The History of Thucydides. Newly tr. into English...with very copious annotations...Prefixed, is an entirely new life of Thucydides: with a memoir of the state of Greece, civil & military, at the beginning of the Peloponnesian war online

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sage I have followed the reading of Pollux and the margin, x^*P^''^X*^'C»
which has been rightly edited by Goeller, though it had been rejected by
almost all the precedmg editors. Such, indeed, I long ago conceived to be
the true reading, and defended and illustrated it from the following pas>
sages : Dio Cass. p. 615., where Anthony says to his men, xai wavrb^ udovg
fidxfiQ <cat x^H^^^X^^^^ ^^^- 1^ ^^ P^^^^ ^^^ l^io Case, had then in view the
present paseace, and read x^^rlxvutc* And so also seems Aristotle Elh.
5, 8. ijCTTtp ovv &v6ir\otQ uTrXiafikvoi fidxovrai, kcu A&Xiyrai iSidfTatc* Dionys.
Hal. 464, 26. xoXcifOMi^v Ipytav x«*po'*«X*'«*' Eurip. Philoct. frag. 6. x<«fx^-
voKTOQ Xoyutv, in which sense Coray adduces two other examples of x'W'**
from Hippocrates and Soph. Trach. 1001. This sense, indeed, is very usual
in r«xvinfc, as Joseph. 861, 41. irp6c ^^ rtxvira^ ruv iroXtfiiuv {laxoyiM^o,
where he had, perhaps, Thucydides in view. So rfxviras r&v 'rokefuiity are
opposed to ainyirxsiiourrat by Xenoph, Repub. Lac. 13. And so ipydriic
ftdxvc by Suid. in AtKktaXXo^,

* Highly injurious, *c.] According to the Homeric adage, 11. /3. 204.
oifK aya&i) iroKvKoipaviri. So also Plutarch Camill. c. 18. oifhvhi: ^ firroy
kraparrep t) iroKvapxia rd irparrdiitva. Joseph. 172. woXvapxia ydp, wpbQ

1 2

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and the disorderly insubordination * of the multitude. If, on
the contrary, the commanders were few and skilful, and they
would, during the winter, train the heavy infantry, deliver out
arms and armour to such as had them not % that they may be as
numerous as possible, and compel them to such other drilling
as was necessary, they would, he said, be likely to overcome tlie
enemy; if also to braveiy, which they had, were superadded
good order and discipline in the field. Indeed, both of them (he
said) would increase ; the latter when exercised with dangers ;
and courage itself grew bolder when accompanied with the con-*
fidence of skill.^ They should choose commanders both few
and armed with complete authority ®, and should swear to them
an oath, <^that verily they would let them direct as they thought
best." For thus, he said, what ought to be concealed would be
better kept secret, and all other equipments and stores would be
furnished in due order, and without hesitation or subterfuge.^

LXXIII. Having heard this discourse, the Syracusans
decreed wholly according to his recommendations, and chose
as commanders, Hermocrates himself, Heraclides son of Ly -

Tip roTf 6fik(i>Q rt wpAmtv ivdyKtiv ^xovtnv kfivdStov sivac, rai pXairrnv irk^viu
Toi>Q xP^f^^^^^* Compare, too, Xenoph. Anab. 6, 1. Isocrat. Nic. p. 59.

It is truly observed by Mitford, that " it were difficult to imagine any
thing more inconvenient, or more adverse to effectual exertion, than the
system of military command which democratical jealousy, enforced by fre-
<^uent sedition, had established at Syracuse. The supreme military autho-
rity was divided among no less than fifteen officers; and even this numerous
board, if the term may be allowed, was, upon all momentous occasions, to
take its orders from the people."

5 Insubordinatiotu] Literally, anarchy. So iEschyl. Suppl. 920. ttoXKox^
dvaKTag — raxa'thj/fff^t' ^ofMrcT/, o{/k iptlr dvapxiav, Theb. 1032. dfiriffrov
rj)v ^ dvapxiav wdXti. See Dr. Blomfield on jEschyl. Pers. 642.

