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rallied round the Guelfs, and Albert was driven from his new
duchy. But in October 1139, Henry the Proud was carried
off by a sudden attack of fever, and a child ten years old
succeeded. With the help of his brother Frederick and the
faithful Rhineland, Conrad invaded Saxony in 1140, and won
a victory at Weinsberg that secured him his throne, but did
not ensure the reduction of the Saxons. Next year the death
of the Austrian Duke of Bavaria made compromise more easy.
In February 1142 a treaty was signed at Frankfurt, by which
the Saxons recognised Conrad as king, and Conrad admitted
the young Henry the Guelf to the duchy of Saxony. Before
long Gertrude, his mother, married Henry, the Count Palatine,
brother of Leopold of Austria, and another half-brother of
Conrad, who next year received his brother's duchy of Bavaria.
Thus the great struggle ended in a compromise, in which, if
Conrad retained the throne, Saxony and Bavaria still remained
under the influence of the house of Guelf.

Conrad was a gallant knight, liberal, attractive, and popular,
but he had little statecraft, and no idea how best to
The Second establish his position. The preaching of the
Crusade, Second Crusade soon called him from the dull and
ungrateful work of ruling the Germans to adven-
tures more attractive to his spirit of knight-errantry. At
Christmas 1146 he took the cross from Bernard of Clairvaux
in the cathedral of Speyer. Next spring he proclaimed a
general peace, and procured the coronation of his little son
Henry as joint king. Between 1147 and 1149 he was away
from Germany on Crusade. With him went his gifted nephew
Frederick, who, in 1147, had succeeded on the death of his
father, the elder Frederick, to the Duchy of Swabia. The
Crusade was a failure, and the long absence of the monarch
still further increased the troubles of Germany.

Germany and Italy, 1125-1152 233

The crusading spirit rose so high under Bernard's preaching
that those who could not follow Conrad to the Holy Land
organised fresh Crusades against the heathen who, The east-
despite the work of Norbert and Lothair, still w f rd

f advance of

closely fringed the Empire on the east. The the German
Saxons naturally took a prominent share in this kin g dom -
Crusade. But the rivalry of Albert the Bear and Henry
of Saxony, whom men now began to style Henry the Lion,
prevented any very immediate results flowing from these
movements. Yet the definitive conversion of Pomerania, and
the acquisition by Albert of Brandenburg, were important
steps forward in the Germanisation of the lands between Elbe
and Oder. From the victories of Albert the Bear begins the
history of that Mark of Brandenburg, which in nearly every
after-age was to take so prominent a part in German history.
In later years, when the strong rule of Frederick Barbarossa
kept local feuds within bounds, Albert the Bear and Henry
the Lion vied with each other as pioneers of German civili-
sation in the north-east. At the moment it was enough
.for Henry the Lion to consolidate his power in Saxony.
When Conrad came back from Syria he found that Count
Welf, a kinsman of Henry the Lion who had returned early
from the Crusade, had raised a rebellion. When this was
suppressed, Henry the Lion again claimed Bavaria and
prepared for revolt. The young King Henry, in whose name
the country had been ruled during his father's absence, now
died prematurely, and on i5th February 1152 Conrad followed
him to the tomb.

Never did the affairs of Papacy and Empire run in more
separate courses than during the reign of Conrad m. While
Europe as a whole paid unquestioning obedience to the Papal
power, the last period of the Pontificate of Innocent n., and
nearly the whole of the reigns of his immediate successors,
were occupied in sordid struggles with the Roman nobility,
with disobedient neighbours, and with rebellious vassals.
After the retreat of Lothair over the Alps, Innocent n

234 European History, 918 1273

was again left, in 1137, to contend against the Antipope
and his partisans. His position was, however, stronger
than it had been, and he was able to maintain himself in
Rome, despite Anacletus' continued presence in the castle
of St. Angelo. But the loss of the imperial presence was soon
far more than balanced by the arrival of a man whose support
outweighed that of kings and princes. In the spring of 1137
Bernard crossed the Alps, resolved to make a last desperate
effort to root out the remnants of the schism that he had
laboured against for seven years. He reached Rome, and
instead of falling back on his usual methods of violent and
indiscriminate denunciation, he prudently had recourse to
private conferences with the few despairing partisans of the
schismatic Peter. There is perhaps no more convincing testi-
mony to Bernard's powers of persuasion than his victory
over the rude Roman barons and greedy self-seeking priests,
who upheld the Antipope through family tradition or through
fear of losing their revenues. He had talked many of them
over when the opportune death of the Antipope in January
1138 precipitated his inevitable triumph. The schismatics-
chose a new Antipope, who took the name of Victor iv.,
but his policy was to negotiate terms of surrender, not to
prolong the division. In a few weeks Bernard persuaded
him to surrender his dignity to Innocent. Bernard at once
returned to Clairvaux, the crowning work of his life success-
fully accomplished.

