T. F. (Thomas Frederick) Tout.

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of theology. Law became the attractive science as well for
ardent ecclesiastics as for men of the world. If it involved
less speculative activity than the studies it superseded, it had
the advantage of helping to bridge over the gulf between
the little world of isolated students and the broad world of
everyday life. As the revival of dialectic renewed men's
interests in abstract science, so did the revival of law
broaden men's practical interests. If in the long-run it
gave weapons to Empire as well as to Papacy, the first result
was to complete the equipment of the hierarchy for the
business of ruling the world. While the civilian's Empire
was a theory, the canonist's Papacy was a fact. As living
head of a living system, the Pope became a constant fountain
of new legislation for the Canon Law, while the Civil Law
remained as it had been in Justinian's time, with little
power of adaptation to the needs of a changing state of society.
Stimulated by the religious revival and the mon-

The new . .

movements astic movement, victorious over nascent heresy,
strengthen vet invigorated by the new activity of human

the Church. ' , . ,

thought, protected by the enthusiasm which had
brought about the Crusades, a state within the state, with her
own law, her own officers, and her own wonderful organisation,
the Church of the twelfth century stood at the very height of
her power, and drew fresh strength, even from the sources that
might well have brought about her ruin.



Origin of the Hohenstaufen Election of Lothair II. and consequent rivalry of
Welf and Weiblingen The reign of the Priests' Emperor Norbert and
Albert the Bear Lothair and Italy Roger unites Sicily and Naples
Honorius II. Schism of Innocent n. and Anacletus Lothair's privilege
to the Church Election of Conrad HI. His contest with the Guelfs
The Eastward march of German civilisation Final triumph of Innocent
II. Roger's organisation of the Norman kingdom Growth of municipal
autonomy in northern and central Italy.

Two thousand feet above the sea, on the very summit of one
of the northern outliers of the rugged Swabian Alp that
separates the valley of the upper Neckar from Ori inofthe
that of the upper Danube, stood the castle of Hohen-
Hohenstaufen, that gave its name to the most staufen -
gifted house that ever ruled over the mediasval Empire. The
hereditary land of the family lay around, and a few miles east,
nearer the Neckar valley, lies the village of Weiblingen from
which came the even more famous name of Ghibelline. The
lords of this upland region were true Swabian magnates, who
were gradually brought into greatness by their energy and zeal
in supporting the Empire. In the darkest days of his struggle
with the Church, Henry iv. had no more active or loyal partisan
than Frederick of Biiren or Hohenstaufen, whom he married
to his daughter Agnes, and upon whom he conferred the
duchy of Swabia. It was after the ancient fashion that the

1 To the books enumerated in chapter i. may now be added, Busk's
discursive but detailed Meditzval Popes, Kings, Emperors and Crusaders,
from 1125 to 1268. Bernhardi's Lotharvon Supplinburg and Konrad III.
deal specially with the two reigns covered in this chapter.

222 European History, 918-1273

new Duke of Swabia should find his chief enemy in the Duke
of Bavaria. But besides many a bitter feud with the papalist
house of Welf or Guelf, Frederick had to deal with no less
formidable enemies within his own duchy. The same dis-
integrating influences that were affecting all Germany were
at work in Swabia. Berthold of Zahringen, a mighty man
in the upper Rhineland, sought to attain the Swabian duchy
by zealous championship of the papal cause. After long
fighting with the Staufer, the lord of Zahringen was able to
effect a practical division of the duchy. In 1097 he was
allowed all ducal rights in those Swabian lands between
Rhine and Alps, which in a later age became the centre of
the Swiss confederation. He did not lose even the title of
duke, so that with the Dukes of Zahringen as effective rulers
of Upper Swabia, the Hohenstaufen influence was limited to
the north. The first Hohenstaufen Duke of Swabia had,
by the Emperor's daughter, two sons, whose names were
Frederick Frederick and Conrad. These nephews of
and Conrad. Henry v. were always marked out by their uncle
as his successors. They inherited as a matter of course the
private possessions of the Salian house. They had already
given proof that they were worthy of a high destiny.
Frederick, the elder, succeeded to his father's duchy of Lower
Swabia. He was now thirty-five years old, strong, courageous,
ambitious, and well conducted. He had further strengthened
his position by marrying Judith, daughter of Henry the Black,
the Guelfic Duke of Bavaria (died 1126), a match which
seemed likely to bridge over the natural antagonism of the
two great southern 'nations' of Germany. Conrad, the
younger brother, had obtained from his uncle the duchy of
Franconia. All south Germany might well seem united in
support of Frederick's succession to the Empire. But the
hierarchical party feared lest the traditional attitude of the
Staufer might imperil the triumph of the Church. The
feudal nobles were alarmed lest too vigorous a ruler might
limit their independence. The Saxons as ever were opposed

Germany and Italy, 1125-1152 223

to a southern Emperor, likely to renew the Salian attack upon
their national liberties.