« Sucfi at had them noL'j For, among the Greeks, the heavy-armed were
expected to provide their own arms and armour. Some of these Syra-
cusans, however, it should seem, were too poor to provide them for them*

7 Both of them would increase, 4-c.] The best commentary on this is to
be found in the kindred passage at 2, 87.

s Few, and armed with complete authority,] They should (to use the
words of Mitford) be few, but they should be experienced ; they should
be trust-worthy, and they should be trusted.

9 All other equtpmentu, Sfc] Here there seems a reference to the calb
which must be made on individuals to supply what was wanting; in
which case nothing but complete authority procures unhesitating obe-

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simachus, and Sicanus son of Execestas, these three.^ And
they sent ambassadors both to Corinth and to Lacedaemon, in
order to form alliance with them, and prevail upon the Lace*
daemonians, in defence of them, to make war more decidedly
and openly against the Athenians, in order that they might
either withdraw them from Sicily, or make them less inclined
to send any further reinforcements to the army in Sicily.

LXXIV. As to the army of the Athenians at Catana, it
presently sailed to Messene, expecting that it would be de-
livered into their hands. But the schemes which had been
laid did not take effect For when Alcibiades quitted the
command, being summoned home, and knowing that he must
become an exile, he (well aware what would be attempted)
divulged the scheme to the Syracusans' paity in Messene.^ On
which they first put to death the persons criminated, and then
those who were of the same mind with them rising into sedi-
tion, and taking up arms, accomplished the point that the Athe-
nians should not be admitted. The Athenians, afler remaining
thirteen days, being tossed with tempestuous weather, provisions
falling short, and no prospect of success appearing, they went
to Naxus \ and, forming a palisade round their camp, wintered
there. They also sent a trireme to Athens, to fetch money
and horsemen, which should be with them by the spring.

LXXV. The Syracusans, during the winter, raised a wall

^ > These three,] A sort of pleonasm very much like that of Sti Paul,
1 Corinth. 13, 1 J. vvvl Bi fiivii 'trlcTig, i\7rif, dydTrrf, rd rpia ravra, in my
note on which passage 1 have adduc^ several other examples.

^ Divulged the tcfteme, ^c] This baseness shows how little of real patri-
otism had before filled the bosom of this ambitious man.

9 To Naxtu,] I have here followed Portus and Bekker, who cancel
OpaKoSf as an interpretation of araijputfiai or rather^ 1 conceive, of &ravp^
fiara. As to Palmer's conjecture, dpavjoic, it is by no means satisfactory ; for
it were very improbable to suppose that the Athenians would use the
necessary parts of their vessels to form the paling, nor is it likely that wood
would be wanting for that purpose, Sialv, and especially Italy, then
abounding in wood. The conjecture of Heilman and Bauer, that this por-
tentous epfxag stands fot the name of Some unknown place in the neigh-
bourhood of Naxus, is also very improbable. I must, therefore, acquiesce
in the first-mentioned method, and would illustrate the subject from th»
following most graphic and elegant passage of Lycophron Cass. 396. Tot'
ofirt r<i0poc, ovrt vav\6x<^ (na^fimv. HpoiXjifwr, ««1 aravpoifn Mpfftm^ trtkpv^
Oh ytXfia xpf^'^V^h^^^vtriVf oi^ ktc&KiuQ.


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frobting the whole way towards Epipole; thus enclosing the
Temenites % in order that, should they indeed be defeated, they
might not be so easily circumrallated, as in a lesser circuit ;
they also put a garrison into Megara ^, and another into Olym-
pieum. They also fixed palisades at the sea, at every place
fit for disembarkation. Knowing, too, that the Athenians were
wintering at Naxus, they took the field in full force against

