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cepted him as king, though Raymond of Tripoli, indignant at
his usurpation, intrigued with Saladin. Next year the pillage
of a Mussulman convoy by the lord of Kerak gave Saladin a
pretext for proclaiming a holy war against the The Battle
Christians, and invading the kingdom of Jerusalem, of Hattin
On 4th July 1187 a great battle was fought at JSfJJ 10
Hattin, in which Saladin won a complete victory, Jerusalem,
King Guy was taken prisoner, and the True Cross Il8? '
fell into the infidels' hands. On and October Jerusalem



196



European History, 918-1273



fell, and Tyre, Tripoli, and Antioch alone succeeded in
driving Saladin from their walls. Thus the great kingdom of
the Franks of Syria was reduced to a few towns near the sea-
coast, and a few sorely beleaguered castles. 'The Latins of




DOMINIONS OF SALADIN

at his death in 1193.

The rf.mnanlt of the Latin Haiti, after

1100 iftaded Uita . lllilllli!llllli:i

thftj includt :

1 Amioch 9 Jerusalem

2 Tripoli 4 Cyprus (Lwiynaiu)
The rfalei are thou of Uie Alalxk coni/iient.

Data in bracken mark the uaget
of Saliulin't coni/nenln.
! boundary ofHaladin't dviuiniont Oim xxxxxx



the East,' said William of Tyre, ' had forsaken God, and God
now forsook them.' Unless Europe made another such
effort as Urban n. had made, the crusading state would soon
disappear altogether.



The Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem



197



GENEALOGY OF THE EARLY KINGS OF JERUSALEM.



Godfrey the Bearded,

Duke of Lower Lorraine, d. 1069,

in. i. Doda ; 2. Beatrice, mother of Countess Matilda



Godfrey the Hunchback,

Duke of Lower Lorraine,

d. 1076



GODFREY OF BOULOGNE,

Duke of Lower Lorraine, and

Baron of the Holy Sepulchre,

d. noo



m. Eustace II.,
Count of Boulogne
I



Eustace in.
of Boulogne



BALDWIN i.,

Count of Edessa and

King of Jerusalem

(1100-1118)



B

BALDWIN n.,

Cousin of Baldwin i.

(1118-1130)

MILLICENT,

m. FULK OF ANJOU

(1130-1143)



BALDWIN in.
(1143-1163)



AMALRIC i.
(1163-1174)



BALDWIN iv.
(1174-1185)



Sibyl,
m. i. William of Montferrat

3. GUY OK LUSIGNAN

(1186-1192)



Isabella,
m. 2. CONRAD OF MONTFBRRA?

(1192)
3. HENRY OF CHAMPAGNE



BALI
(118.


5WIN V.

,-1186)


(1192-

4. AMALRIC i
(1197-

(4)



Mary,

m. JOHN OF BRIENNE
(1210-1222)

lolande,

m. EMPEROR FREDERICK u.
(a. 1250)



AMALRIC in.
(d. 1206)



CHAPTER IX

THE MONASTIC MOVEMENT
AND THE TWELFTH CENTURY RENASCFNCK l

Aspects of the Hildebrandine Movement The new Religious Orders Bruno
and the Carthusians The Beginnings of the Cistercians and Robert of
Molfime The Charter of Charity The Canons Regular Norbert and
Pre'montre' The Military Orders Influence of St. Bernard The Specu-
lative Revival Beginnings of Scholasticism Abelard and his influence
Abelard and Bernard Popular Heresies Peter de Bruys The Poor
Men of Lyons The Albigenses The Legal Revival Irnerius and the
Civil Law Gratian and the Canon Law.

WITH all their importance, the Crusades were only one aspect
of the great religious and intellectual movement that heralded
the twelfth century throughout the length and
aspects of the breadth of Western Europe, and was as directly
Hildebrandine a resu i t Q f t fr Q triumph of the Hildebrandine

movement. .

ideal as the new theories themselves were an
emanation from the Cluniac revival. Beginning with the
strenuous careers of Gregory vn. and Urban IL, this new spirit

1 Besides the dry pages of M oiler and Gieseler, reference can be made
to Montalembert's picturesque Monks of the West, and Maitland's Dark
Ages, while J. H. Newman's Lives of English Saints tells the story of
some of the monastic heroes with rare sympathy and power. An idea of
the monastic life can be got from good biographies, such as Church's Life
of St. Anselm, or Morison's Life of St. Bernard. Poole's Illustrations of
the History of Medicrval Thought, and Rashdall's Universities of the
Middle Ages (chap. ii. ' Abelard and the Renaissance of the Twelfth
Century,' and chap. iv. i and 2) give admirable accounts of the intel-
lectual movements of the time. Hardwick's History of the Christian
Church in the Middle Ages is a succinct one-volume summary of general
Church history.
106