Saxony was still almost as vividly contrasted to the rest of
Germany as in the days when it gave Henry the Fowler and
Otto the Great to save the kingdom, that the last

, , The Saxon

degenerate Frankish rulers had brought to the Duchy and
verge of ruin. Despite many defeats and constant Loth ir f

i ,. , iii Supplinburg.

attacks, it was as free, restless, strong and warlike
as ever. In the later years of Henry v.'s reign a new and
vigorous duke had restored and reorganised its fighting power.
Lothair of Supplinburg was the son of that Count Gerhard who
had fallen in battle against Henry iv. on the banks of the
Unstrut. By his marriage with Richenza, niece of Egbert of
Meissen, and grand-daughter of Otto of Nordheim, he had
acquired the Saxon duchy, which under his hands had lost
nothing of its ancient character. While the Dukes of Swabia
had yielded the jurisdiction of the south to the Dukes of
Zahringen, while Franconia was hopelessly split between rival
houses, Lorraine divided between upper and lower Lorraine,
and the Margraves of the East Mark, who had already the
power and were soon to have the title of Dukes of Austria, had
cut deep into the integrity of the Bavarian duchy, while in all
the duchies alike a swarm of counts and barons had absorbed
most of the effective attributes of sovereignty, Saxony alone
maintained its unity and independence. Whatever the
encroachments of the feudal principle, the Saxon duke still
headed and represented a nation proudly conscious of its great-
ness and fiercely resentful of all southern influence. Lothair
had grown old in long and doubtful struggles against Henry v.,
and the Emperor had never ventured to deprive his unruly
subject of his duchy. The Duke had found his position
much strengthened, since the setting-up of a Danish arch-
bishopric at Lund in 1104 had barred the prospects of the
Archbishop of Bremen obtaining that northern patriarchate
that Adalbert had of old desired, and had in consequence de-
stroyed the importance of the chief ecclesiastical makeweight

224 European History, 918-1273

to his authority. He was no servile friend of the hierarchy,
but, after the Saxon fashion, he wished well to the Church,
as the best check upon the power of the imperialistic south.
Long experience had made him cautious, moderate, and
politic. He was the strongest noble in Germany.

In August 1125 the German magnates met together
at Mainz to chose their new king. The antagonism of
Election of ^ ie nat ^ ons was so fierce that, while Saxons and
Lothair 1 1., Bavarians encamped on the right bank of the
Rhine, Swabians and Franks took up their quarters
on the opposite side of the stream. A committee of forty
princes, ten chosen from each of the four nations, was set up
to conduct the preliminary negotiations, and if possible, to
agree upon a candidate. Frederick of Swabia, Lothair or
Saxony, and Leopold of Austria were all proposed as can-
didates. The craft of Adalbert of Mainz, as ever the foe
of Henry v. and his house, prevented the election of the
Staufer, by representing to the princes that P'rederick's choice
would be interpreted as a recognition of an hereditary claim.
For the first time since the election of Conrad n., the magnates
had a free hand, and they could not resist the temptation
to use it. Adalbert isolated Frederick by breaking up his new
alliance with the Guelfs. Conrad of Franconia was away on
Crusade. The alliance of Saxons and Bavarians, backed up
by the skill of Adalbert, the zeal of the Papalists and the
enthusiasm of the Rhineland, led to the election of Lothair.

Lothair n. reigned from 1125 to 1138. He was already
sixty years old, at his accession, but he ruled with energy and
The reign of vigour. By marrying his only daughter, Gertrude,
Lothair ii., to Henry the Proud, son of Duke Henry the
1x25-1138. Black, he united his fortunes with those of the
house of Guelf, and prepared the way for that union of Saxony
The Hohen- an( ^ Bavaria which had long been the Guelfs'
staufen dream. In these days the struggle of the rival

.ubdued. families of Welf and Weiblingen, of Guelf and
Ghibelline, first brought out the famous antagonism that in

Germany and Italy, 1125-1152 225

later times was extended over the Alps, and grew from a strife
of hostile houses to a warfare of contending principles, and
finally degenerated into the most meaningless faction fight that
history has ever witnessed.

