T. F. (Thomas Frederick) Tout.

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plying the monetary needs of the royal domain. Wherever
no seignorial money was coined, there the royal money
was to circulate exclusively. All that was allowed to the
seignorial currency was that it should be accepted concur-
rently with the king's money in those fiefs where the lord
had an established right of mintage. It was, however, to be
so struck that every one might see that it plainly differed
from the products of the mints of the crown. This reform in
itself was a great encouragement to trade. The protection of
the communes by the king, the sound peace which enabled
merchants to buy and sell without molestation, The Towns
and the establishment of new towns, especially in and Trade,
the south, all furthered the growth of commerce. The ville
of Carcassonne, whose plan to this day preserves the right lines



426



European History, 918-1273



and measured regularity of an American city, and which, with
its Gothic churches and its busy industries stands to this day in
such vivid contrast to the desolate cite on the height, the witness
of departed military glories, is an example of the numerous class



FRANCE

AND ITS

NEIGHBOUR LANDS

IN I27O



; I " \Frjvnc9-'

j> 'f A n i o uy




lands tfAlfansc qfPoitieri (
Lands cif Charles nf Anj



toads of English Kings (tnui,,<tf UU? 4- '*">} P-'-Vji



of Villeneuves and Villefranches founded by St. Louis in his newly
won domains in the Languedoc. Louis's Christian zeal, no
jews and less tnan his hatred of usury, caused him to deal
Cahorsint. ^;th excessive rigour with the Jews. He was almost
as intolerant of the Lombard and Cahorsin usurers, who bad



Prance under Philip Augustus and St. Louis 427

now begun to rival with the Israelites in finance. One of the
least pleasing sides of the saint's character was his cruel
severity to blasphemers, heretics, and unbelievers. The same
zeal led St. Louis twice to abandon France while he went on
crusade. [See chapter xix.] But neither his long sojourn in
Egypt and Syria nor his death at Tunis destroyed the effect
of his work for his kingdom. Queen Blanche resumed her
vigorous rule of France as regent during Louis's absence
from 1248 to her death in 1253, the year before his return.
The chief trouble Blanche had was with the strange popular
gathering of the Pasfoureaux, which, assembled The
under the pretext that shepherds and workmen Pastoureaux.
were to supply the remissness of lords and knights and
rescue St. Louis from the Egyptians, soon became a wild
carnival of brigandage, which the regent had considerable
difficulty in suppressing (1251). In 1270 Philip the Bold,
the saint's dull, but pious, docile, hard-fighting, and well-
meaning son, succeeded as easily in the camp at Tunis as
he could have done in Paris itself. The work of St. Louis
was quietly and unostentatiously continued during the first
years of Philip m.'s reign. In his later years the baleful
influence of Charles of Anjou turned the heir of St. Louis
to a more active and greedy policy that prepared the way for
the extraordinary success of Philip the Fair, whose triumphant
reign marks the end of the process that had begun with the
early Capetians.



CHAPTER XVIII

THE UNIVERSITIES AND THE FRIARS 1

The Regnvm, the Sacerdotium, and the Studium The Beginnings of tne
Universities Their Organisation and their Spirit Their Relations to the
Church The Introduction of Aristotle Intellectual and Popular Heresy
St. Francis and the Minorites St. Dominic and the Order of Preachers
Other Mendicant Orders The Work of the Mendicants Preaching
and Pastoral Care The Religious Revival The Mendicants and the
Universities The Triumph of the Mendicants The Great Scholastics
of the Thirteenth Century and the Results of their Influence.

FROM the unorganised schools of the twelfth century pro-
ceeded the corporate universities of the thirteenth century.
The same age that witnessed the culmination of

Regnum, , .

Sacerdotium, the idea of the ' regnum under Barbarossa and
and Henry vi. and the triumph of the ' Sacerdotium '

Studium. . ,. ,

under Innocent in., saw the establishment of the
' studium ' as a new bond of unity and authority, worthy to
be set up side by side with the Empire and the Papacy
themselves. /The strong instinct for association that about
the same period led to the organisation of the Lombard