The Monastic Movement 199

at once began to work powerfully on Europe, and reached
its height in the days of peace that succeeded the end of the
Investiture Contest

A monastic revival succeeded, as it preceded, the reforma-
tion of the Papacy. At first the movement was on the old
lines, and Cluny still maintained its reputation, The
and increased its number of offshoots. But the monastic
' Congregation of Cluny ' was too unelastic to be
capable of indefinite expansion, and its influence was perhaps
widest felt in those houses which adopted its ideal without
giving up their ancient Benedictine independence. Con-
spicuous among such was Hirschau, a convent

' Hirschau.

situated on the north-eastern slopes of the Black
Forest, in Swabia, where Abbot William introduced the rule
of Cluny in 1077, and which immediately became a centre
of monastic reformation in southern Germany, though the
congregation of Hirschau never attained the organisation or
permanence of that of Cluny.

The weak point of the Cluniac system was that everything
depended upon the abbot. Under the unworthy Pontius
(1109-1125), whom kinship to Paschal n. had cl
brought to the headship of Cluny at an exceed-
ingly early age, discipline declined, the old simplicity dis-
appeared, and the abbot, whose virtues were those of a feudal
noble rather than a true monk, wasted his energies in
conflicts with the Bishop of Macon, who, in spite of papal
exemptions, strove to reform the declining house as diocesan.
But under the famous abbot, Peter the Venerable, Cluny
again became a power in Europe, though its old influence
was never restored. Younger houses, organised on newer
lines, divided among themselves the reverence once felt for
it, and even Peter of Cluny was overshadowed by Bernard of
Clairvaux.

The times were still so stormy, and secular life so rough,
that the impulse which drove pious minds into the cloister
was as strong as ever. The feudal anarchy that still



2OO European History, 918-1273

prevailed in France, perhaps continued to give that country
the leading part, both in spreading hierarchical ideas and in
Further bringing about further monastic revivals. The
of the Pment S 1 " 6 ^ question for the new race of monastic re-
congrega- formers was how to keep up the spirit of the
tionai idea, older rule while avoiding its dangers. Cluny had
not quite solved the problem, though the congregational
idea, the more disciplined austerity, and the admission of
conversi or lay brothers, were steps capable of wider develop-
ment. How to avoid the wealth, pride, and idleness that
came from success was a still harder problem. The import-
ance of the new orders that arose in the end of the eleventh
and the early years of the twelfth century depended upon
the skill with which the founders answered these fundamental
questions.

The first new order was the order of Grammont. Its
founder, St. Stephen, an Auvergnat noble, settled in 1076
Order of with a few companions at Muret, north of
Grammont. Limoges, though after his death the house was
removed to the bleak granitic plateau of the neighbouring
Grammont A large number of daughter houses grew up
in Aquitaine, Anjou, and Normandy, all of which, after
the Cluniac fashion, were subject to the prior of Grammont.
St. Stephen's wish was to follow no fixed definite system, but
to be content with the Gospel rules of poverty, humility, and
long-suffering, and his successors embodied this aspiration
in a form of life which forbade the order to possess land,
cattle, or churches, to exclude seculars from its services,
and allowed it, if no alms came, to beg for sustenance. This
was a remarkable anticipation of the chief characteristic of
the mendicant orders of the thirteenth century, but it
did not prevent the early decay of these disorderly
idealists. A stern fixed rule was necessary to a mediaeval
monastery.

A happier fate attended St. Bruno, the founder of the
Carthusians. A German from Cologne, Bruno, became



