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Midcentury White House Conference on

'.Children and Youth A SPECIAL SECTION

In this Issue



REPORT of the Midcentury White House Conference


Children and Youth

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THE SURVEY for January, 1951. LXXXVII. No. 1. Published monthly and copyright 1951 by SURVEY ASSOCIATES, Inc. Composed and printed by union
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Contents for February 1951

Measurement : A Valuable Contribution to Casework

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Survey Readers Write


I was much interested in the story on
Tree Farms in The Survey for November

There are many stories which can be
told about the success of this program
and the way it is spreading over the na-
tion. Tree Farms are not confined to big
industry timber holdings. These large con-
cerns have learned the value of this pro-
gram, so should be expected to take the
lead in this plan of growing trees for
continuous harvest of forest crops as many
have been doing and their number is in-
creasing. It is the increase in the num-
ber of individual owners of small tracts
of timber of a few hundred acres, even
less than a hundred, who have recognixed
the values to be gained in managing their
woodlands as Tree Farms that is playing
an important part in the success of this

One farmer I heard about has around
100 acres of timberland which he has oper-
ated as a Tree Farm for several years. In
the past few years he has taken off three
cash crops; one of poles, one of pulp wood,
and one of fuel wood. He still has such
a good stand of trees left that a casual
glance would scarcely indicate there had
been any logging. His remaining trees now
grow faster than they would have in a
dense stand. The opened spaces between
trees permit new seedlings to get started.
When his larger remaining trees are ready
to cut for saw logs there will be a healthy
stand of young trees growing up, protect-
ing the land and providing future cash

One basic principle behind the spread
of the Tree Farm program, which perhaps
few have mentioned, is that people do
better and more creatively those things
which produce satisfactions resulting from
free choice and their own efforts than by
being compelled to do so by law or dicta-
torial pressures. To those of us who see
values in adopting certain policies long
before others understand, it is a bit exas-
perating to have to put up with their slow-
ness and we're tempted to use some kind
of force. But isn't the better way, even
though slower, to teach others by example
and demonstration rather than by com-

I should also like to comment briefly on
the Valley Authority idea. Actually, we in
the West have been making greater gains
in natural resource development and con-
servation under existing government agen-
cies even though they have not cooperated
widi each other as well as they could
than is usually acknowledged. What is
needed is better administration and per-
haps some reorganization of those agen-
cies now concerned with irrigation, power,
minerals, fish, and forests. In a way, our
problem may be likened to a disorganized
office or plant wherein some competent
people are running little independent
shows. Such a condition isn't cured by
setting up a new and bigger organization
but only by proper reorganization from
within. That has been done in private
groups and could be done in public ones

Longview, Washington

Man's Enemies

Lifelong Friend of Man! "How fares it
with you in this midnight hour" when we
kill, devastate, hate almost as if it were
the chief duty of man? I know that we,
including our poor terrified Government,
are not consenting to the orgy of horror
it ordains and we carry on not in die
depths of our being! There, we do re-
member the natural decency, the friendly,
humane selves temporarily repressed.

Can some of us be brave enough to say
how we really feel about war? For if we
do, others will speak up; public opinion is
mighty and can bring back sanity and cure
the epidemic cruelty of war. Can we show
the U. S. that WAR itself is the enemy?

Who will raise the White Flag of
"Friendship, Friendship without Stint or
Limit," instead of Wilson's "War, war "?

If our hearts fly that One-World flag, our
tongues and pens will enlist.
Philadelphia, Pa. SARAH N. CLEGHORN

[Every person of good will must share
Miss Cleghorn's abhorrence of war. She in
turn must share our equal horror at the
prospect of the permanent stunting of
man's glorious promise through the stifling
of freedom by force and tyranny. Un-
fortunately, the free man's sorrowful
dilemma seems to be that he must pre-
pare himself to make a distasteful choice
should the necessity arrive; his only hope,
perhaps, that he may work continuously
to ward off that necessity. While the
United Nations lasts and stands firm against
aggression, he still has a chance of find-
ing a third way out.

Miss Cleghorn will be remembered by
Survey readers for her many contributions

to our pages and for her famous quatrain
that first appeared in 1915 in F.P.A.'s Con-
ning Tower in the New Yorf^ Tribune and
was later reprinted in The Survey:

The golf links lie so near the mill

That almost every day
The laboring children can look out

And see the men at play.

