T. F. (Thomas Frederick) Tout.

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Deca of Slavonic Dukes of Pomerania, and the extension
the Slavonic of German influence beyond the Oder. The
ancient strength of the Polish monarchy declined,
and the Russian monarchy, which had been so powerful
under Saint Vladimir and laroslav the Great, split up even
more hopelessly than the more western Slavonic state. The
only strong Slavonic power was Bohemia, which all through
the thirteenth century increased greatly in importance under

Frederick II. and the Papacy 379

Ottocar f. (1197-1230), Wenceslas m. (1230-1253), and
Ottocar ii. (1253-1278). But the Czech monarchs became
so powerfully attracted by German civilisation that they
welcomed German merchants, minstrels, priests, and knights,
and were soon to profit by the growing weakness of the
German power to put themselves among the mightiest of
Teutonic states.

The decline of the Slavonic world left to itself the hea-
thenism of the East Baltic lands. From the Gulf of Finland
to the borders of Germany the savage and paean

. . J The Livo-

Livomans, Esthomans, Lithuanians, and Prus- nian and
sians still lived their old fierce lives, and it was Prussian

.,,,.,,. . Crusades.

not till early in the thirteenth century that a pious
missionary, named Christian, took up in earnest the long-
interrupted work of St. Adalbert, and became the first bishop
of the Prussians. A little before this Albert Of ~BTixh6w3en,
a canon of Bremen, set up the bishopric of Riga, which
became the centre of missionary effort among the heathen
of Livonia. The result was that Germany had the credit
of bringing religion and civilisation to the race that had
escaped the nearer influence of Poles and Russians. In
1 200 Bishop Albert of Riga established the order of Knights
of the Sword, a military brotherhood of the crusading type,
specially destined to subdue the heathens of the Livonian
lands. More than twenty years later the Prussians pressed
Poland so severely that the latter country had to call in
German help. The Teutonic Order, engaged for The Knights
nearly a hundred years in the Holy Land, had of theSword

'. . . J and the

never obtained in that region the importance or Teutonic
the wealth of the Temple or the Hospital. Her- K ghts.
mann of Salza, the friend of Frederick n., had convinced
himself that the affairs of the Christians in Syria were
desperate, and even before Frederick's crusade had shown
his willingness to transfer his main activity against the
Prussians. Frederick n. himself confirmed and enlarged the
offers of the Polish duke, and from 1230 onwards the

380 European History, 918-1273

Teutonic Knights were busily engaged waging war in
Prussia. Bit by bit the military monks overcame the
obstinate resistance of the heathen. Even more arduous
was the struggle of the Knights of the Sword in Livonia.
But in both lands the discipline of the few finally prevailed
over the disorderly heroism of the undisciplined barbarians.
The two orders formed a close alliance, and before the end of
the century Livonia, Curland, and Prussia were altogether in
their power, leaving Lithuania alone as the last resting-place
of heathenism in Central Europe. Thus was effected the last
great expansion of Germany to the east. While the Knights
of the Sword remained a limited conquering class, powerless
to prevent the continuance of the native idiom and manners
of their newly Christianised subjects, Prussia gradually became
almost as much Germanised as Pomcrania or Silesia. German
traders followed the Teutonic warriors, and in both lands a
German burgher class supplemented the work of the ruling
aristocracy. Even in Poland German towns grew up every-
where. The Baltic bade fair to become a German lake, and
the Scandinavian powers shrank back into insignificance and

While the German race was working its way to fresh
destinies with little guidance from its nominal king, Fjed-,
Breach erick himself was again becoming embroiled in

between the troubles of Italian and ecclesiastical politics.

rS d the C Lom. Even in the < l uiet times that followed the Treaty of
bard cities, San Germano, the Lombard cities had watched
with alarm the despotic and anti-municipal policy
of the Emperor. So early as 1232 delegates from Lombardy
renewed their league, which was soon to be extended
by the inclusion of the chief towns of Romagna and the
March. Other leagues grew up in Tuscany and Umbria.
Soon Frederick's suspicions were excited, and his anger
passed all bounds when the North-Italian cities formed a
close alliance with the revolted King Henry, who found
south of the Alps the civic support that he had sought in

Frederick II. and the Papacy 381

vain to procure in Germany. Frederick at once strove to set
up some power antagonistic to the League. Faithful in North
Italy to his German policy, he saw in the feudal aristocracy
his best immediate support. Even under the shadows of the
Alps the Italian barons had not the strength and commanding
position of the Teutonic feudalists. But some of the more
capable barons were able to extend their authority by exer-
cising influence over the cities, and chief among these was the
ancient house of Romano, German in its origin, and now
represented by the two brothers Eccelin and Alberic, who
had established themselves in Verona and Vicenza respec-
tively. It was upon this bastard feudalism of Italy, that
owed half its importance to its capacity for establishing civic
tyranny, that Frederick henceforth chiefly relied. It was a
policy even more fatal to him than his alliance with the
princes in Germany. But for the moment it attained an equal
success. After all. feudal ruffians like Eccelin were better
fighters than the ill-trained militia of the Lombard cities.