The Monastic Movement 20 1

scholasticus of the famous chapter school at Reims, where
he numbered Urban u. among his disciples. Driven with
disgust from Reims by the violence of Archbishop The
Manasses, he hid himself in a wild mountain Carthusian
valley near Grenoble in'Dauphiny, the site of the st^B^no.
still famous Grande Chartreuse, where he gathered
round him a band of hermits living in separate cells. Bruno
was called to Rome by his old pupil Urban n. ; but the love
of retirement soon took him to Calabria, where he founded
another Charterhouse, and died in 1101. Charterhouses
now grew up, though not very rapidly, all over Europe,
and the order took its final shape in the statutes of 1258.
The possession of land, forbidden by Bruno, was strictly
limited, as were all other sources of wealth. Ruled by a
general chapter, the order followed up still further the idea
of the congregation. But the special characteristic of the
Carthusians was the union of the hitherto separated ccenobitic
and eremitic ideals. The Carthusian belonged to an order
and convent, with its common church and other buildings ;
but instead of living without privacy in common dormitory
and refectory, he lived in a separate cell a life of meditation,
study, and silence, while the conversi practised agricul-
ture. The Carthusian life was novel; but the magnificent
churches and buildings of the order show that it took a deep
root. Better than many of the purely ccenobitic orders, the
Carthusians maintained their purity with few traces of the
inevitable decay that beset most monastic types when the
enthusiasm of the founders had abated. Another order, that
of Fontevrault, founded by the Breton, Robert of Arbrissel
(noo), was distinguished by combining monasteries for
men and women in one establishment after the primitive
plan, and by making the abbess superior of the whole com-
munity, since Robert reverenced in her the representative
of the Virgin. Outside France this order had no great
importance.

The most important influence among the new orders



2O2 European History, 918-1273

undoubtedly fell to the Cistercians, who rose rapidly from
humble beginnings to a unique position. In 1075 a monk
The named Robert founded a small convent at Mole'me

Cistercian j n northern Burgundy, where he strove to carry out
Robert of with absolute literalness and fidelity the rule of
Moime. St. Benedict. The monks found the austerities of
their abbot so painful that they rebelled, and in 1098 Robert
left Moleme in despair, accompanied by the few zealots,
conspicuous among whom was the Englishman Stephen or
Harding. The little band settled down at Citeaux, between
Dijon and Chalon, a desolate spot which derived its name
from the surrounding pools of standing water. There was
founded the famous abbey, which was to give its name to a
new departure in monastic history. At first the brethren lived in
excessive poverty and isolation. But the fame of their holiness
gradually brought them adherents, and from 1113, when the
young Burgundian nobleman, Bernard of Fontaines, applied
for admission with thirty of his kinsmen, the growth of Citeaux
was rapid. The monastery overflowed, and swarm after swarm
of monks established daughter houses elsewhere. In 1115
Bernard himself, whose strong will and saintly character had
won for him in two years a leading position, led one of these
migrations to Clairvaux, of which house he became abbot.
Stephen the Englishman was now abbot of Citeaux, and
showed a capacity for organisation which soon made the
single poor monastery that he ruled the mother of a great
order. In 1119 he obtained Calixtus ii.'s approval for the
Carta famous 'Charter of Charity,' the constitution

Cantatii, which he had devised for Citeaux and its daughter
houses. The movement soon spread like wild-
fire, and hundreds of Cistercian monasteries were founded
throughout Christendom.

The leading characteristics of the Cistercians marked the
new order clearly off from its fellows. Starting from their
first principle of absolute asceticism, they pushed the doctrine
of self-renunciation as far as human capacity allowed. They



The Monastic Movement 203

rejected soft and costly garments, lived on the plainest and
simplest food, and would not tolerate splendour even in their
churches, where, instead of gold and silver crosses, they con-
tented themselves with painted wood. The very vestments
of their priests were of coarse stuff without gold, or silver,
or costly embroidery. Their churches and monasteries were
built as simply as was possible. Towers and belfries were
rejected as useless luxuries. Choosing for their abode remote
valleys and wildernesses far from the haunts of men, they
carefully avoided the proximity to town-life, which was a
stumbling-block in the way of the older orders. Even the
cure of souls was prohibited as likely to lead the monks into
the world and its sins, and to celebrate Masses for money
was denounced as simony. Thus the old Benedictine rule
was upheld, and the monk reminded that he was no clerk
but a pious recluse, whose business was to save his own
soul. For the occupation of the brethren labour was enjoined ;
and a large number of conversi carried on the hard agricultural
work that soon made the wilderness blossom like a garden,
and filled with sheep the downs and deserts. It thus resulted
that the Cistercians, despite their principles, had considerable
influence in promoting the civilisation of the regions in which
they settled. The interconnection of their houses made it
easy for them to spread a tendency or an idea from land to
land, as when they transmitted the first rudiments of Gothic
architecture from its north French home to Italy. 1 While
wealth and idleness were thus kept at bay, elaborate efforts
were made to keep watch over backsliders. While the
example of Cluny had led all the great monasteries to strive
to get from the Pope exemption from episcopal authority,
Citeaux ostentatiously professed canonical obedience to the
Bishop of Chalon, and every daughter house was founded with
the consent of the diocesan, to whom its abbot submitted
himself as a subject Moreover, the constitution sketched in

1 See on this subject Enlart's Origines de F Architecture goihique en
Italic (Biblioiheque de 1'Ecole franchise de Rome).