This verse gave a tremendous impetus to
the movement against child labor, an
evil which has been so greatly reduced
since that day. It stands as a permanent
icimnder of the effectiveness of freedom
of expression one of the first freedoms to
go down when tyranny prevails. EDITORS]

Welcome Words

... I have been reading The Survey
regularly every month, and in my opinion
you are doing a remarkable job. I honestly
do not know of any publication which
prints as much substantial material on a
regular basis as you. I only wish for the
good of all of us your circulation was many
times greater. We are living in very
desperate times and the things that you are
saying need more than ever to be said
over and over again. CHESTER BOWLES

Executive Chambers
Hartford, Conn.

Some Corrections

To the Editor: Because I know historians
quote The Survey, will you be good
enough to note these corrections in "Union
Teacher," published in the December 1950

1. Our highest peak of recorded class
participants was 22,050 in 1937-38 and in
the "mid-Thirties" the ILGWU member-
ship was never as small as four times
that number. Paid up membership in 1935
was 216,801; in 1936, 222,369; and in 1937,

2. The new full-time Training Institute
is independent of the Educational Depart-
ment, although working in close coopera-

3. The transitory work habits of the
Puerto Rican workers in New York make
exact statistics difficult, but a recent check
puts the ratio at 10 percent, with the 50
percent mentioned in the article as nearly
reached only in two of the smaller locals.

Another minor modification is to note
that the early members used agencies addi-
tional to their union in the early days to
fulfill their recreational and cultural

Educational Director

International Ladies' Garment Workers'


New Year's Greeting

The cover picture this month is a symbol
of the beauty and the promise of child-
hood, American children, the world's child-
ren. The frontispiece of this same issue
symbolizes another child, the infant 1951,
who sits there playing unconcernedly with
his ghastly toys. Considering this terrify-
ing baby, we can only realize that it is we
ourselves who put these playthings in his
reach, and we who stand to suffer if inept
hands fumble them into hideous activity.
We pray it is not already too late to
snatch them away. It is only in the hope
that somehow mankind may find the wis-
dom even now to turn 1951 from death
to life, from war to peace, that we can hail
one another with the time-honored greet-
ing Happy New Year!

* * *

have stirred such profound, nationwide
interest as the recent Midcentury White
House Conference on Children and Youth,
of which this issue carries the first detailed
report. Evidence of this interest is the fact
that before this issue went on the press,
The Survey had received orders for some
25,000 copies of the reprint of the special
sixteen-page section, which begins on page
17, and which is made up of several

month at the age of 73, was one of that
group of great women whose names mean
so much to the welfare field Jane
Addams, Julia Lathrop. Mrs. Florence
Kelley, Mary Richmond, and others. Her
outstanding work was on behalf of pro-
tective legislation for women earners,
notably as research director of the Na-
tional Consumers League, and in coopera-
tion with her brother-in-law, the late Louis
D. Brantleis, in preparing the briefs for
test cases of social legislation. Miss Gold-
mark's final work was a biography of her
friend and fellow-worker, Mrs. Florence
. Kelley.

A GOOD DEAL has been bandied about
in recent years to the effect that the psyche
and the soma should come in for equal
attention in the diagnosis and treatment of
illness. With the establishment of a divi-
sion of social medicine (which includes
.iNo social services) on a par with clinical
and laboratory divisions, New York City's
Montefiore Hospital has now put the idea
into operation. The plan, first of its kind
in the country, was worked out under the
leadership of Dr. E. M. Bluestone, the Hos-
pital's director, who has reported twice re
cently to Survey readers about other in-
novations in the hospital world. (See
"Medical Care A Community Plan,"
March 1949; "Home Care An Extramural


No. 1



January 1951

Cover: Painting by Eri/( G. Haupt
Liberty or Fear The Final Choice .

Indians' Banker

Folkland As Nation Maker




A Special Section
Midcentury White House Conferei
Children and Youth

Youth in Today's World: Conference Report .....

Moving Ahead

What Bends the Twig?

Gist of Recommendations ........ .

Pledge to Children . . .......








