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and the grounds surrounding the building put in order. As
finishing work is always slow, we have decided to have the
Opening Ceremonies of the Home on the First Sunday
of October.

We have made monthly statements of funds received and
expended to date, and all names of Donors have been pub-
lished each month in The Catholic News. We have been
able to meet all expenses to date. We have now come to
the end of our funds $58,500.00 is still needed to complete
the building.

We beg the Charitable Public to Contribute this amount
not only in memory of MOTHER ALPHONSA, but for a
secure Home, free of debt, for the Incurable Cancerous Poor.


Expended since July 1, 1926
Amount still needed


Servants of Relief for Incurable Cancer

Mother M. Rose Huber, O.S.D., Secretary

Rosary Hill Home
Hawthorne, Westchester County, N. Y.


ntoer*ttj> of Chicago

tIJjt ^raouate &cfjool of Social feertoce abmtntjftratum

First Term : June 2O July 27
Second Term: July 28 September a


Autumn Quarter, October I December 23

Winter Quarter, January 2 March 23

Spring Quarter, April 2 June 13

Courses leading to the degree of A.M. and Ph.D.
A limited number of qualified undergraduate and
unclassified students admitted.

For announcements, apply to Box 55, Faculty Exchange


The War Resisters League

Unites men and women of all religious and political
opinions, who have determined to give no personal support
to international or civil war.

For leaflets, membership cards and Peace Letters to the
President write to

MRS. ANNA A. DAVIS, Secretary (pro temp.}
260 West Eleventh Street New York City

(In instaering advertisements please mention THE SURVEY. // helps us, it identifies you.)


Graphic Number

Vol. LVIII. No. 9

August 1, 1927

COVER DRAWING . . . Margaret Schloemann


Charles P. Hoivland 437

verses from China . . . Stella Fisher Burgess 441
ON TIPTOE, paintings by Stefan A. Hirsch . . . 442

Reinhold Niebuhr 444
WORMS FOR BAIT .... Roger William Riis 447

SOLDIERS' GRAVES Dorothy Canfield 448


Hermann Claudius, Anna L, Curtis 450


Jean Harris Arnold 451

AFTER MUSSOLINI DIES .... Peter Brooklyn 453
IN NATIVE COLORS, three American paintings . 456


Eleanor Rowland ffembridye 458

SCISSORS PICTURE . . .Martha Bensley Bruere 459

COUNTRY Roger N. Bald-win 460

LETTERS & LIFE . . . Edited by Leon ff nipple 469

The Gist of It

THE revolutionary and pioneer stages of the United
States are over. We no longer can 'use effectively
the "Boys of "76," the frontiersmen with their
snap-judgments nor the other adolescent types of Amer-
icans. Can we develop a new type to serve a new
day, grown men to deal with the complicated questions
of an America which is a world power and a great
creditor nation? The question is discussed with zest
by CHARLES P. HOWLAND, lawyer, author of
What Way Americans, for many years identified with
educational statesmanship. His experience of foreign
affairs includes relief service under the State Depart-
ment for American prisoners in Germany, the chair-
manship in the Council on Foreign Relations, tht
Geneva School of International Studies and the execu-
tive board of the Foreign Policy Association. An ad-
dress which he delivered at the annual meeting of the
F.P.A. was the basis of the article beginning on page

HP HE verses on China by STELLA FISHER BUR-
J. GESS on page 441 are a part of the treasure trove
brought home from many years of residence in Peking
and of delving into Chinese life and letters.

' I 'HE psalmist's challenge in the word "nevertheless"
1 gives a text to REINHOLD NIEBUHR. In spite
of war, acknowledging that "the critics of contemporary
industrial society are justified in regarding the church
as, on the whole, a hindrance to an ethical reorganiza-
tion of modern life" nevertheless he pins his faith to
a belief "that modern civilization can finally be brought
under the control of the human spirit." Since graduat-
ing from Yale in 1915, Mr. Niebuhr has been pastor
of Bethel Church in Detroit, spending about half of
his time in college-speaking and in the Fellowship for
Christian Social Order. Page 444.