1 Denifle's Universitaten des Mittelallers (vol. i.), and Rashclall's Uni-
versities of Europe in the Middle Ages supply full information as to the
organisation and studies of the universities. Haure*au's De la philosophie
scholastique (2 vols. ) summarises clearly the activity and teaching of the
schoolmen. For the Franciscans, Hase's Franz von Assist and Sabatier's
brilliant Saint Francois cTAssise, and Miiller's Anfdnge des Minorilen-
ordtns und der Bussbruderschaften. Brewer's Monnmenta Franciscana
and Little's Grey Friars at Oxford illustrate their activity in England.
For the Dominicans, Lacordaire's Vie de Saint Dominique, Caro's Saint
Dominique et Its Dominicains t and Lecoy de la Marche's La Chain
/ranfaise au moyen Age. For the heretics and their repression, besides
Lea's History of the Inquisition,'], Havel's Uheresie et le bras seculier
au moyen Age. The extracts from original authorities in Gieseler, and
Muller's careful summary, remain very useful.
Mi



The Universities and the Friars 429

League and the French Communes, that united England under
the Angevins and South Italy under Frederick n., that set
up merchant guilds in every urban centre and gave fresh
life to both the old and the new ecclesiastical "societies,
brought about the organisation of the masters and scholars
into the universities which still remain as the most abiding
product of the genius of the Middle Ages. Just as the
institution of knighthood had set up a new cosmopolitan
principle of union that bound together men of different
lands, wealth, and social station, in a common brotherhood of
arms, so did the establishment of the corporations of doctors
and scholars unite the subtlest brains of diverse countries and
ranks in a common professional and social life.

ihe earliest universities Vere, like Paris, associations of
teachers, or, like Bologna, clubs of foreign students. They
had "no founders, and based their rights on no The earliest
charters of king or pope, but grew up gradually universities.
as a natural outcome- ot' the wide- spread of intellectual pur-
suits that had followed upon the twelfth-century Renascence.
The accident ofthe abiding presence of a series of great
teachers hoc! made Par;;; the centre of theological and philo-
sophical study north of the Alps, and had given thlfschools of
Bologna a prestige that attracted to them students Paris and
of the civil and canon laws from every country in Bol g n -
Europe. It was inevitable that sooner or later the accidental
and spasmodic character of the earlier schools should give
way to systematic organisation. The numerous teachers of
arts and theology at Paris gradually became a definite college
or_jjui!d of "doctors' and masters, with power to admlFand
to exclude new members oT" their profession, and with an
increasingly strong corporate spirit and Tradition. Before
the death of Louis vn. a university, that is to say a corpora-
tion, of masters, had replaced the individual schools of the age
of Abelard. Before the century was out Philip Augustus had
given the infant university its earliest privileges of exemption
from the ordinary municipal organisation. Before the middle



4 3O European History, 918-1273

of the thirteenth century, the Faculties had been organised,
the Four Nations and the Rectorate set up, the authority
of the Episcopal Chancellor reduced to a minimum, and the
universal acceptation of the teaching rights of the masters
secured. Kings and popes vied with each other in shower-
ing privileges on a society that controlled with such absolute
authority educated public opinion. Moreover, the simple
expedient of suspension of lectures or of secession wrung by
force the privileges not to be obtained by favour, while a more
permanent result of these academic secessions was the creation
of other universities, whose rivalry wholesomely stimulated
the energies of the teachers of the ancient centre. Bologna
did for Italy almost all that Paris did for the North, though
the difference of the circumstances of a free municipality
and those of a great capital of a national state affected both
the organisation of the institution and the character of the
studies. Not the teaching masters but the well-to-do and
mature students themselves formed the corporations that
were the earliest form of the university of Bologna, The
Themuiti- supreme importance of legal studies was the
plication of outcome of the social, political, and intellectual
universities. conc jition o f Italy. The constant secessions that
set up flourishing schools at Padua and Pisa, and covered
Italy with smaller universities, were helped by the centrifugal
tendency that had already become a marked feature of Italian
politics. Yet no mediaeval university was in any sense a
purely national institution. It was the home of the Latinised,
cosmopolitan, clerkly culture that made the wandering scholar
as much at home in a distant city of a foreign land as in the
schools of his native town. The Studium, like the Regnum
and the Sacerdotium, belonged to the old cosmopolitan Roman
order that knew nothing of the modern ideas of national life
and local states. Yet no local state that aspired to civilised
life could dispense with a ' studium generate ' or university.
The great position of Angevin England made the English
school at Oxford the chief northern rival of Paris, from which