In April 1139 Innocent n. consummated his triumph by
holding a General Council in the Lateran, which was attended
The Second by a thousand bishops. This second Lateran
General Council was reckoned by the Westerns as the
councu, Tenth General Council. It removed the last
traces of the schism, and re-enacted more formally

the canons already drawn up in the Pope's presence at
the Council of Reims of 1131. It is significant of the
future that the Council condemned the errors of Arnold of

Germany and Italy, 1125-1152 235

Innocent thus restored the Papacy to its old position in
things spiritual, but not even St. Bernard could give him much
"aelp against Roger of Sicily. After the quarrel of InnocentII
Pope and Emperor, the Norman king speedily won and Roger of
back his position in Apulia and Calabria, and even Slcll y-
at the very end of the schism his influence had forced Monte
Casino, the mother of all Western monasticism, to acknowledge
Anacletus. Spiritual weapons were useless against Roger.
No sooner, therefore, was the council over than Innocent took
the field in person against his rebellious vassal. The fate of
Leo ix. was speedily repeated. The papal army was no match
against Roger's veterans, and Innocent, shut up in San
Germano, was forced to yield himself prisoner. Roger showed
the head of the Church the same respect which Robert had
shown his predecessor. But the Pope could only win back
his liberty by confirming to the Norman all the advantages
which he had formerly wrested from the weakness of Anacletus.
The treaty of Mignano again restored the old alliance between
the Papacy and the Italian Normans. Roger did homage to
Innocent for Sicily, Apulia, and Capua. A great south Italian
kingdom was thus definitely legalised which, in the varied
changes of subsequent history, obstinately maintained its unity
with itself and its separateness from the rest of the peninsula.

Roger governed the state which he had founded with rare
ability and energy. He was a true Norman, and many features
of his character suggest a comparison between Th e organisa-
him and William the Conqueror. He now showed tion of the
as much capacity in statecraft as he had previously sicHyunder
shown as a warrior. Fierce, relentless, and unfor- Roger i.,
giving, he ruthlessly crushed the barons that Ixa7 ' II54<
had profited by the period of struggle to consolidate their
independence, and built up a well-ordered centralised despot-
ism, that was able to give examples in the art of government
to Henry of Anjou. With rare sympathy and skill, he per-
mitted the motley population of his new kingdom to live their
old lives under their old laws. The Saracens of Sicily that

236 European History, 918-1273

had faithfully supported him in the days of his adversity,
continued in their former abodes, occupying separate districts
in the cities, worshipping without hindrance in their mosques,
and still governed in the petty matters of every-day life by
their own judges after the laws of Islam. The Byzantine
Greeks, still numerous in the towns of Calabria, enjoyed
similar immunities for their schismatic worship, and still
followed the Roman law. Arabic and Greek were equally
recognised with Latin as official languages in the public acts,
and Roger's coins bore Arabic devices. The court of the
king took a character of Eastern pomp and luxury that
anticipated the times of Frederick n. A Greek general led
Roger's armies, and a Greek churchman, who wrote a book
against the Roman primacy, shared with Arab physicians,
geographers, and astronomers the patronage of the Norman
king. The very monuments of art show the same strange juxta-
position of the stern romanesque of Neustria with the mosaics
of the Byzantines, and the brilliant decorations of Arabic
architects. Roger made Naples and Sicily one of the best-
governed states in Europe, and with the happy quickness of
sympathy and readiness to learn and borrow, which was the bes*
mark of the Norman genius, combined elements the most
diverse and unpromising into a happy and contented whole.