2O4 European History, 918-127 3

the ' Carta Caritatis ' provided within the order itself means for
perpetual visitation and reproof of weaker brethren, that was
far more effective than episcopal control. Like the Cluniacs,
the Cistercians formed a congregation over which the Abbot
of Citeaux exercised the powers of a king. But an elaborate
series of checks on the abbot's power imparted an aristocratic
or popular element to the government of the new order.
The abbots of the four first daughters of Citeaux [La
Ferte" (founded 1113), Pontigny (1114), Clairvaux (1115),
and Morimond (1115)], and the General Chapter of the abbots
of the order, while liable to be visited and corrected by their
superior, had the power of correcting, administering, and
depriving the head of the order himself. The monasteries
were to be visited yearly. Each new house was affiliated to
the earlier one from which it had sprung, and the mother-
house exercised a special watchfulness over it. So different
did the Cistercians feel themselves from other regulars that
they significantly discarded the black garment of the Benedic-
tines in favour of a coarse white dress, from which they got the
name of the white monks. Their elaborate organisation gave
them a corporate feeling and unity of purpose to which
few other orders could aspire. They represent the last and
most complete effort to give real effect to the ideal of
St. Benedict, by enjoining an austerity even beyond that of
Benedict, and by an elaborate organisation to which his rule
for a single house was quite a stranger.

Other new orders started on a different purpose. Various
hospital orders, which laid special stress on the care of the
sick and suffering, were set up for those who sought salvation
in good works for the world, rather than in isolation from
human intercourse. But the great contribution of the twelfth
century towards bridging over the great gulf between clerk
and monk was the institution of the so-called Austin Canons,
The canons or Canons Regular. It was agreed that the higher
Regular. Hf e was the monastic life, and that the secular
priest, possessing private property, living in his own house



The Monastic Movement 205

and immersed in worldly affairs, stood on a lower plane than
the regular, but the cure of souls was left to the secular
clergy, and it was no part of the Hildebrandine ideal to
neglect the pastoral work of the Church. Hence came a
movement for reforming the secular clergy by making them
live the life of a monk, while they carried on the duties of a
clerk. It was impossible to enforce monastic life on the
isolated and ignorant parish clergy, among whom it was hard
work enough to enforce the new obligation of celibacy. The
great colleges and cathedrals, served by many priests, offered
an easier and more fruitful field for reform.

In the fifth century St. Augustine of Hippo had sought to
establish a 'monastery of clerks in the bishop's household.'
In the days of the Carolingian reformation, Bishop Chrodegang
of Metz had, in the spirit of the great African father, set up a
rule of life, by which canons of a cathedral should live in
common along with their bishops. In Hildebrand's days
Peter Damiani appealed to the example of St. Augustine as
the ideal pattern for the cathedral clergy. Many chapters were
reformed, and from the twelfth century onwards a sharp dis-
tinction was drawn between 'regular canons,' subject to a
rule of life, and 'secular canons' of the old-fashioned sort.
The great property and the political influence of the cathedral
chapters made it hard to keep out of them members of the
great territorial families, who looked on their prebends as
sources of income, and who soon found a regular life too
austere, so that few cathedrals became permanently served
by them. But new churches of Regular Canons, where
there were no secular traditions to interfere with the strict-
ness of their rule, began to rise up all over Christen-
dom. The general name of ' Austin Canons ' suggested that
the whole of the class strove to realise the old ideal of
St. Augustine.

Various congregations of Regular Canons were now set up,
conspicuous among which was that of the Victorines, whose
abbey of St. Victor in Paris became, as we shall see, a prominent



