our blind factory
operatives running drill presses and tapping-machines as
efficiently as the seeing operatives among whom they work,"
said one young social worker, "then we might make the
public realize the abilities of the blind."

On other points there was less unanimity of opinion:
Whether mendicancy is necessary or not necessary depends
on whether we can offer a job which yields more than a
bare subsistence; before we attack the professional beggars
we must be able to take care of the men who do not want
to beg ; we will never get enough opportunities for the blind
in sighted industry until we replace the negative advertising
of the blind beggar by something positive; organized labor
is the friend of the blind and yet scarcely a door in organized
industry is open to the blind. "I gave two good eyes to
organized labor," said Senator Lanius, the blind senator of
Pennsylvania, "and I ask the support of organized labor
for organized work for the blind."

State aid in the form of pensions or relief for the blind
was recommended by several workers from states which
had such laws in force, but the general feeling was that
such relief should be granted only on the ground of need.

The cure for mendicancy? A difficult problem not to be
settled here and now. As one speaker put it, after a man
has survived the experience of having his friends see him on
the street it takes a real exertion of will to exchange the
easy life and the comforts which mendicancy provides for
long hours of labor and meagre existence upon the inade-
quate pay which the average blind laborer receives.


The Cotton Mills Again


Courtesy, The American Child

IT IS fairly certain that
this year will see an-
other attempt by the
United Textile Work-
ers to push unions into
the southern cotton mills.
Both the American Federa-
tion of Labor and the
Women's Trade Union
League have made con-
sidered undertakings to help
in a campaign and various
outside bodies have studied
the problems likely to arise.
If the union succeeds in
building a number of large
and stable locals the results
will be important for the
whole cotton industry. A
step will have been taken,
too, toward control of the
conditions under which in-
dustrialization in the region
shall proceed. If the union drive fails, the South will have
its cherished peace for another four or five years ; but failure
is not apt to have a deeper meaning.

Campaigns have been made in the South ever since the
industry got under way. Southern manufacturers, and
some northern ones, content themselves with the shop-worn
explanation that the organizers come down at such times
as they think the Carolina villagers are prosperous enough
and gullible enough to provide a fattening sum of initiation
fees and dues for the New York treasury. The motive is
not as simple as that. The A. F. of L., recognizing with
the United Textile Workers that strong cotton mill locals
must be the backbone of any real development of the labor
movement in the region, helps largely with that fact in
mind. The union itself is anxious to increase by a southern
membership its preponderance over the independent textile
organizations, hastening the time when they will have to
fall in with it. It exhibits also a righteous wrath about
feudal villages and welfare workers and union-hating mill
barons. The governing motive is probably that of relieving
the pressure on northern wages and hours.

Since 1920, the long-booed-at Southern competition has
been a stone wall against progress for most of the northern
cotton workers. With mills dribbling away to the South
each month, many New England employers are trying hard
to "restore equality" by depressing labor standards. Where
the forty-eight-hour week or prohibition of night work are
in force by legislation, manufacturers plead for repeal.

Wages are nibbled at from
many angles. Doubling up
of machines and adoption of
the multiple loom system
proceed with disregard of
the protests of the union.
This pressure is mainly the
result of the status of labor
in the southern mills: its
long hours, meek flexibility
and wages low to a degree
not entirely accounted for
by the smaller cost of living
or balanced in the mill books
by the expensiveness of vil-
lage perquisites. There are
other attractions, but the
southern advantage is essen-
tially its lower labor costs.
The union does not expect
that a lucky Carolina cam-
paign will enable the oper-
atives to gain at a jump the

New England scales, but it does hope to begin in the South
the process of union jogging and stiffening of standards that
will lessen the gap between the two regions more rapidly
than if the section were left to itself.

If this year's invasion meets the hoped-for response it
will be the third or fourth time that unions have spread
into the southern mills (see The Survey, January 15, page
522). The Knights of Labor, in the later 'eighties led a
few strikes in Carolina and Georgia mill villages. Ten
years afterwards, roughly from 1898 to 1902, a good many
thousands of the people went into the old International
Union of Textile Workers. Its forty or more southern
locals, with a Georgia president, provided a whole string
of towns with strikes. When the old union merged with
the new United Textile Workers, then controlled by un-
ambitious craft bodies, outside support was withdrawn and
the southern movement wilted in harsh defeats.

IN 1914, with the U. T. W. shaking itself free from local-
ism, a bitter dispute in Atlanta gave national publicity
to southern conditions, setting a series of union-conducted
strikes to popping through South Carolina and Georgia for
the rest of the war period. With the ground thus broken,
the 1919 wave of unrest swept more people into the union
than it was prepared to manage. North Carolina signed up
thirty-odd thousand workers and South Carolina and Ten-
nessee at least another five thousand. A widespread re-
duction in southern hours coincided with this drive. Mem-




July 15, 1927

bers had begun to drop out when the 1921 depression came,
but southern union enthusiasm was still strong enough to
persuade the U. T. W. to sanction, with suspended benefits,
a last stand against the successive wage cuts. The three
months' strike of eight thousand people in the heart of the
Piedmont area proved once and for all that union action
on a big scale is possible in the South, though the strike
itself was a dying effort. Since the collapse of that year a
dozen tiny locals have been revived, with a district council
of their own, but with a total membership that is almost

What the union needs is not spasmodic strike organiza-
tions, but strong, permanent locals in at least some of the
strategic places. For a good many reasons the business
of getting them is as hard a trade union problem in
strategy, persistency, and power as the country provides

THE mill workers of the South are three hundred thou-
sand Rip Van Winkles. Slavery and cotton penned them
in the untaught poverty of the back country for four or
five generations. They know less about union meetings,
negotiations with employers or strike discipline than the im-
migrant workers of Lowell or Lawrence. Deep prejudices
sectional jealousy, bitter Protestantism, and a stimulated
Anglo-Saxonism add difficulties for a northern, partly
Catholic and somewhat non-Nordic union. As yet the
Negro is of little direct importance though he is a rock
on which a union movement might in the future easily be

Employers have special and non-technical reasons for op-
posing unionization. The paternalistic attitude which pro-
duces the company town demands undisturbed loyalty for
its working out. The great southern mills, from motives
more commendable than questionable, are set upon improving
the condition of their operatives with as much educational
and welfare work as stockholders will agree to. A vast

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