The Universities and the Friars 43 1

perhaps it was the most important secession. Thirtppnt^.
century Spain celebrated its deliverance from the Moor and
its entrance into the Christian commonwealth by the setting
up of new learned corporations. It was a sign of the dethrone-
ment of Germany from her ancient predominance that she had
no university till long after our period was over. So great were
the benefits of an organised general school that kings and
popes began to institute, deliberately, imitations of what had
earlier grown up spontaneously. Gregory ix. established
the first university of papal foundation at Toulouse, and
Frederick n. the first university of royal foundation at Naples.
Alfonso vin. of Castile not only conquered at Las Navas
de Tolosa, but strove, though to little purpose, to found the
first Spanish university at Palencia.

From the remotest parts of Europe eager students of every
rank"and condition, from highest to lowest, from wealthiest to
poorest, flocked to the universities of repute. If The spirit
many were chiefly eager for a career and profes- oftheuni-
sional advancement, there were not wanting a few v
touched with a higher spirit. The free life, the democratic
equality of the teachers, the unrestrained licence of the taught,
if leading to constant disorders, brought about a spirit of
independence within the academic band such as Europe had
not witnessed since the fall of the Roman Empire. This was
the more important since the universities of the thirteenth
century were no mere abodes of recluse scholars, but exercised
a profound influence on every side of human activity. They
affected politics and statecraft nearly as much as they affected
thought and religion. It is with their influence on the State
and the Church that we are mainly concerned now.

It was an all-important question what would be the relations
of the Studium to the Sacerdotium. The uni-

L " -i Relation of

versities were in the long-run bound to be either the univer-
the friends or the foes of the existing order,
which was so intimately bound up with the ascen-
dency of the Church. At first there seemed to be little danger



43 2 European History, 918-1273

of rivalry. The reconciliation of orthodoxy and free specu-
lation, which had put the limited but safe activity of a Peter
Lombard in the place of the antagonistic ideas of a Bernard
or an Abelard, still continued during the period that saw the
crystallisation of the European schools into systematic cor-
porations. If the Civilians upheld a Barbarossa, the Canonists
were equally strenuous ia upholding the universal bishopric
of the Roman pontiff. \ North of the Alps every scholar was
a clerk with the privileges of clergy, and the Church alone
provided both the materialtof thought and the worldly careers
that were open to scholars. ) If the Italian scholars were com-
monly laymen, the spirit of the Italian schools was too averse
to abstract speculation to be likely to lead to formal heresy,
and law was still, even in Italy, the study through which
churchmen rose to greatness. Yet it was by no means clear,
at the beginning of the century, that the intellectual ferment
which the universities had perpetuated would permit the
reconciliation of philosophy with theology, and of law with
the ecclesiastical order. Thp_ tradition of Greek thought
The intro- na< ^ been revived before the_twelfthcentury was
duction of over, and the full knowledge of the ethical, physical
tle ' and metaphysical teachings of Aristotle did not
come in a more Christian shape when it was filtered through
the imperfect translations and free paraphrases through which
Arab and Arabs and Jews had kept alive a _perverted yet
Jewish stimulating version of the doctrines^ of the great
influence. Greek philosopher. The glories of the Arab and
the Jewish schools of Spain had already culminated in
Averroes (d. 1198), and Moses Maimonides (d. 1204), when
they were made public to the Latin world by scholars like the
translators employed by Archbishop Raymond of Toledo, and
Frederick ii.'s prote'ge', Michael Scot The increased inter-
course between East and West, which resulted in The Latin
conquest of Constantinople, led before long to a better
acquaintance with Aristotelian texts and to Latin versions
based upon the Greek itself.