IT is almost unnecessary to say that Jacob A. Riis is
the father of whom ROGER WILLIAM RIIS
writes so delightfully on page 447. He has followed
in his father's footsteps as a newspaper man and writer.

/"GRAPHIC readers any readers need no intro-
page 448. Her preceding Graphic article, A Cinderella
among Schools, was published in the issue of June, 1926.

IT was a stroke of genius to trace the clear thread
which binds the story of Euripides' Electra to the
little daughter of a woman now in the Death House at
Sing Sing, and to the gun-toting nations of the world
and their lack of a system of public justice. JEAN
HARRIS ARNOLD has been a teacher in a South
Dakota college and in Dr. White's American School
for Boys in Salonica, Greece. Page 451.

PETER BROOKLYN is an American journalist
with an intimate knowledge of Italy under Musso-
lini. Page 453.

of the Juvenile Court of Cleveland, is the author
of many delightful sketches out of her experience of
modern girls, some of which have been published by
Houghton, Mifflin as Other People's Daughters. Page

ROGER N. BALDWIN is traveling about Europe,
going later to Asia, as a special representative of
the Quakers and as chairman of the International Com-
mittee for Political Prisoners "to study political perse-
cution and the tactics of working-class movements and
oppressed minorities in meeting it" with the hope that
relief and publicity for its victims may be organized in
the United States. The trip, Mr. Baldwin writes, is
his first release in eight years from the director's desk
of the American Civil Liberties Union "except for the
year's 'vacation' I had in jail" as a conscientious objec-
tor. Page 460.


112 East 19 Street, New York








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JOHN D. KENDERDINE, Business Manager

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MOLLIE CONDON, Extension Manager

From The Woodcut of Today, London Studio


Woodcut by E. Feyerabend



Volume LVIII
No. 9

America's Coming of Age


IN Europe men have forgotten that their
forebears were once pitted against Nature.
Forests shrank as peoples multiplied, marshes
were drained or dried out by surface cultiva-
tion, and more food was raised as numbers
increased. Through the centuries man and
Nature developed an unconscious partnership.

There man as a doer has had to contend with man the
warrior by arms, the statesman with diplomacy. Where the
Viking beached his warship he found the Frank or the
Lombard ; before the Romans in Britain were the Picts
and Celts; Romans, Angles, Jutes, Danes and Normans
each in turn conquered and compounded with the peoples
whom they found, and studied how to live with their
neighbors when they were not at war with them. The
crises that arose were those that happen in men's dealings
with each other. For such events, compact social organiza-
tion under experienced direction is necessary. The struggle
is with other men, from whom come actual or potential
dangers ; the need is for leaders who understand those other
men, several varieties of other men, men at large perhaps,
the springs of conduct and the responses those "others" make
to the various possible moves upon the pondered chess-board.
Men become experienced and astute like Machiavelli or
Richelieu; the reflection of the players is deep and long,
and the peoples behind them pay dearly for their mistakes,
as the French for the ambitions of the third Bonaparte.

"Civilization" is thus more than the creation of an in-
creasingly comfortable and hygienic environment. It in-
cludes the art of living among suspicious rivals, an age-long
manoeuvring for position. What is called "foreign policy"
is a constant element in all corporate behavior, perhaps the
dominant one.

Out of the sophisticated European world came, with the
discovery of America, a swarming of ancient hives upon
new continents, into new physical conditions, new climates,
habitable regions virtually uninhabited. Small groups
brought with them the processes, the weapons and the tools
which man's accumulating knowledge had wrought, and
with them thev faced a Nature such as their forebears had

not known for thousands of years. Its continental vastness,
the strangeness of its fauna and flora, the extent of the
effort necessary to subdue it to men's needs, made it an
antagonist that engaged every power, that inhibited reflec-
tion and externalized entire generations. The need seemed
to be for adventurers: men of the venturesome type, who
would climb the climbing sea, "fight off Redskins," and
attack the forest and the Great Unknown with the zest of
Jack the Giant Killer.