Despite his energy at home, Roger pursued an active external
policy. He remained a faithful but an unruly ally of the Papacy.
Roger 1 * later Like Robert Guiscard he turned his ambition
wars. against Constantinople, and Europe saw the strange

spectacle of Manuel Comnenus allied with Conrad in. in
withstanding the aggressions. But Roger's most important
wars were those against the Saracens, whom he pursued
into Africa. His first and most permanent conquest was
Malta, which remained until the sixteenth century a part of
_ . , the Sicilian realm. The Mohammedan princes of

Conquest of . r

North North Africa recognised him as their lord and

opened their ports to his merchants. In 1146 his

admiral conquered Tripoli, and in 1148 Roger himself led a

Germany and Italy, 1125-1152 237

large expedition to Africa. After the capture of Tunis, the
whole coast line from Cape Bon to Tripoli was subject to
the Norman king, who boasted that the African obeyed him
as well as the Apulian, the Calabrian, and the Sicilian. After
a long reign, he died in 1 1 54, with the reputation of one of
the greatest kings of his time.

While southern Italy settled down into a well-ordered state,
a very different process was at work in the north, where the
feudal nobility had never been strong, and the

, ' Growth of

towns had always been important. As the con- municipal
test between Papacy and Empire became chronic, autonomy in

f , c , . _.,.' Lombardy.

the general tendency was for the feudal nobility
to uphold the Empire, and the townsmen the cause of the
Church. As in the days of the early Church, each Italian
town of any importance was the seat of a bishop, who became
the natural leader of the citizens in their struggle against
the rustic nobility. This tendency was particularly strong in
Lombardy, where the logic of facts and lavish grants of
imperial privilege had conferred on the bishops the power of
the ancient counts, or had subordinated the imperial officers
under the episcopal authority. In Lombardy therefore the
municipal revolution broke out, though it soon spread to all
northern and central Italy.

The municipal government of Lombardy grew up gradually
and almost imperceptibly under the shade of the episcopal
power. The townsfolk became more numerous and more
wealthy. The inland cities became great seats of manufactur-
ing industry, important market centres, or, like Bologna and
Padua, famous for their schools. The towns on or near the sea
found even greater prosperity through foreign trade. The neces-
sity of common action in business, no less than juxtaposition
in common residence behind strong walls, brought together the
citizens in a common unity of feeling. The very subordinate
agents of the bishops' power supply the rudiments of a
common organisation. The eleventh century very commonly
saw the citizens in revolt against their episcopal protectors.

238 European History, 918-1273

Milan, when on the side of its archbishop, had been strong
enough to enable Aribert to wage war against the Emperor
himself [see pages 58, 59]. In the next generation Milan and
its archbishops were generally at war. The quarrel of Pope
and Emperor made it easy for the dexterous townsmen to
play the ecclesiastical and the temporal authority against each
other, and Popes and Emperors alike were prepared to bid
heavily for its support. Thus the ' regalia,' which the bishops
had usurped from the counts, passed in some way from them
to the citizens. By the beginning of the twelfth century the
great towns of the north had become self-governing munici-

At the head of the municipal organisation stood the
consuls , the chief magistrates of the town, varying widely in
numbers, authority, and method of appointment, but every-
where the recognised heads of the city state. The consulate,
which began in Italy towards the end of the twelfth century,
was in its origin a sworn union of the citizens of a town bent
upon obtaining for themselves the benefits of local autonomy,
Private, and often, like the North French Commune,
rebellious in its early history, the consulate in the end
obtained the control of the municipal authority. With its
erection or recognition begins the independent municipal
organisation of the Italian cities. 1 Besides the ruling consuls
was a council, or credentia, of the ' wise men ' of the city,
acting as a senate. Beyond these governing bodies was
the communitas, meeting on grave occasions in a common
parlamentum or conference. The local life of the muni-
cipalities was intensely active, but there were fierce jealousies
and perpetual faction fights between the different orders of
the population. The even more violent local hatred of

1 On the whole subject of the constitution of the Italian towns see
Hegel, Geschichte der Stiidteverfassung von /(alien (1847), Heinemann,
Zur Entstehung der Stddtererfassung in Italien (1896), whose views
Hegel contests ; or for their more general history, Lanzi, Stoia dti
communi italiani (1881-1884), an ^ Sismondi's old-fashioned Hiitoire des
Rtpubliquts Ilaliennes.