Public Welfare Faces Forward ............


Searchlight on the Schools ..................

Other New Books .........................

Copyright, 1951, by Survey Associates, Inc. All





rights reserved.


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Contributing editors: (Honorary) JOHN PALHEB GAVII, ALAIN LOCKE, LEON WHIPTLE,

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to L-aDOr Articles, raycuuiujju-ai rtusucttia, rwnw ^iii a iu

lativc Index Medicus, Biography Index, Current Biography.

Cooperative Membership in Survey Associates, Inc., including subscription: Year $10


Hospital Function," Survey Midmonthly,
April, 1948.)

THE EAST HARLEM Protestant Parish
celebrated its second anniversary last
month, and the Rev. Donald Benedict, the
first full time pastor, was able to tell a
stirring story of growth in numbers and
enthusiasm. (This work on behalf of the
diousands of people crowded into New
York City's worst slum area was described
in an article in the July Survey, "Labora-
tory for Theologians," by Robert L.
Hough.) Mr. Benedict recalled that the
initial service of the parish had a congre-
gation of two. Today, the parish has an
average Sunday attendance of 200. In


addition to a made-over chapel, it has
four "centers" in disused stores. The staff
has grown to three full time ministers, two
women co-pastors, four part time workers,
including a doctor and a nurse, and a
score of volunteers, many of them stu-
dents at Union Theological Seminary. The
parish carries on a program of varied ac-
tivities, including in addition to religious
services and Bible classes, clubs for girls
and boys, athletics, outings, and a wo-
men's club.

THE PICTURE on the cover of this issue

is by the distinguished New York painter,
Erik G. Haupt. It is a portrait of the
artist's son.


Copyright Chicago Sun-Times


Liberty or Fear

the Final Choice

For no one on earth today can there be freedom without peace; or peace
without effective world government: the supreme challenge of our times.


easy escape. The current issue is: How can in-
dividuals and organizations suspected of being "subver-
sive" be handled by the authorities without sacrificing
democratic freedom?

Let it be postulated at once that the solution cannot be
found within national boundaries. The present article,
at die risk of appearing idealistic, appeals for a more
drastic reorientation of individual thinking and com-
munity action than has yet been evoked by the crisis.

By way of introduction, perhaps an English observer
may venture to point out two significant differences or
divergent tendencies between die British and American
experience in this field during the last few years. As
virtually every signature at the foot of die Declaration of
Independence of 1776 and of the Constitution of 1787 can
easily be recognized as a British family name, and as
William Blackstone's "Institutes" were as eagerly read
and followed on this side of the Atlantic as in England,
frankness between inheritors of a common tradition of
law may be presumed.

In the first place, it cannot be doubted from die evi-
dence though this assertion may surprise those whose
knowledge of current British affairs is derived mainly
from American newspapers that civil liberty stands
higher in Britain now dian at any time since die end
of the war. Taking full account of the fact that the
law relating to treason, espionage, and "official secrets"
has been strengthened as a result of wartime exigencies,
it is nevertheless true that, today, individual freedom of
expression, movement, and association is more taken for
granted among British people than anywhere else in die
world. The extreme rarity of "subversive" cases in die


By a British barrister and educator, an author-
ity on international law who, during the past
three years, has been a guest lecturer on the
campuses of Chicago, Denver, California, and
other American universities.

Courts; the impeccable standards of judicial procedure
observed when treasonable cases (for example, the Fuchs
case) do occur; die strictly limited character of the ad-
ministrative measures taken to remove "undesirables"
from defense departments to less crucial positions; die
sense of responsibility normally exercised by the majority
of the press; die relentless scrutiny of a grass roots parlia-
ment over an executive, a cabinet which sits on die front
bench of die House of Commons these are some of die
blessings enjoyed by a society which feels itself secure
within, however the storm may rage without. The war
proved that, and the "peace" is proving it even more.
Anything resembling a "Freedom Crusade" would be
derided everywhere in Britain as a form of whistling in
the dark to keep up one's courage.