Lothair deprived Frederick of Swabia of part of the Salian
lands inherited from Henry v. This was the signal of war
between Swabian and Saxon, Weiblingen and Welf. In 1127
Conrad, the younger Hohenstaufen brother, was set up as
anti-king, and in 1128 crossed the Alps in quest of the
imperial crown and the heritage of the Countess Matilda.
Milan welcomed him, and crowned him with the Iron Crown.
But the Pope, Honorius n., excommunicated him, and he
could make no way south of the Apennines. Meanwhile
King Lothair and his son-in-law, Henry the Proud, took pos-
session of the Rhenish towns that were the Hohenstaufen
strongholds, and devastated Swabia with fire and sword. In
1134 Frederick gave up the contest, and next year Conrad
also made his submission. Lothair showed politic magna-
nimity arid left them their hereditary possessions.

In a Diet at Bamberg in 1135 Lothair proclaimed a
general peace for Germany. To Saxons and churchmen his
reign was a golden age. ' It is with right,' wrote a Lothair and
contemporary annalist, 'that we call Lothair the German
father of his country, for he upheld it strenuously civilisation -
and was always ready to risk his life for justice's sake.' 'He
left behind him,' said another, ' such a memory that he will
be blessed until the end of time : for in his days the Church
rejoiced in peace, the service of God increased, and there
was plenty in all things.' He has been accused of sacrificing
the greatness of the Empire for the sake of immediate
advantages. But there is little evidence that he was ever
false to the Concordat of Worms, and it is hard to condemn
a prince who, by accepting the ideas of the rights of the
Church that found favour at the time, was able to put down
domestic strife, and allow his people to advance in civilisa-
tion and


226 European History, 918-1273

As the true heir of the Ottos, Lothair occupied himself with
extending German political supremacy and culture into Scandi-
The Slavs navian and Slavonic lands. His earlier efforts
and the against the Bohemians were not successful, but

even before peace was restored in Germany, he
forced King Niel of Denmark and his son Magnus to do
homage and pay tribute. He turned his arms against the
neighbouring Slavs, and brought back to his obedience the
chiefs of the Wagrians and the Abotrites. Duke Boleslav
of Poland recognised him as his lord, and agreed to hold
Pomerania and Riigen as fiefs of the Empire. Duke Sobeslav
of Bohemia and King Bela n. of Hungary referred their dis-
putes to his arbitration. At his court were seen the envoys of
the Eastern Emperor and of the Venetians. Everywhere his
influence was recognised.

Lothair busied himself greatly with the revival of religion in
his rude Saxon duchy, and with the extension of Christianity
Norbertand an ^ German political influence amidst the
Albert the heathens and haJf-heathens beyond the limits of
his Empire. Side by side with the soldiers of
Albert the Bear, Margrave of the North Mark, went the
Christian missionaries and revivalists. At the bidding of the
Emperor, Norbert left Pre'montre', and became Archbishop of
Magdeburg, and founded there a new house that became the
second great centre of Premonstratensian ideas. Through
his influence secular canons were removed from most of
the cathedrals of eastern Saxony and the Marches, and
replaced by Premonstratensians. Norbert wished to make
Magdeburg the centre of missions to the East and a patriarchate
over Polish and Wendish Christianity. New bishoprics were
founded in Poland and half-heathen Pomerania, and the
Polish Archbishop of Gnesen lost for a time his metropolitical
power. For a time the ideas of Adalbert of Bremen were
again in the ascendant, and the Pope restored the rights of
Bremen over Lund and the churches of Scandinavia. From
Bremen Vicelin brought Christianity to the conquered Wagrians

Germany and Italy, 1125-1152 227

and Abotrites. The fortress of Siegburg, built by Lothair on
the Trave, both assured his supremacy and protected the
famous monastery that grew up at its walls.

The alliance between Lothair and the Papacy did not in-
volve the abdication of any imperial rights in Italy, but the
pressure of German affairs put Italy somewhat in Lothair and
the background. A great series of changes was Ital y-
now being brought about in Italy. In the north and centre
the communal revolution was, as we shall soon see, in full pro-
gress. In the south the Norman power was being consolidated,
while a fresh schism soon distracted the Papacy.