Germany and Italy, 1125-1152 239

neighbouring cities made common action almost impossible,
and led to constant bloody wars. But despite these troubles,
the Lombard cities grew in wealth, trade, numbers, and

The Tuscan cities followed at a distance the example of
their northern neighbours. It was their chief concern to
wrest municipal privileges from the feudal mar- T h e Tuscan
quises, who had up to this point ruled town cities -
and country alike. Even more conspicuously than the inland
towns, the maritime cities attained wealth and freedom.
Pisa, Genoa, and Venice obtained, as we have seen, a great
position in the East from the time of the First Crusade.
While Venice stood apart, proud of its dependence on the
Eastern Emperor, the life of the other maritime cities was
much the same as that of the inland towns, save that it was
more bustling, tumultuous, and varied. Before the end of
eleventh century, Pisa and Genoa had driven the Saracens
out of Corsica and Sardinia, and set up their own authority
in their stead.

The free, restless life of the Italian commune offered a
splendid field for the intellectual revival which we have
traced in the preceding chapter. Side by side with the
development of Italian municipalities, went the growth of the
famous schools of Italy. The Italian scholars were for the
most part townsmen, laymen, and lawyers. While the students
north of the Alps became a little cosmopolitan aristocracy of
talent, living in a world of their own, and scarcely influenced
by the political life around them, the Italian students easily
became politicians and leaders of men. Abelard led no revolt
save against the tyranny of authority and teachers of obsolete
doctrine. His chief Italian disciple became the first educated
popular leader known to the mediaeval world. With the
influence of Arnold of Brescia the gulf between the new
life of action and the new life of speculation was bridged

Arnold of Brescia was born in the town from which he

240 European History, 918-1273

took his name. At Paris he became an ardent disciple and
personal friend of Abelard. Returning to his native city,
Early life of ^ e became provost of a foundation of Canons
Arnold of Regular, and a conspicuous influence both in the
spiritual and political life of the town. He had the
love of novelty, the restless vanity, the acute sceptical intellect
of his brilliant teacher. He preached that priests were to live
on the tithes and free offerings of the faithful, that bishops
were to renounce their 'regalia,' and monks their lands,
and the laity only were to rule the state. Under his
leadership, Brescia, like the other Lombard cities, cast off
the bishop's rule, but Innocent n. took up the bishop's
cause, and, as we have seen, the Lateran Council of 1139
deprived Arnold of his benefice and banished him from Italy.
He again crossed the Alps, stood by the side of Abelard
at the Council of Sens, and returned to Paris, and taught
at Abelard's old school on Mont Ste. Genevieve. But his
doctrine of apostolic poverty was too extreme to please the
ambitious clerks who thronged the Paris schools, and he was
pursued by the inveterate malice of Bernard, who persuaded
Louis vii. to drive the heretic from France. Arnold retired
to Zurich, whence he soon wandered, preaching, through the
valleys of upper Swabia, protected against Bernard's anger by
the papal legate Cardinal Guido, his old Paris comrade.
The abbot of Clairvaux was furious with the cardinal.
1 Arnold of Brescia,' he wrote, ' whose speech is honey, whose
doctrine poison, the man whom Brescia has vomited forth,
whom Rome abhors, whom France drives to exile, whom
Germany curses, whom Italy refuses to receive, obtains thy
support. To be his friend is to be the foe of the Pope and
God.' In 1145 Arnold returned to Italy with Guido, and
was reconciled to the Church. With his arrival in Rome
to work out his penance, the last and greatest period of his
career begins.

The end of the Pontificate of Innocent n. was marked by
the beginning of a fierce fight between the Pope and the city

Germany and Italy, 1125-1152 24 1

of Rome. The old Roman spirit of opposition to the Pope
had been revived by the long struggle of the typically Roman
Anacletus, and what had been accomplished in The j ast
Milan and Brescia seemed no impossible ideal years of
for the Romans. In 1143 the Romans, enraged Innocent "
at the refusal of Innocent to destroy the rival city of Tivoli,
set up a Commune, at the head of which was a The Roman
popular Senate, to exercise the power hitherto in revolution,
the hands of the noble consuls or the Pope himself. Before
long they chose as ' Patrician ' Giordano Pierleone, a kinsman
of Anacletus. Innocent n. died at the very beginning of the
struggle. His successor, Celestine n., reigned Celestine n
only from September 1143 to March 1144, and 1143-4,
was powerless to withstand the Commune. The Lucms II -

1144-5, and

next Pope, Lucius IL, put himself at the head Eugenius in.,
of the nobles, went to war against it, but was "45-"54.
slain while attempting to storm the Capitol (February 1 145).
This time the timid cardinals went outside their own number,
and chose Eugenius in., the abbot of the Cistercian convent
of Tre Fontane in the Campagna, a man whose chief recom-
mendation was the ostentatious patronage of St. Bernard, and
who was a simple and timid monk quite unversed in statecraft.
Immediately after his election Eugenius fled from Rome, and
after some temporising he crossed the Alps in 1147, leaving
the Roman republic triumphant. He remained absent till
1148, mainly engaged in furthering the work of Bernard.