If the question be asked: "Then how do you deal with
the Commies?" an unmistakable answer is available
though it seems curiously to have escaped special notice
in the U. S. newspapers, which are usually so "liberal"
in their coverage of Communist discomfortures. At die
British General Election last February, when just over
600 seats were contested, 100 Communist Party candidates
stood for Parliament. The Communist plan was of course,
to weaken the Labor Party, even at die expense of getting
Conservatives in on a split "left" vote, since communism
thrives on confusion and reaction. The Communists had
all the facilities, official and otherwise, accorded to Con-
servative, Labor, and other party candidates. British
electoral law is absolutely impartial, uniform, and rigidly
enforced. The press, the radio, and other avenues of
publicity were available to all candidates alike. Every-
diing was "above board." And the result? Every one
of the Communist candidates was defeated even the two
incumbents. Well-known fellow traveler Laborites (such
as D. N. Pritt, K. Zilliacus, and J. Plans-Mills) also were
thrown out. Moreover, nearly every C.P. candidate lost
his "deposit," that is to say, he was so badly defeated dial
he forfeited the sum (about $600) which each candidate,
of any or no party, is required to deposit as a guarantee
that he considers he has a bona fide chance of receiving

at least one eighth of the votes cast. Since February, 1950
apart from occasional official blunders, such as the
much criticized banning of some of the foreign delegates
to the Sheffield "Peace Congress" in November the
British people have not worried over-much about com-
munism as an internal question. And this peace of mind
has had a steadying influence on foreign policy as well.
They, the people, had put communism in its rightful
place. Democracy had been tried, and not found wanting.

The second difference (which may help to explain
what happened last February) lies in the deeper content
which is given to democracy in Britain. The ballot box,
far from being the end of democracy, is merely its begin-
ning. In five years, coping with the unprecedented re-
adjustments of the aftermath of a second World War that
shattered and ruined most of Europe and much of Asia,
the Labor Government has succeeded beyond all expec-
tation at least to the satisfaction of the majority of
50,000,000 British citizens in demonstrating that politi-
cal democracy can be used, if the will is there, as a viable
instrument of economic rehabilitation and social re-

It would carry us too far afield to try to assess the im-
portance to the world of the experiments in democratic
socialism in which the British have been so strenuously
engaged during this difficult trial-and-error period. But
it may not immodestly be claimed that the British who,
in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, were pioneers
of political democracy, have now moved with the times
into a new phase of economic democracy.



toward civil liberties as an evolving and creative citizen-
ship may be resented by some readers as being unfair to
the American way of life. But the challenge of the new
social democracies of Europe is not to be taken lightly,
and goes to the source of the prevailing malaise which is
blocking American world leadership today. It was
Thomas Hill Green who pointed out, in his "Principles
of Political Obligation," two generations ago, that free-
dom is the capacity of the individual to make the best
of himself, and that the supreme function of the state
is to remove the hindrances which prevent the realization
of the "good life" on the part of its citizens.

Even if the appeal to past theory may be contradicted,
the appeal to present fact is undeniable. Geographically,
the people of Britain are today in an incomparably more
dangerous position, vis-a-vis the communist threat, than
are the people of the United States. The USA is still
separated from war-wracked Eurasia by two wide oceans,
and possesses a wealth of material peace resources and
potential defense power far beyond anything the world
has ever before seen. When this is capped by the de-
clared intention to use the untold terror of atomic weapons
against any attacker, the United States would seem to be
the safest country in the world.

In spite of this, it appears to the intelligent observer
that civil rights are in greater jeopardy in America than in
practically any one of the "Western democracies" of Eu-
rope, which, we are told, are living immediately under the
advancing shadow of the Iron Curtain. The probes, witch
hunts, loyalty oaths, and pathetic paraphernalia of guilt by
association and trial by slander which, to the whole out-
side world, are gradually being looked upon as pnrt and

parcel of the normal American way of life point to
something more endemically unsound than anything the
last five years' quarrel with Moscow could have pro-
duced. When this feverish and fumbling endeavor to
stamp (jut "subversives" is dubbed a "Fight for Free-
dom," men of goodwill in all democratic lands sigh with
John Stuart Mill: "O Liberty, what crimes are com-
mitted in thy name!"

threat of civil liberties even within those nations which
have already democratized their social systems demands
a global strategy to overcome it, it still is possible to turn

Online LibrarySurvey AssociatesThe Survey (Volume 87) → online text (page 1 of 131)