Since the conquest of Sicily from the Mohammedans by
Roger, the youngest brother of Robert Guiscard, the chief
Norman lordship of southern Italy had been
divided between the two branches of the house of sidiy and
Tancred. Roger ruled Sicily as its count until Apulia by
his death in 1101, when he was succeeded by
his son and namesake, Roger n., a child of four. Mean-
while the stock of Robert Guiscard bore rule in Calabria
and Apulia. Roger, son of Robert, was Duke of Apulia
from his father's death in 1085 to his own decease in mi.
His son and successor, William, was a weakling, and upon
his death without issue in 1127, the direct line of Robert
became extinct. Roger of Sicily had now long attained
man's estate, and had shown his ability and energy in the
administration of his county. After his cousin's death, he at
once got himself accepted as Duke of Apulia and Calabria
by the mass of the Norman barons, and then directed his
resources towards conquering the states of southern Italy
that were still outside the power of his house. With
the subjugation of the rival Norman principality of Capua,
and of the republics of Amalfi and Naples, the unity of
the later kingdom of Naples and Sicily was substantially

Since 1124 i ambert, Bishop of Ostia, the Bolognese lawyer
who had ended the Investiture Contest, had held the papal

228 European History, 918-1273

throne, with the title of Honorius 11., but he failed to show the
decision of character necessary to dominate the unruly local
Honorius ii., factions of Rome, or to resist the usurpations of
1134-1130. t he Count of Sicily. The union of Apulia and
Sicily threatened the Italian balance, but Honorius strove in
vain to form a league of Italian princes against Roger. In
1128 he was forced to accept Roger as lord of Apulia. The
Norman soon scorned the titles of count and duke, which had
contented his predecessors, and soon had an opportunity of
gratifying his ambition to become a king.

On the death of Honorius n., the cardinals with due obser-
vance of all proper forms, chose as their Pope Peter Pier-
leone, a former monk of Cluny, who took the

Schism of , , .

innocent ii. name of Anacletus n. But nothing could be less
and Anacie- Quniac than this Cluniac Pope, the son of a Jewish
banker who had turned Christian, and made a
great fortune at Rome during the Investiture Contest. The
house of Pierleone had taken a considerable place arjiong
the great families of Rome, and one of the worst troubles of
Honorius ii. had been its violent opposition to his rule.
Peter had shamelessly used his father's money to buy over the
majority, and the worst and best motives led to the question-
ing of his election. The houses of Corsi and Frangipani,
who had had the ear of the last Pope, were dismayed at
the triumph of the head of the rival faction. The strong
hierarchical party had no faith in the Jewish usurer's son.
Accordingly, five cardinals offered the Papacy to Gregory,
Cardinal-deacon of St. Angelo, who took the name of Innocent
n., and was at once hailed as the candidate of the stronger
churchmen. But in Rome he found himself powerless. He
fled to Pisa, and thence to Genoa, Provence, Burgundy, and
France. Anacletus meanwhile reigned in Rome and Italy,
where, by granting the title of king to Roger of Sicily, he
secured the support of the Normans.

Anacletus and Innocent both appealed to Lothair. But the
real decision of their claims rested with Bernard of Clairvaux.

Germany and Italy, 1125-1152 229

Bernard had no faith in the splendour and pride of Cluny,
and showed little respect for the forms of a papal election.
He quickly perceived that the interests of the hierarchy were
involved in recognising Innocent, and with characteristic
enthusiasm declared for his cause, and soon won over France
and its king. Like Urban n., Innocent n. traversed France,
crowned Louis vn. at Reims, and presided over a synod at
Clermont. England, Castile, Aragon followed France in
recognising him. Norbert accepted eagerly the guidance of
St. Bernard, and prevailed upon Lothair to recognise Innocent.
Italy alone resisted, and Lothair crossed the Alps to win
Italy for Innocent, and receive from him the imperial crown.
Germany took little interest in his expedition, and Lothair in
the scanty band that followed him was almost Ital y-
exclusively Saxon. Innocent availed himself of his coming
to return to Italy, and enter into the possession of the long-
contested inheritance of the Countess Matilda. In April
1133, Lothair and Innocent entered Rome. But Anacletus
held the Leonine city and the castle of St. Angelo, and
Innocent could only get possession of the Lateran, where
he crowned the Emperor on Ath Tune. Four

. T . ,. ... His corona-

days later Innocent n. issued a diploma of pnvi- tion and

lege to Lothair. in which the Pope. ' not wishing issue of

,...,, . . privileges

to diminish but increase the majesty of the Em- t o the
pire, granted the Emperor all his due and canonical church,
rights, and forbade the prelates of Germany laying
hands on the temporalities [regalia] of their offices, except
from the Emperor's grant.' An agreement was also arrived at
with regard to the inheritance of the Countess Matilda.
Lothair consented to receive Matilda's fiefs from the Pope,
and to pay tribute for them. At his death they were to go to
Henry of Bavaria, hisv son-in-law. By thus appearing before
the world as receiving^ irom the Pope rights which he could
well claim as his own, Lothair secured for his family estates
that might otherwise have gone to the Hohenstaufen. But
the Papalists were much exalted at the submission of the