The Universities and the Friars 433

The Moorish and Jewish doctors of Spain had endured
persecution from the orthodox Mohammedans for the bold-
ness and freedom of their speculations. The intellectual
materialistic pantheism of Averroes was as famous and pp" lar
as his commentaries on Aristotle, and the intro-
duction of the latter was soon followed by the spread of
the former. The doctrines of the Averroists stimulated
anew the popular heresies of the Cathari, who were now
fighting desperately against orthodoxy in Languedoc, and
who still filled Lombardy with enemies of the Church.
The union of the popular with the scientific heretics might
well have led to a violent revolution, especially since the
changes involved in the rapid progress of the age threatened
social and economic disturbances that imperilled the whole
order of society.! The ever-increasing wealth and political
power of the Cmirch were blighting the best interests of
religion. The new orders of the twelfth century had lost
their early fervour, and proved almost as susceptible of cor-
ruption as their older brethren.)* The_dangers 4>f an earlier
age were renewed, and the schools that had long been
'secular' in the mediaeval sense bade fair to become secular
in a more modern signification of the term. A famous Paris
master, Simon of Tournai, boasted to those who had applauded
his vindication of the orthodox faith that he could demolish
it with equal ease and plausibility. In the early years of
the thirteenth century Amalric of Bena taught undisguised
pantheism at Paris, and had a following of enthusiastic and
outspoken heretics, whose views were as wild and revolu-
tionary as those of any of the Albigenses. The false teaching
of Amalric was attributed to the influence of Aristotle and
Averroes, and in 1215 the papal legate Common drew up a
body of statutes for the Paris masters which prohibited" the
study of the physics and metaphysics of Aristotle a pro-
hibition renewed later by Gregory ix. ( until they have
been examined and_gurged fromJalLJieresy.' In Italy, if
there were less speculative theology than in Paris, there was

PERIOD II. 2 E



434 European History, 918-1273

more popular heresy, and more political opposition to the
church that was also a state. The dangerous mysticism
of the abbot Joachim might well become a new source of
danger to the hierarchy. Despite all that Innocent in. had
done his successors still saw themselves face to face with
imminent danger. But the source from which salvation was
to arise had already been revealed. From the obscure
labours of Francis and Dominic was soon to come not only
the reconciliation of the new philosophy with the old ortho-
doxy, but a revival of spiritual religion, from which asceticism
became mighty lo" do good works, and in which the Church
of the Middle Ages attained its loftiest and purest ideals.

In 1182 was born at Assisi John Bernardone, more often

known by the nickname Francis, that is the Frenchman, which

was given him by his father, a wandering cloth merchant,

who had travelled much in France and loved its

St. Francis

of Assisi, people. The father was well-to-do, and ambitious
that his gifted and attractive son should play a
great part in the world. But an overmastering religious
enthusiasm soon drew Francis /rom the revels and sports of
the wealthy youth of Perugia. (He renounced friends, fortune,
kinsfolk, and declared that he had wedded the Lady Poverty,
the fairest, richest, and purest of brides. His glowing imagina-
tion and earnest spiritual longings saw all things through the
medium of a divine and ecstatic love. His single-minded
devotion to the poor and afflicted, his loving care for the
despised and neglected lepers, his holiness, pureness, and
goodness soon attracted round him a little band of followers.
One day he took them into a church, opened the gospels on
the altar and read them the words in which Christ bade His
_, . . disciples sell all that they have and give to the

Beginnings '

of the Ordo poor, and take no care of staff nor scrip, nor gold
Minorum. Qr s ji ver> nor bread nor clothes, but leave all and
follow Him. In these words, he told his followers, lay all
their life and rule. His one endeavour now became the literal
imitation of Christ's life on earth. The doings of Francis



The Universities and the Friars 435

and his penitents excited lively opposition as well as un-
bounded admiration. But in 1210 Francis and eleven com-
panions travelled on foot to Rome, where Innocent in.,
stranger though he was to their spirit, received them kindly
and permitted them to continue to uphold their simple rule
of absolute poverty and devotion to good works. The
brotherhood grew in numbers, and soon spread beyond the
lirnitc r>t Ac<ncr and central Iti 1 ) 7 Francis himself went on
missions to- the heathen, and pleaded for Christianity before
the Sultan of Egypt. Francis called himself and followers
the Poor Men of Assisi, or the Order of Lesser Brethren
(Ordo Minorum) ; but the rope-girt grey frock that they wore
caused the people to call them the Grey Friars, while the
prestige of the founder frequently gave them the name of
Franciscans. For years the fraternity in no wise departed
from its primitive" simplicity. The simple mysticism of
Francis, his frank joyousness and cheerfulness, despite his
constant perils and rigid asceticism, his strange and forcible
preaching, and his utter indifference to all worldly power and
influence, won an absolute mastery over men's hearts. He
was not a man of learning: he was a simple deacon, who
never aspired to the priesthood he was no organiser, and
had an absolute horror of the political forces that kept-the
Church so absorbed in worldly cares. The grow- The Rule of
ing support of great churchmen, the powerful X23 3-
favour of the zealous Cardinal Ugolino, the future Gregory ix.,
the establishment of a fixed rule for the order by Honorius in.
in 1223, were evidence of the spread of the founder's ideas.
Yet they gave Francis as much anxiety as satisfaction. They
involved the danger lest the simple gospel of love should be
overshadowed by formalism and officialism, lest
the doctrine of absolute poverty should be inter- ^^"jf^
preted so as to become a snare to the brethren within the
as it had been to the older orders of monks.
The gentle saint retired to his favourite chapels
and shrines near Assisi, leaving to the energetic and strenuous