While the colonies were still in European tutelage,
leaders came into being to create for them their own local
individuality and unity. Those leaders, the astounding
product of the eighteenth century experience, were the
product of that "old" civilization, and not unlike their
prototypes. But the tie to that older civilization once
severed, such men were no longer needed ; in the battle
with the wilderness, in the pushing along river systems and
over prairies, each man is his own leader. The race exults
in new youth, the habits and mental traits of its childhood
return. Nature and the Indian have no armory against the
axe and the rifle, and the human tide rolls over them.

THE story of European peoples since the Roman era has
been largely composed of the doings of men who
"made" history, of those players in the game of rivalry for
power or. for cultural prestige who have relatively raised
or lowered their nations. It was of supreme importance to
France and to Europe that Napoleon was born ; in
Bismarck's time his strategy affected the individual lives,
economic welfare and spiritual outlook of every German ;
in other fields philosophers, poets and scientists Hobbes,
Goethe, Newton, Pasteur brought one nation after
another to the fore.

The story of the Americans has another character.
Their need of direction ended for a century when they
severed their European ties, and after the era of the states-
men whom the Revolution found ready to its call, no
"leader" was indispensable. The race prevailed, not the
man ; the type became the hero of its own epic.

The difference between the historical periods of any




country, it has been said, is the difference between the
categories of the thought of those periods. Our attitude in
foreign relationships is in the main the result of domestic
developments and varies with them. Policies emerge out of
experiences, which in the United States have covered long
stretches of time ; the development has been slow. The
result is that the formulation of a foreign policy, or the
consciousness of definite positions to be taken, has usually
been a generation or two behind the set of experiences which
created it. This, it is true, is the general rule with regard
to public opinion almost anywhere, particularly in demo-
cratic countries ; but it is peculiarly so in the United States,
because we have been engaged in the economic development
of a continent, and because of our size and our geographical
remoteness from other countries.

THE first of our periods in international relations is the
Revolutionary period. The inhabitants of the United
States lived along the eastern seaboard ; a set of greedy
powers was on one side of them, and the wilderness on the
other. Their energies bent upon establishing themselves in
their new world, the colonists assumed an attitude of
defiance to the European nations whose interests or whose
policies might impair the independence they desired to set
up. We had a foreign policy, though it was a narrow one:
we were ready to defy any country, however large, which
threatened to infringe our independence. We had a series
of foreign wars, a war with the Barbary pirates, a tiny
"war in the material sense" with France, and the period
culminated with our bull-terrier war of 1812 with Great

This is the period in which the phrase was adopted and
became a national shibboleth that we should not engage in
entangling alliances, the meaning of that really being at the
time that we should not engage in philanthropic entangle-
ments, whose main purpose was the assistance of other
countries; our chief concern at that time was our own
growth as a young people. The effect of that determination,
of the set of ideas generated in that period, continued long
after the period itself. It was the period of pressure towards
democracy and of the desire, born of our own experience,
for the independence of subject peoples. I remember as a
boy the permeation of most of the boy literature, the serious
history of Bancroft and such books as The Boys of '76,
with the ideas which were derived from this Revolu-
tionary period.

THAT was the period also which created the maxims
"Millions for defense, but not one cent for tribute ;" "My
country right or wrong, but right or wrong, my country,"*
and so on. The Monroe Doctrine was developed to express
for the "American continent its hostility to colonizing powers
and its sympathy for young peoples struggling to freedom.
This spirit was expressed eloquently in the great speech of
Daniel Webster on Greek liberty in 1824: it was the
period of "liberal and enlightened sentiments," the period
which Mr. Webster designated as a period of "augmentation
by growth, not by acquisition ; by internal development, not
by external accession."