230 European History, 918-1273

Emperor. A German chronicler tells how Innocent caused a
picture to be painted, in which the Pope was represented
sitting on a throne, and the Emperor humbly receiving the
crown from his hands. Two insolent verses inscribed beneath
it told how the king had come to the gates of Rome, and
had sworn to protect the privileges of the city, and how he
became the man of the Pope who gave him the crown. 1

Innocent had still much trouble with the Antipope, and
his chief supporter, Roger of Sicily. He soon withdrew from

Rome to Pisa, where, in 1134, he held a synod,
the Normans which Bernard left Clairvaux to attend. But not
of Sicily, even the animating presence of the saint could

make Anacletus and Roger submit. Innocent
was forced to continue at Pisa until, in 1136, Lothair crossed
the Alps a second time to help him. On this occasion the
Emperor came with an army, and St. Bernard's fervid denun-
ciations of the Norman tyrant, who alone upheld to any pur-
pose the schismatic cause, gave the expedition the character of
a crusade. Lothair performed exploits, said Otto of Freising,
in Calabria and Apulia such as no Frankish king had done
since the days of Charles the Great. He captured some of the
chief Norman towns, such as Bari and Salerno, while the fleets
of Pisa made precarious the communication between Calabria
and Sicily. Roger, after striving in vain to bribe the Emperor
into retreat, did not scruple to arm his Saracens against the
two lords of the Christian world. He retreated into the
mountains of Calabria, while the Pope and Emperor united
in deposing him and conferring Apulia on Reginald, a pro-
minent Norman baron of that region. But at the moment of
victory Innocent and Lothair quarrelled. Both claimed to be
the suzerains of Apulia, and both claimed the sole right of
investing the new duke with his office. After a hot dispute,

1 ' Rex venit ante fores, jurans prius Urbis honores,
Post homo fit papae, sumit quo dantc coronam.'

Ann. Colon. Max. s.a. 1133, in Pertz, Afon. Hist. Germ. SS. vol. xvii. |
Rage win us, Gesta Fred. Imp. ib. xx. 422.

Germany and Italy, 1125-1152 231

they agreed to hand over jointly to Reginald the banner,
which was the symbol of his dignity ; but before long Lothair
hurried home, disgusted with his Papal ally, and leaving
Anacletus again in possession of Rome. The fatigues of war
and travel told upon him, and he died at a Tyrolese village on
4th December 1137, saved only by death from entering upon
the footsteps of the Salian enemies of the Church.

Henry the Proud, Duke of Bavaria, aspired to succeed his
father-in-law, having, besides large hereditary possessions,
the duchies of Bavaria and Saxony, while his E ] ectionof
enjoyment of the heritage of Matilda gave Conrad in.,
him an equally important position in northern II38 '
Italy and Tuscany. He boasted that his authority stretched
from the North Sea to the Mediterranean. But the arro-
gance which gave him his nickname deprived him of
personal popularity, and his extraordinary resources made
his accession disliked by all who feared a strong monarchy,
while the Church party, that had procured the election of
Lothair, was now alienated from him. The result of all
this was that the same circumstances that had led to
Lothair's being made king in 1125, resulted, in 1138, in the
rejection of his son-in-law. Adalbero, Archbishop of Trier, a
creature of Innocent n., played, in the vacancy of both Mainz
and Cologne, the part which Adalbert of Mainz had so cleverly
filled on the previous occasion. He summoned the electoral
diet to meet in his own town of Coblenz. Though Saxony and
Bavaria sent no representatives, the magnates of Swabia and
Franconia gathered together at the appointed spot. Frederick,
Duke of Swabia, was no longer a candidate, but, on 7th
March, his younger brother, Conrad, the old enemy of Lothair,
was chosen king.

The struggle of VVelf and Weiblingen soon broke out anew.
Henry delivered up the imperial insignia, and Conte8tof
offered to acknowledge Conrad, if confirmed in Conradwith
his possessions ; but the new king would not thc Quelfs>
accept these terms, and before long deprived Henry of both

232 European History, 918-1 273

his duchies. The margrave, Albert the Bear, who, like Henry
the Proud, claimed descent from the Billung stock, was made
Duke of Saxony, and Leopold of Austria, Conrad's half-brother,
received Bavaria. Civil war inevitably followed. All Saxony

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