436 European History, 918-1 273

Elias of Cortoua the uncongenial but necessary task of
organising the new society. Francis died in 1226, full of
trouble as to the future, and solemnly warniflg-ibe- brethren
to add no 'glosses or amplifications to the absolute simplicity
of the rule which he had prescribed for them. Two years
later Gregory ix. made him a saint, and laid the foundation
of the great church at Assisi, where the art of Giotto was
later to commemorate his glories. But the absorption of
the Franciscan spirit to the service of the hierarchy had
robbed it of much that was most beautiful and character-
istic. Later divisions within the order long bore witness
that the literal doctrines of the Testament of St. Francis were
still cherished by his more faithful followers. But a great
world-wide order could not be controlled by a few pious
aspirations and general exhortations to poverty. The work
of Gregory and of Elias was as necessary as the life and
character of the founder himself, if the Franciscan order were
to maintain the place which it had begun to fill in the life of
the thirteenth century.

Even before Francis had begun to preach poverty and good
works to the scattered towns and villages of central Italy,
st. Dominic, Dgminic de Guzman had begun his parallel but
1170-1731. y e t strangely different career. The son of a mighty
Castilian house, a man of learning, zeal, and fiery orthodoxy,
Dominic had become a .regular canon of the cathedral chapter
of Osma, near which town he was born in 1170. The Pre-
monstratensian ideal of living like a monk and working like a.
clerk was never more fully realised than by this young
Spanish canon. Called almost by accident to Languedoc, he
resolved to devote his life to the winning over of the Albi-
gensiah heretics to orthodoxy. Protected t>y the~T>TsE6~p of
Toulouse, he settled down in a house in that city, where he
soon gathered around himself a band of like-minded followers.
He remained there during all the storms of the Albigensian
wars, and his little society flourished so much that he sought
to obtain for himself and his sixteen companions recognition



The Universities and the Friars 437

from the Pope as a new religious order specially devoted to
the conversion of heretics. ) But thejiecision of the Lateran
Council of 1215 against the establishment of new orders
stood in their way, and Innocent in., though sympathetic,
was contented to recommend them to affiliate themselves
to one of the recognised regular fraternities.
Ol these, Dominic's own 'rule of St. Austin' best ing Brothers
expressed his ideals, and in 1216 Honorius in. of Toulouse,

r 1216.

confirmed the adoption by the ' Preaching Brothers
of St. Romanus of Toulouse ' of a modification of the Pre-
monstratensian rule. The first four years of the young brother-
hood were full of success. Affiliated communities sprang up
in Spain, in Italy, and in northern France, where the famous
convent of the Jacobins was set up at Paris on the south of the
Seine, hard by the Orleans gate. In Rome Dominic found a
warm welcome and an establishment within the papal palace,
along with the pastoral care of the numerous courtiers and
domestics of the pontiff. Cardinal Ugolino was as zealous for
Dominic as for the Poor Man of Assisi, and was perhaps the
means through which the Spanish canon made the personal
acquaintance of St. Francis. The result of this intercourse
was that Dominic was strongly impressed with the holiness
and^beauty of the Franciscan cult of poverty, and resolved
that his order also should tread in the footsteps of Christ and
the Apostles after the method set forth by the The Order
Franciscans. In 1220 tfte Urder of ITeachers, of Preachers
as it was now called, took its final form by adopt- ^! co . es \

3 r Mendicant

ing the doctrine of absolute corporate poverty as Order,
well as the life of mendicancy which had become iaao-
usual with the Franciscans. Dominic then went to Bologna,
to seek from the doctors there new support against the
heretics. In 1221 he died, and was buried at the house of



Online LibraryT. F. (Thomas Frederick) ToutThe empire and the papacy, 918-1273 → online text (page 36 of 45)