In 1236 Frederick was back in Italy, and found a ready
welcome from Eccelin da Romano, who now aspired to
appropriate the whole region between the Alps and the
Adige, and soon made himself lord of Padua and Treviso.
Recalled over the mountains by the Austrian troubles,
Frederick again appeared in Italy in 1237. But a small
portion of his army came from Germany. He relied
for the most part on the Ghibelline barons of Italy, on
Eccelin and his following, and on his trusty Saracens
from Lucera. The Lombard League sought in vain to with-
stand his progress. Frederick's clever strategy soon out-
generalled the civic host, and on 27th November

Battle of

1237 the whole army of the League was signally cortenuova,
defgated_at Cortenuova, half-way between Brescia 2 ? th Nov -
and Milan. Taken "at a disadvantage, the valour
of the~citizens was powerless to withstand the skill and
discipline of the imperial army. The Milanese abandoned
their carroccio in their flight, and their Podesta, the Venetian

382 European History, 918-1273

Tiepolo, fell into the victor's hands. Frederick celebrated his
success by a sort of Roman triumph through the streets of
Cremona, where his famous elephant, with its Saracen drivers
on its back, dragged the captured carroccio of Milan through
the town, with the Podesta Tiepolo tightly bound to its
standard-pole. Soon after,^ Frederick married his daughter to
Kccelin, and granted the dominion of Sardinia to his bastard
son Enzio, who had wedded the heiress of the island. The
majority of the cities desisted from the hopeless struggle
and made peace with the victor. Only a few irreconcilable
Guelfic strongholds, including Milan, Alessandria, Brescia,
Piacenza, and Bologna, persisted in withstanding the Emperor.
They could again hope for the support of the Pope, who now
thought the time was ripe for breaking with the Emperor.
/ During the years of peace Gregory ix. had busied
nimself with the suppression of heresy, the organisation
of the Inquisition, the encouragement of the
as legislator new orders of Mendicant Friars [see Chapter
and religious X vin.], the rekindling of the religious zeal of


Europe, and his great work of ecclesiastical
legislation./ In his war against the heretics he had, as we
have seen,' the Emperor no less than the Mendicants as his
allies. He firmly identified the Papacy with the new religious
movement when he canonised Francis and Dominic and the
Emperor's kinswoman, St. Elizabeth of Thuringia, the devoted
disciple of Conrad of Marburg. With the help of his peni-
tentiary, Raymond of Pennaforte, he collected the consti-
tutions and decretals of earlier Popes in an official code of
five books, which was invested with exclusive authority in the
courts and the law-schools. Henceforth the Decretals of
Gregory ix. stood side by side with the Decretum of Gratian
itself among the authoritative texts of the Canon I,aw. It was,
in a measure, an answer to the antagonistic legislation of
Frederick in Sicily. But all Gregory's efforts could do little
to stop the progress of the Emperor, and he was further
hampered by the constant turbulence of the Romans, who

Frederick II. and the Papacy 383

more than once drove him from their city. After the triumph
at-Gremona, Frederick significantly sent the Milanese carroccio
to the Roman enemies of the Pope. Gregory's Renewed
turn would come when the last of the Lombard breach
cities had been reduced. .Frederick was already Gregory and
boasting of his intention to restore Middle Italy Frederick,
to its obedience to the Empire. Accordingly
Gregory openly declared himself on the side of the Lom-
bard League. Hermann of Salza made his last efforts on behalf
of peace, but his death soon removed the one man whom both
Pope and Emperor implicitly trusted. InMarch 1239 Gregory
for a second time launched a bull of excommunication against
Frederick, and absolved his subjects from their allegiance.