^ ^ Temenitet.'] Thb may be as proper an occasion as anjr of giring some
f«aeral description of tbe difierent parts of the ereat aty of Syracuse.
Those parts were five, Ortygia, Acradina, Tyca, Neapolis, and Epipolas.
The fi-tt was that originafly colonised and fortified by the Corinthians,
under Arcbias ; and, l^ing then an island, and most of it rocky and of
difficult approach, it must have been very strong. It is now about two
miles in cvcumference ; and, probably, obtained its name from the abund«>
aace of qumU there. In process of time the city extended to the con-
tinent, and a suburb was aaded, called Acradina^ probably from the rock-
iness of its ground. This, in time, occupied all the lower part of that
peninsula between the Portus Laccius and the Portus Trogiliomm, and
was, next to Ortygia, the best peopled, though not, I suspect, in propor-
tion to its extent. A wall was then drawn, in a straight line, from
the Portus Troeiliorum to the dockt at Syracuse ; and this was for some
tkne tbe limit of Syracuse. Afterwards, however, were added no less than
three suburbs, l^ca, Temenites^ and Epipoke, For as to Neapoiis, it was
' of later foundation than the time of Thucydides, and occupied the
aituation of Temenites. Of the three above mentioned, Temenites and
Tyca were so called from the temples of Apollo and of Fortune situated
there, and of which the rc/tii'i^, or sacred close, no doubt originally occu-
pied a great part of their sites, TvKti was, probably, ^racusan for rvxn*
Now these were all graduallv surrounded with walls, and included in the
city ; thouch, in the time of Thucydides, only Temenites had been so en-
closed, and that at the present crisis. Tyca, too, was still an open and,
probably, thinly inhabited suburb. Thus, in the end, Syracuse was one of
the most extensive cities in Europe, and even at this period was very con-
siderable, and seems, as far as the vestiges of its antient extent remain, to
be pretty correctlv laid down in Goellers plan.

It may be further observed that Ortygia, being the original city, was
called the citadel or the cUy^ Kar iloxhv* The Epi|>olae, wliich was north
of Temenites and Tyca, and of a triangular figure, derived its name from
its elevated site, now called Belvedei'e ; the highest parts of which were
occupied by the Sjrracusan castles of Euryalus and Labdalum.*

It is, perhaps, unnecessary to add more, since the plan will better point
out the site of various parts than any verbal description.

3 Meaara^ Namely, the Hyblsa. Cluverius has proved that the fort
here called Megara had properly the name of Styalla ; and Goeller thinks
it probable that Megara obtained this name firom the period of the forti-

* Th« former of which names aeemi to mean the broad knob, forming the
crown of the hill, fXvf signifying excreteence / the latter is of uncertain derivation,
but probably it may have bad reforence to the peaked form of the hill, like the
letter labda, tba Syracusan for iambda. At to the oKot, it seems to stand for


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Catana ^ ; and, after ravaging some of their land, and horning
the tents, or huts, and camp of the Athenians, they returned

And having heard that the Athenians had sent an embassy
to Camarina, according to the alliance concluded in the time
of Laches, to try if they could bring them over, the Syracusans
themselves sent a counter-embassy. For they much suspected
that the Camarinseans ^ had not sent the assistance they did
send cordially, at the first battle ; nor would now be disposed
to lend them any future assistance; and seeing that the Athe-
nians had the best of it in the battle, would now be prevailed
upon to join them according to the former alliance.

Hermocrates, then, and others, having repaired to Camarina^
on the side of the Syracusans, and Euphemus, with others, on
the side of the Athenians, and an assembly being convened,
Hermocrates, desirous of first criminating^ the Athenians,
spoke to the following effect :

LXXVI. ^^ It was not, Camarinseans, because we feared
lest you should be terrified at the present forces of the Athe«
nians that we came on this embassy, but rather that we appre«
hended the representations which might proceed firom that
quarter, previously to hearing any thing from us, lest they
should prevail with you.

6 Took the Jieid, ^c] Thb expedition, Mitfbrd thinks, was undertaken
rather to revive the spirits of the people, than with the expectation of any
important advantage.