But this insistence on independence was only the breast-
work thrown up against outside interference by a national
energy which found outlet in an unbroken progress of settle-

* Decatur seems to have adapted this from Lord Nelson, a man of
the same "navy" type.

ment and was delayed only by the internal struggle fo
unification of the country. Apprehension about that in-
dependence ended with the Treaty of Ghent, which gave
free rein to the expansive impulse of the American people.
I he War of 1812, though directly arising out of economic
difficulties, of which the impressment of American seamen
was a collateral incident, had as a contributing cause
the tension between the American colonists and the British
possessions to the north and west of them.

The expansive impulse first clearly showed itself in the
development of the canal and railroad systems. As soon as
steam-power made those viable, the colonists with their
expanding population burst through the Appalachian barrier
and began to spread over the country. That expansion at
once created the struggle for control over new states and
so brought about the Civil War. The Civil War, which
was one of the consequences of the expansion, itself arrested
the expansion, and by arresting it prolonged that period to
the end of the century.

Lincoln was the type of the statesman, not of the
expansionist pioneer. What interested him was national
unification and the welding of the different parts of the
country into a higher type of civilization. The union cause
called for and created a leader and healer; but after the
crisis and the man had disappeared together and disunion
was no longer a danger, the pioneer process was resumed,
and men had nothing to reck of but the relation between
their own land-hunger and the almost boundless means of
gratifying it. The real frontiersmen were Jackson, Benton,
and the men who settled Texas and won the West. They
were the pioneers of the material struggle with Nature, the
expansionists, who believed in simplicity, in the outdoor
life, and in the advantages of living in a simple world ;
the Ku Klux Klan is a "fossil survival" of that era.

DURING that pioneer period our foreign policy was
mainly negative; it needed to be no more. If anybody
interfered with us we said, "Keep out of the reserve ; \ve
are attending to our own business, which is that of develop-
ing this continent."

Towards the end of the nineteenth century the happy
pioneer period came to an end. The land began to give out.
The flow of the surplus population to the West came to
an end. We completed our railroad-building. In default
of new lands to settle, new mines to open and new rail-
roads to build in sufficient quantity to absorb the increasing
capital of the United States, we began to make investments
abroad and pushed down into the Caribbean Sea. We had
the Spanish-American War, the seizure of the Canal Zone,
and the development of our geographical expansion into
a policy of quasi-imperialism ; the dictum of Webster of
1824 became obsolete.

In building the Panama Canal and in following the ideas
of Mr. Roosevelt, we became a world power. As we did,
we simultaneously met a new world power emerging in the
Far East ; the progress of the white man around the world
from East to West met Japan bursting into view as a full-
fledged member of the society of nations. As we filled up
our country, we simultaneously found another great
country emerging and becoming our neighbor on the West.
Thus by our own internal saturation and by events outside
our borders we became a world power like Great Britain,
with overseas possessions and interests to protect and causes
of concern like those of other great powers.



At the same time we came upon a new economic era.
We completed our railroad building. That was followed
by a decline in domestic steel prices and the export of steel.
We began to make investments abroad. The period of
change is a little blurred; it began in the period of Mc-
Kinley prosperity when there was an increase of capital, a
fall in steel prices, and an export of steel.

A I a result of the steady export of capital and the ac-
celeration given it by the Great War, a country which
had been a debtor country throughout its history became
a creditor country. In investments and war debts we now
have about $24,000,000,000 owing to us by foreign coun-
tries, the interest on which must be paid to us by our sister

The interest on those debts will have to be paid by im-
ports from the debtor countries, either directly or by a
triangular exchange with other countries with which they
in turn have economic dealings. At the same time we must
have exports. If our level of comfortable living is to con-
tinue, inasmuch as \ve have no more land to exploit and
inasmuch as our population continues to grow, we must
have a surplus production of agricultural or manufactured
products to ship to different parts of the world, and the
payments for them will have to be added to the volume of
imports \ve must take in order to receive the interest on
our debt. Exports and imports, therefore, must take place
on a scale unexampled in the history of the United States.