The new contest between Pope and Emperor was waged
with "extraordinary and almost unprecedented bitterness and
violence. The Emperor reproached the Pope for standing in
The way of the repression of heresy in Lombardy, and called
upon all kings and princes to unite against the greedy and
self-seeking priest who sought to make the humiliation of the
Roman Caesar 'the first step towards the abasement of all
temporal authority. TheJPope answered by accusing Fred-
erick of the most outspoken blasphemy, of utter incredulity,
and the most shameless profligacy. It was significant that
both Frederick and Gregory strove hard to get public opinion
on their side, and that neither failed to win over a body
of ardent supporters.

Gregpry did his best to stir up a revolt in Germany.
His legate proposed the election of the King of Den-
mark, as King of the Romans in place of _

' . Collapse of

Conrad ; but, despite the adherence of the the German
Duke of Austria and of other discontented mag- PP sition -
nates, the scheme was shattered through the steady devotion
of the German episcopate to the young king. It was equally
in vain when Gregory offered the crown to Robert of Artois,
St. Louis' brother. The French nobles roundly told the
Pope that even if the Emperor deserved deposition, his

3 84 European History, 918-1273

deprivation could only be effected by a General Council
HeadeH~by the regent, Siegfried, Archbishop of Mainz, the

(":pny.fin r-Wpry rnjtvntnH fho olKor./.p; Q f thft PapaCV. SO that

Frederick was able to carry on his war against Gregory in
Italy without the distraction of a German rey.olL Even the
Mendicant preachers of the papal sentence did little to turn
German opinion away from the Emperor.

Frederick answered Gregory's attacks by declaring the
incorporation of the March of Ancona and the Duchy of
Frederick's Spoleto with the imperial dominions, and by
successes absolving the inhabitants of those regions from
their fealty to the Pope. He turned from his
Lombard enemies to invade the papal territory, and made
himself master of Ravenna and Faenza, and before long of
towns so near Rome as Foligno and Viterbo. Nothing but
a strange freak of fidelity on the part of the Romans to
Gregory saved the holy city from the Emperor's advance.
Secure for the moment in his capital, Gregory strove to
emphasise the solemnity of his ecclesiastical censures by
summoning a Council to Rome, to join with him in the con-
demnation of the Emperor. But the Pope's violence had
alienated even clerical opinion, and a mere handful of prelates
answered his summons. Frederick derided the packed
Council, and refused safe - conducts to those wishful to
take part in it. Nevertheless a certain number of North-
Italian, French, and Spanish bishops and abbots collected
together in the spring of 1241 at Genoa, and the Pope, by
lavish payments, prevailed on the Genoese to provide a fleet
to take them to Rome. However, the seafaring towns, with
Pisa at their head, were all on the Emperor's side, and
an imperial fleet, superior in numbers and fighting capacity,
bore down upon the densely packed Genoese galleys near the
island of Giglio. After a show of resistance, the mass of the
Genoese fleet was captured. Most of the Spanish prelates
escaped, but a crowd of French and North-Italian ecclesi-
astics, including three archbishops and the abbots of Cluny,

Frederick II. and the Papacy 385

Citeaux, and Clairvaux fell, with the delegates of the Lom-
bard towns, into the hands of the imperialists. The prisoners
were taken by Enzio to Naples, ' crowded together The capture
in oppression and bonds, and tormented by hunger of a General
and thirst,' until the prison wherein they were Counci1 ' " 4I -
cast, 'heaped together like pigs,' seemed a 'welcome place
of rest.' 1 Flushed with this signal triumph, Frederick once
more advanced upon Rome. This time Gregory could not
resist his progress. The enemy were at the gates when, on
2ist August, the aged Pontiff suddenly ended his long and
stormy career.

When the rival heads of Christendom were thus fiercely
contending for supremacy, Europe was, for the first time
since the tenth century, menaced with the horrors _,.

' . The Danger

of barbarian invasion. The great Tartar Empire, from the
which had already conquered China and threatened Tartars -
the whole Eastern world, now found an easy victim in
the divided principalities of Russia, and poured its hordes
of fierce warriors over the plains of Poland and Hungary.
Germany itself .was now threatened by their advance, but
Pope and Emperor, though they reproached each other
with indifference to the danger, were unable to make even
a truce to resist the common enemy. In 1240 the sack of
Kiev by the Mongol chieftain Baty, grandson of Genghiz
Khan, led directly to the invasion of the West. The young
King Conrad armed Germany to meet the savage hosts of
Baty. Luckily for Europe the death of the Khan of All the
Tartars called Baty back to Asia, and the alarm of the
Mongol fury passed away as quickly as it arose.