206 European History, 918-1273

centre of conservative theology. But it was the establishment
of the Premonstratensian congregation by Norbert of Xanten
which gave the Austin Canons so great a position in Christen-
Norbert and ^ om tnat tnev almost rivalled the Cistercians in
the Premon- popularity. Norbert was a man of high family, who,
stratensians. after having held canonr i es of the old-fashioned

sort at his native town and at Cologne, gave up the world
and wandered as a preacher of penitence throughout Gaul,
carefully avoiding intercourse with clerks or monks. In 1120
he settled in a desert place in the forest of Coucy, not far
from Laon, where the bishop was his friend, and established
there a house of Canons Regular, calling the spot Pre'montre'
[Pratum Monstratum], in the belief that the site had been
pointed out to him by an angel. The rule of Pre'montre' soon
became famous, and its canons, clad in the white garment of
the Cistercians, showed, by their energy and zeal, that clerks
bound by a rule could live lives as holy as monks and do as
much pastoral work as seculars. As an ' order of clerks ' they
exercised cure of souls, preached, taught, and heard confes-
sions, and where possible made their churches parochial. In
1126 Norbert became Archbishop of Magdeburg. Finding
the secular chapter utterly opposed to his policy, he planted a
new colony of Premonstratensians hard by in the collegiate
church of St Mary (1129). Through his influence the Pre-
monstratensians took the leading share in the civilising and
Christianising of the Slavonic lands beyond the Elbe. In a
later chapter we shall see how Norbert soon became the
Emperor Lothair's chief adviser and helper. Before his death
his order had spread throughout Western Christendom. While
Citeaux had for its ambition the perfection of an ancient
system, Pre'montre' made a new departure in religious history.
Later regular orders have in nearly all cases striven to carry
out the ideal of Norbert, of combining the religious life with
that pastoral care, which to the older type of monasticism was
but a subtle and attractive form of that worldliness which
they were pledged to avoid. Within Norbert's own lifetime



The Monastic Movement 207

the rule of the Austin Canons received a very great accession
to its strength. The military orders of the Latin East all
lived when at peace the life, and took the vows The Military
of Austin Canons, while the older military orders Orders -
of Spain [Calatrava, 1158, Alcantara, 1152] stood in close
connection with the Cistercians. [See chapter xx.]

The great development of new orders had a many-sided
influence on the character of the twelfth century. The monks
and the Regular Canons were everywhere the best i n fl uence O f
servants of the Papacy, while their international the new
organisation was a new link between the national [^"^
churches. The local jealousy of Roman influence, twelfth
the aspirations of the bishops to an independent c
position, were energetically withstood by the enthusiasm of
the young orders. Their asceticism and zeal for good works
won for them the passionate attachment of the laity, and
stimulated the sluggish seculars to greater activity and holi-
ness. Their influence over public opinion was enormous.
Not Louis of France or Conrad of Germany, but Norbert
of Magdeburg and Bernard of Clairvaux, were the real leaders
of European thought towards the middle of the twelfth
century.

The practical authority of Norbert was mainly limited to
Germany, but the influence of Bernard, confined to no class or
country, proved something almost unique in the
whole of Christian history. While Bernard lived
the simple and self-denying life of a Cistercian in his
Burgundian monastery, his activity took in the whole of
Christendom. His correspondence was enormous, his works
numerous and varied, and his authority hardly questioned.
Through his influence the white robe of the Cistercians be-
came familiar in the remotest valleys of Christendom, and
the simple and struggling order, which he had joined but a
few years before, attained a world-wide celebrity. Every sort
of dispute and difference was brought before his tribunal.
The rulers of Church and State flocked to the rude huts o/



208 European History, 918-1273

Clairvaux as to an oracle. In his frequent journeys throughout
France, the Rhineland and Italy, he was welcomed as Pope or
Emperor was never welcomed. It was Bernard who drew up
the rule for the Knights Templars, who ended the papal schism
of 1 130, and procured the recognition of Innocent 11. as Pope.
Innocent n. set the example of deference to his authority
which subsequent Popes obsequiously continued, till at last
a simple Cistercian became Pope Eugenius HI., merely
because he was the friend of Bernard. Bernard joined with
Norbert in reprobating the rationalism that sprang from the
teaching of an Abelard or Gilbert de la Porrde or Arnold of
Brescia, and strove with sublime unreasonableness to put
down the new questioning spirit. More open heresy, like that
of Peter de Bruys, found in him an equally implacable foe.
He upheld every doctrine of hierarchical power, and scrupled
not to rebuke kings and emperors if they gainsaid him. He
rekindled the crusading spirit when it seemed growing cool,
and persuaded the two greatest princes of Christendom to
set forth on the ill-fated Second Crusade. Stern, unyielding,
rigid, dogmatic, blind to all things which in his view did not
immediately promote the kingdom of God, Bernard represents
the very triumph of the older monastic spirit with its com-
pleteness of self-renunciation, its terrible asceticism, its strange
and almost inhuman virtues. Even in his own day, his spirit
was not that of the whole Church, and bold voices were found



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