7 like Camarnugan*.] These, though a Dorian people, had been from
of old adverse; they were the only Sicilian Dorians who had constantly
refused to put theqnselves under the degrading and oppressive protection of
the Syracusan commonwealth. (Mitford.) The;^ had engaged in alliance
with Athens, but with the stipulation of not admitting more than a ship at
a time. They had also entered into aUiance with Syracuse, at the general
pacification brought about by Hermocrates ; but they were ver^ waverings
and the embasaes were respectively such as to fix them decisively in the
interest of one or other of the belligerents.

* Fint crimin€iimg.] I here adopt, after the recent editors, the reading
irpoBiataXtiVf as offering a sense far more apposite. It is also confirmed and '
illustrated by the npotcartiyopovvrtg of some MSS., at 3, 4S.

It was usually thought politic to secure the first bearing and thus pre^
occupy the good-will of the assembly, and prejudice it against the opposite
party. Sometimes, however, it was found more effi^^tual to be the hut
speaker, since weak and wavering minds are most ready to assent to what
has most recently been advanced.

I 4

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" Well, then, they have come to Sicily with the pretext
which you have heard assigned, but with the real intention
which we all shrewdly suspect Yes, their meaning, I know,
is not to plant the Leontines, but rather to supplant you.^ For,
surely, it were irreconcilable with reason to subvert the cities
there^ and to settle them here ^ ; to be solicitous for the welfare
of the Leontines^ being Chakideans^ on the score of relation-
ship, but to hold in servitude the Chalcideans in Euboea,
whose colony these are. No ; it has been in the same policy
that they seized dominion there, and now attempt it here.^^
For becoming leaders by the voluntary appointment of the
lonians, and such as were of themselves allied, for defence
against the Medes, the Athenians charging some with deficiency
in military service ^, others with mutual hostilities ^ and to the
rest, whatever specious criminations they could devise, they
subjugated them all. Nor was it, truly, for the freedom of the
Grecians that these people, nor for their own liberty that the
lonians opposed themselves to the Medes ; but the former did
it that the Greeks might be enslaved to themselves^ not the
Medes, the latter to obtain a change of master, one not less
msej but rather eoiUmse ! ^

1 Plant the Leontmet, 4*c.] The reader will obsenre the paronbtnasia,
which, however, cannot be so well expressed in our language. Without
attending to the paronomasia, we might render, tetUe — oust,

« T/ie cities there, 4"^.] By the cities are meant the Chalcidic cities ; and
the words following are ex^etical of the preceding.

s Seized dominion there, 4'^.] The words Utlva and rd iv^die seem
to have been resarded by the translators as referring to the Chalcideans of
Eubcea and Sicuy. But, from the words which follow, it should seem that
they refer not only to the Chalcideans, but also to the other states sub*-
dued by Athens. Thus the sense will be more extensive, and worthy of
the author. The orator, it may be observed, proceeds from a particular to
a general accusation.

-* Charging tome with deficienei/ in military service^ Namely, that which
they owed to the common league. The orator, or the historian, seems to
have had in mind the very similar passage of Herodot. 1. 5, 27, 7. tt&vtojq
Kortfrrpk^iTO — roifc /^»'» Xnvoarparii^c iwi Sitv^ac nlrtutfttvo^, roifQ Ss, k, r. X.
The words of Thucydides are imitated by Dionys. Hal. Ant. 704, 12. Xctiro-
trrpariav iwiviyKOvrsQ.

^ Mutual hostilitiet.] It should seem that by the laws of the confederacy,,
there was to be no war between the several membersi but that their differ*
ences were to be settled by the suffrages of the general congress.