The triumph. of Frederick was further assured by Gregory's
death. With affected moderation Frederick withdrew for the
moment to Naples, but a mere handful of cardinals ventured
to assemble in conclave. Their choice fell upon Celestine iv.,

1 A good account of this ' Capture of a General Council ' is given by
Mr. G. C. Macaulay in the English Historical Review, vol. vi. (1891),
pp. 1-17.


3 86 European History, 918-1273

who died in a few weeks, before there was time to consecrate
him. For more than eighteen months the Holy See now
remained vacant, but finally, in June 1243, the cardinals
agreed to elect Sinobaldo Fiesco, a Genoese cardinal, who
had been professor of law at Bologna, and was
reputed to be Ghibelline in his sympathies. But
tinuationof as Pope Innocent iv., the imperialist lawyer
the struggle, s h owe d f rom t h e first a stern determination to


continue the policy of Gregory ix. The saying
attributed to Frederick, ' I have lost a good friend, for no
Pope can be a Ghibelline,' though probably never uttered,
expressed the facts of the case. Some hollow negotiations
for a pacification were entered upon, but soon broke
down. Within a year of Innocent's election, Frederick's
Saracen hordes were again ravaging the Campagna. In June
1244 Innocent fled from Rome to Genoa, whence he crossed
th,e Alps and took up his abode in the free imperial city of
Lyons. It shows the weakness of Frederick in the Arelate
that Innocent was able to live in a town nominally subject to
the Emperor as long as he chose. So safe did the Pope feel
himself that he summoned to Lyons the General Council which,
as Gregory ix. had already designed, should strengthen the
papal condemnation of the Emperor by the ratification of the
prelates of Christendom.

In June 1245 the Council assembled at Lyons. It was
reckoned the thirteenth General Council, according to the
The Council R man computation, but even the French refused
of Lyons and to acknowledge it as such, and very few German
the deposi- p re i a tes ventured to attend its sessions. How-

tlon of

Frederick, ever, a fair attendance of prelates was ensured,
ia45- though the presence of a bishop like Grosseteste,

who, five years later, remonstrated before the Pope's face
against the exactions of his agents and his abuse of his
patronage, showed that there was some spirit left among the
fathers of the Council. Five troubles, declared Innocent,
grieved his spirit, and the calling of the assembly was destined

Frederick II. and the Papacy 387

to relieve Christendom from them. Its business was the protec-
tion of Christianity from the Tartars, the ending of the schism
between the Eastern and Western Churches, the extirpation of
heresy, the revival of the Crusades, and the condemnation of
the Emperor. In practice the last item absorbed all the
energy of the Council, though the presence of the fugitive
Latin Emperor, Baldwin u., did something to make the
fathers realise the sorry plight of Eastern Catholicism and
the need of uniting all sorts of Oriental Christians against the
Tartars and Turks. Frederick condescended to send as his
representative to the Council his chief justiciary, Thaddasus of
Suessa, but his condemnation was a foregone conclusion, and
Thaddaeus had difficulty in obtaining a brief adjournment
while he returned to Italy to acquaint his master with the
state of affairs at Lyons. Without waiting for the arrival of
Peter della Vigna, whom Frederick now despatched to repre-
sent him, Innocent on i7th July pronounced in the name
of the Council the deposition of his enemy, both as regards
the E'lnpTre and his two kingdoms. 'We order,' added he,
'those who have the right of election within the Empire to
proceed at once to a fresh election. As regards Sicily, we our-
selves will do all that is fitting, after taking the advice of our
brethren the cardinals.'

The last hope of Christendom lay in the mediation of
Louis ix., who saw that the continued contest of Pope and
Emperor was fatal to the prospects of a great
Crusade. The French king met Innocent at Cluny, and wnfilm
and Frederick offered to allow the archbishop of of Holland,
Palermo to thoroughly investigate his orthodoxy.
But nothing came of these projects, and the blame of reject-
ing all compromise lay mainly at the door of the Pope. The
spiritual benefits first awarded to those who had assumed the
Cross to free the Holy Sepulchre were now offered to all who
would take up arms to carry out the Lyons sentence against
the Emperor. In 1246 the papal intrigues so far prevailed
in Germany that four archbishops, a considerable number of