In the first period that I have dealt with (the Revolu-
tionary period) we were on the sea and a seafaring people.
In the long second period we disappeared into the continent
making our way to the West ; now, owing to close-weaving
economic relations, we are back on the sea again, both on the
East and the West, and dealing with almost every country.
We have to take raw materials from everywhere if we are to
keep up our system of manufactures. In order to obtain
those we must share in the world's limited mineral deposits.
Mr. Hoover is interested in the development of rubber in
the Malay Islands and in Java and Borneo. Mr. Hughes
is interested in our tapping Mosul oil, and takes part in the
San Remo Agreement. The same persons who are tenacious
about our political isolation bring us into economic relations
with every part of the world.

we still talk of foreign policy as if it were something
_ that "begins at the water's edge." We wish to ignore the
fact that a bumper wheat crop in the Argentine, which
lowers the price of wheat in Liverpool, may determine an
American presidential election; that Illinois politicians
abuse the World Court in order to win an election which
will retain their control over public utilities. The processes
actually at work leave no room for the theory that there is
such a thing as "foreign policy" which neither affects nor is
affected by the welter of forces at work in American life.

In ancient times geography was the main factor in the
management of the external affairs of a sovereign ; yet
"at the moment when Aristotle was teaching that the city-
state was the final form of association, embracing all others,
his Macedonian pupil was making havoc of his doctrine and
opening up new perspectives in the art of government."*
And it has been true at every stage of history that inter-
national relations have developed in the economic, intel-

"The Intellectual Foundations of International Cooperation." Zimmern.

lectual and aesthetic spheres regardless of the geographical
limitations in which politicians sought to fix them. The
constituency of a United States senator is a geographical
one, but the questions with which he deals at Washington
are ecumenical.

Isolation under the new conditions is impossible. In the
political sphere the idealist has said that "patriotism is
not enough." In the economic sphere it is apparent that
patriotism will not get you anywhere, and isolation is an

That being so, these shibboleths, these maxims and doc-
trines of our earlier periods, instead of helping us, obscure
the general mind in its effort to solve the difficult problems
that lie before us. It is as mistaken for us to look backward
to an earlier period, to try to maintain the traditional atti-
tude that we have had toward Great Britain or France, as
it is for France and Germany to base their reciprocal policies
on the number of invasions each has had to endure at the
hands of the other. In other words, we must unsettle our
thought. "People wish to be settled," says Emerson ; "only
as far as they are unsettled is there any hope for them."
Change unsettles habits. It is therefore uncomfortable and
may even be painful, but it is only through that sort of
pain that we make progress.

WE must begin to entertain the daring thought that in
some of these situations we may be wrong. That
apprehension involves the surrender of a fraction of the
sovereignty of any nation. But I suggest that the whole
development of civilized man has involved such surrenders.
Without them we should not be in the enjoyment of the
institution of monogamy.

The evolution of our Latin-American relations will illus-
trate the "lag" of policy behind events. The Monroe Doc-
trine was once a doctrine of independence, protecting the
countries of Central and South America, especially those of
South America, against Spain and Portugal during their
critical period, the first fifty years of the igth century.
But the Latin-American peoples by and large are now estab-
lished nationalities, and an active guaranty of the inde-
pendence of those countries is necessary no longer : the
Mexicans, even fifty years ago, were able to take care
of Maximilian and the French troops, and with the
capacity of the South Americans to organize on each
other's behalf and to maintain a guerilla warfare
ad libitum, it is obvious that at the present time they need
no protection from us against threat of colonization or con-
quest from any country in the world, nor is any country
in the world likely to try to violate their independence. The
Monroe Doctrine has done its work and is accepted as the
basis of a world arrangement. In so far, therefore, as it is

Online LibrarySurvey AssociatesThe Survey (Volume 58) → online text (page 99 of 130)