« One not less wise, but rather evU-wise.] Hobbes renders, worse wise*
Bi^t our language will not admit, such a compound ; nor is it reauired by the
original, since the comparative KOKoKwinaTipov Sk seems merely to be put

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LXXVII. *^ But we come not hither to show among you who
well kncnx>y in how many things the Athenian state (obnoxious
enough to crimination) has committed injustice; but much
rather to censure ourselves, who, though having before us the
examples of the Greeks there (how they have been enslaved
by not defending each other), and now seeing the same kind of
sophism ^ directed against us (the resettling of their kindred
the Leontines, and the assistance of their allies the Egestseahs),
yet are not disposed with alacrity to unite for defence, and to
show them that the people here are not lontans^^ nor
Hellespontiansy and islanders who have ever bowed to the
yoke of some master, either the Mede, or some one other ;
hut Jree DorianSf come to inhabit Sicily, from independent
Peloponnesus. Or do we wait till we each be subdued city by
city, when we know that by this way only are we conquer-
able, and see them bent on this policy, namely, some of us to
dissever ® by words, and others by hope of their alliance to
set at war together ; to others, again, to use such cajoling
speeches' by which they may most effectually work the ruin
cf each? Or do we each fancy when our distant fellow-
countryman * only is first destroyed, that the danger will not

for dXX(> /iaXXov KOKoKvptroc.- By evU-wite is meant, " wise to do evil" (to
use the words of Jeremiah, 4, 23.) ; and it denotes that kind of wisdom
which the serpent in Genesis is described as possessing, and which is a
mixture of crafl and malice. The Scholiast and commentators, there-
fore, who explain the term of crafHnett, take too limited a view of the

' Sophism.] i. e. mere shallow flimsy pretences.

^ To show them that the people here are not loniansA There is something
very harsh in the oitK 'Jtuvtc rdh tieivy with which Krueger and Goeller
compare Eurip.Troad. 100. ovksti Tpoia rdde. and the inscription on the
column erected by Theseus : rdS' oi/xl n«Xo9rowijffoc, dXX' 'lutvia. To which
I add Eurip. Androm. 168. oi yap ie^ "Ew-wp r&St, 6XK' "EXXoc v6\t^. and
Cycl. 63, oi TaU Bpoftioc jc. r. X. Hence may be defended the common
reading in Eurip. Ion. 1464. r&^i ^ ex" Tvpdwov^, where Scaliger and
Reiske conjecture ya^ Ix*** The above passages, however, only prove that
the neuter plural was used to denote a country. They will uot justify the
bold expression of Thucydides, which may, I think, best be considered as a
Hending of two phrases^ namely, oi)K 'Imvia rddi tlei and ovk 'Iwvtc olde.
And, possibly, the rdh in the passage of Eurip. Ion. may be put for olSi,

^ Dissever,] Or, dissociate ; sow dissensions among.

■» Fellow-countryman.] Not, neighbour, as the translators render. This
signification of ^vvoiKOQ (which u altogether Thucydidean) occurs also at
1. 4. of these very Siceliots, yeirovas ovras Kai KwoIkovs m«m: x*^«c : so also
in Pausan. ap. Steph. Thes. '

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come to himself \ and that he who is suffering before him
will be alone in bis calamity.^

LXXVIII. " If, too, there be indeed any one who fancies ^
that the Syracusans, but not himself, are the object of enmity
to the Athenians, and thinks it hard to encounter danger for
our country, let him reflect that he will in that country combat
not so much for ours, but in an equal degree for his own
likewise ®, and with so much the more security, inasmuch as
by our not being previously destroyed, he will have us for
his helper, and will not have to fight destitute of aid. He
should consider that the Athenians are not avenging the
enmity of the Syracusans to any, but chiefly, under pretence of
the Syracusans, they mean to strengthen themselves by the al-
liance of those. ^ If, too, any one '^ envies or fears us (both of
which passions are excited by those in elevated stations), and on
these accounts may wish Syracuse to be humbUdmAeeA^ that we
may be taught moderation, but escape utter ruin ^^ for the sake
of his own safety, heis entertaining a hope not within the bounds
of human power to be accomplished. For it is not possible
that the same person should be at once the disposer of his own

5 The danger will not come to himself,] According io the Horatian
* Tub res agitur, paries cum proxima ardet."

« Will be alone in his calamity,] Namely, that the evil will stop there,
and reach no further.