388 European History, 918-1273

bishops, and a few temporal princes met together and elected
as King of the Romans Henry Raspe, Landgrave of Thur-
ingia, the brother-in-law and persecutor of St. Elizabeth.
The majority of the Germans -remained true to Frederick,
though enough Crusaders flocked to Henry's standard to
enable him to win a victory over his rival King Conrad, near
Frankfurt. 'He shows us his back and not his face,' boasted
Henry over his defeated enemy. ' He fled as men are wont
to fly who fight with the Holy Empire.' But next -year
Conrad turned the tables on Henry, who fled home and
died soon afterwards in the Wartburg. The imperial crown
now went begging Jpr_a time. 'I will willingly fight the
enemies of the Church,' declared King Haco of Norway,
to whom it was offered, 'but I will not fight against the
foes of the Pope.' At last the young William, Count of
Holland, was persuaded to accept election by the papalists.
But only one lay prince, the Duke of Brabant, William's uncle,
associated himself with the bishops who assembled for the
choosing of the new monarch. For the rest of Frederick's life
a fierce fight was fought between William and Conrad. Neither
of the two could succeed in crushing the other, and Germany
gradually drifted into all the worst horrors of feudal anarchy.
Frederick remained in Italy, struggling with all his might
against the papal partisans, and holding his own so far that
Innocent found it wise to remain at Lyons. Now

Fred rick's .... . .

visions of a that all possibility of reconciliation with the
lay Papacy Church was cut off, Frederick threw prudence to
Ecciesfasti- tne w ' n ds. He no longer scrupled against solicit-
cai Revoiu- j n g the help of the heretical Cathari that still
swarmed all over Lombardy. Visions of power
such as he had never imagined in the days of his success now
began to flit before his mind. The apocalyptic visions of the
Neapolitan seer, the abbot Joachim, began to weigh upon
his mystical temperament. Despite the canonisation of
Francis of Assisi and the enrolment of his followers
under the banners of the Papacy, there was still an under-

Frederick II. and the Papacy 389

current of revolutionary religious feeling in Italy of the sort
that afterwards found expression in the risings of the Frati-
celli. Of this opinion Frederick now began to make himself
the mouthpiece, hoping thus to be revenged upon his enemies,
and to win for himself that first position in the world to
which he conceived he was divinely called. He had long
used the Franciscan doctrine of Poverty as a weapon against
the greedy political Popes. 'It is upon poverty and sim-
plicity,' he wrote in 1227, 'that the Primitive Church was
built, in those days when she was the fruitful mother of
saints. No one may presume to lay other foundations for
her than those appointed by the Lord Jesus.' He now
worked out the same idea in a manifesto addressed to all
Christian princes. ' God is our witness,' he declared, ' that
our intention has always been to force churchmen to follow
in the footsteps of the Primitive Church, to live an apostolic
life, and to be humble like Jesus Christ. In our days the
Church_jias_becorjie jwprldly. We therefore propose to do
a work of charity in taking away from such men the treasures
with which they are filled for their eternal damnation.' ' Help
us,' he wrote later, 'to put down these proud prelates, that
we may give mother Church more worthy guides to direct
her.' But his only conception of ecclesiastical reform was
the absorption of the Church in the State. Even in their
affliction the Orthodox princes of the East seemed to him
fortunate, since they had no Pope or independent patriarchs
to contend against. He now strove to exclude all papal
authority from Naples by condemning to the flames the
introducers of papal bulls and all who, under pretext of
religion, spoke or acted against his authority. He anticipated
Henry vm. in his effort to abolish the papal power, and, like
the great Tudor, condemned as traitors or heretics all who
denied his absolute supremacy over the Church. More than
that, Frederick proclaimed himself as worthy of the adoration
of his subjects, like the pagan Emperors of old. He claimed
to be a vicar of Christ, a lay pope, a Christian caliph nay,

39O European History, 918-1273

an emanation of the Divinity. Jesi, his birth-place, was the
blessed Bethlehem where Caesar first saw the light, and Peter
della Vigna was the apostle of the imperial Messiah, the Peter
who would never betray his master.

The contest was fought out fiercely witn sword and fire.
The Guelf and Ghibelline towns were pillaging, burning and
The Italian destroying each other. Enzio, the son, and Eccelin,
struggle, the son-in-law of Caesar, strove to stamp out in
1345-1250. blood all Guelfic resistance in Northern Italy.
Frederick of Antioch, another bastard of Frederick's, worked a
similar reign of terror in Tuscany. So well did Frederick's for-
tunes go, that he dreamt of crossing the Alps and marching to
Lyons. In 1247 he was turned from his bold purpose by the
unexpected revolt of Parma. He hurried back from Turin
eager for revenge. Before long the dispersed partisans of

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