Arnold of Brescia now abandoned his spiritual exercises
and put himself at the head of the Roman revolution. All
Rome listened spellbound to his eloquence while Arnold of
he preached against the pride and greed of the Brescia and
cardinals, and denounced the Pope as no shep- r
herd of souls, but a man of blood and the torturer of the
Church. His hope was now to free Rome permanently from
all priestly rule, to reduce the clergy to apostolic poverty,
and to limit them to their purely spiritual functions. Rome
was to be a free municipality subject only to the Emperor,


242 European History, 918-1273

who was to make the city the centre and source of his power,
like the great Emperors of old. 'We wish/ wrote the
Romans to Conrad in., 'to exalt and glorify the Roman
Empire, of which God has given you the rule. We would
restore it as it was in the days of Constantine and Justinian.
We have restored the Senate. We strive with all our might
that Caesar may enjoy his own. Come over and help us,
for you will find in Rome all that you wish. Settle yourself
firmly in the City that is the head of the world, and, freed
from the fetters of the clergy, rule better than your prede-
cessors over Germany and Italy.' But Conrad, intent on his
crusading projects, paid no heed to the Roman summons.

Bernard saw as keenly as Arnold of Brescia how the
political influence and wealth of the Church were in danger
Arnold of ^ overshadowing its religious work. ' Who will
Brescia and permit me to see before I die,' he wrote to
Eugenius, 'the Church of God so ordered as it
was in the old days, when the Apostles cast their nets to fish
for souls and not for gold and silver? ' But he recognised in
Arnold's policy an attack on the influence of the Church, not
merely an assault on its worldly possessions and dignities.
He carried on the war against Arnold with more acerbity than
ever. Eugenius again passed over into Italy to measure
swords with the Roman republic. When personal intercourse
ceased, Bernard sent to the Pope his book De Consider ationc,
in which he warned the Papacy to follow the Apostles and
not Constantine, and lamented the danger lest the avarice
of lordship and apostolate should prove fatal to it. It is
strange how nearly the arch-enemies Arnold of Brescia and
Bernard approached each other, both in their ideas and in
their way of life. Both lived like ascetics. Both hated the
pomp and show of priestly dignity, and wished to keep the
Church apart from the world. Yet the pupil of Abelard was
the apostle of the lay spirit ; and the last of the fathers was
the greatest pillar of that sacerdotal autocracy, whose dangers
to spiritual life he so fully realised.

Germany and Italy, 1125-1152 243

F.ugenius now accepted the new constitution of the City,
and was content to act as the spiritual chief of his diocese.
But even on these conditions a prolonged stay in Rome was
impossible. In 1150 the conflict was renewed. But the
death of King Conrad, two years later, put an end to the
state of things that had prevailed since the end of the Investi-
ture Contest. Conscious that under his hands the imperial
power had suffered some diminution, Conrad on his deathbed
bade his friends pay no regard to the claims of his infant son,
but secure the succession to his well-tried nephew Frederick.
The year after, Bernard of Clairvaux, the wielder of the
Church's might, followed the king to the tomb. We now enter
into a new period, when the changed relations of Church and
State correspond to a mighty development of the economical
and industrial powers of the people of western Europe.
The imperial power was to be renewed, and, as in the days of
the Saxon Emperors, was to save the Papacy from its Roman
enemies, only to enter again into fierce conflict with it for the
rule of the world. The quiet period, during which each
country was free to work out its own development, and
during which, in the absence of great rulers, the dominating
influences were those of the leaders and opponents of the new
religious movement, is succeeded by another period, when the
chief interest again shifts back to politics. The age of
Bernard and Abelard is succeeded by the age of Frederick
Barbarossa and Henry of Anjou.

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