7 Who fancies.] i. e, to whom the thought may occur.

8 WiU in that country combat, S^c] So far the arguments of Hermocrates
were unanswerable. But when he was to justify the past conduct of Sy-
racuse, and persuiv^e the Camarinsans to assist the Syracusan cause,
whatever fear the power of Athens might excite, the consideration of the
nearer and more obvious danger prepnonderated, of servitude to a people of
their own island, their fellow-colonists; a servitude likely to be more
severe, and certainly more grating. (Mitford.)

9 The Athenians are not avenging, ^c] Such seems to be the sense of
this perplexed sentence, the obscurity of which is partly owing to delicacj'.
By tne *' to any " are meant especially the Camannaeans. The Athenians,
it is meant, were not come there to fight the Camaiinasans' battles, but
their own.

For n)v ^(Klay, I suspect, the true reading is ry ^cX£^ which, as the sense
^solutely requires it, I have followed.

10 Any one^ i.e. any power, meaning Camarina; for the orator, all
along, through delicacy, masks his expressions under the form of general
portions, Uiough meant to be particular.

1 > Escape utter rttm^ Thu is all that Tnpijti^a^at can mean ; thouch
the Scholiast and others take it to signify ** obtain the victory over the

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wishes, and oi fortune}*^ And if he should err in his reckoning)
he may quicUy, mourning over his own calamities, per-
adventure wish he could again envy our prosperity. But this
it will be impossible for any one who has abandoned us and
refused to undertake the same dangers (not in word, but in
Bict) to bring about For in ^word^ indeed, any one would
promote our preservation, but in efiect his own safety.

" And it was especially incumbent on you, Camarinaoans ^^,
as being borderers, and whose turn of danger must come
next, to have forecasted for this, and not, as now, to have
assisted us so coldly ; but rather of yourselves have come to
1^ ^^ ; and (what, in case the Athenians had first attacked the
Camarinsean territory, ye would, in your need, have calted —
upon us to do) have encouraged us, that we might not crouch.
But hitherto at least neither ye nor others have shown any
such promptitude.

LXXIX. " Perhaps, however, through timidity, ye will
affect to observe a Just impartially both towards us, and the
invaders, alleging that you are in alliance with the Athenians^
But this, forsooth, ye did not make to the pre/udice of your
friends, but in case any enemy should attack you ; and to
assist the Athenians when unjustly treated by others, and not,
as now, when they themselves maltreat their neighbours ; since
not even the Rhegines, though they be Chalcidaeans, chose
to assist in replanting the Leontines. And hard were it, if
tkei/j mistrusting whether the matter be with good intention,
show a prudence unwarranted by reason ^, while you, under a

^ Itis not posmble that, ^c] Bauer has here a long discusnon on the
sense, but makes nothmg clear. Indeed, he and the other interpreters miss
the only clue to the sense, which is to be found in the kindred sentiment
of the same orator at 4, 64. init. fiifSk ftupia ^tXovtuc&v ^yci^dm i-^c ts
oUiiac yvutfitic ofioit^c avTOKpdriap clvai, jcoi ifQ oIk &PX*^ ^X9C* which IS a
sufficient commentary on the present passage.

1^ Incumbent on youy CamarvuEons, ^c] The orator bow slides fiH>m the
indirect to the direct address.

^* Come to us,] Now ; as now, we to you.

> Show a prudence unuforranted by reaton.] L e. beyond what reason
would seem to justify, without a efiXoyof wpS^ic- Such seems to be the
meaning of this obscure clause, which is thus explained by Qoeller. ** Nempe
&Kiy4ai ma^povtXv est caute agere, ita tanien ut rationem agendi tumn de-
fendere non posM, quod taiaen certe fore, ut Rhegim posunt, pr»dicat ora-
tor. EodemseDininhhtxureohtfertigen)dKoyo»9aentl,S2,'

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Online LibraryThucydidesThe History of Thucydides. Newly tr. into English...with very copious annotations...Prefixed, is an entirely new life of Thucydides: with a memoir of the state of Greece, civil & military, at the beginning of the Peloponnesian war → online text (page 16 of 59)