The History of Thucydides. Newly tr. into English...with very copious annotations...Prefixed, is an entirely new life of Thucydides: with a memoir of the state of Greece, civil & military, at the beginning of the Peloponnesian war online

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Online LibraryThucydidesThe History of Thucydides. Newly tr. into English...with very copious annotations...Prefixed, is an entirely new life of Thucydides: with a memoir of the state of Greece, civil & military, at the beginning of the Peloponnesian war → online text (page 24 of 59)
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f) r6 x^p">V' Pollux 1, 186. who, among x^P^ dvtTiirira, reckons avdKpora,
Xen. Hist. 7, 8, 9. roifg vtKpoifC, iviovQ Sk ^covrac a7roKtx**»^vfuvovQ, Appian
1, 75. Kai lirirovQ &xpiiovQ — Kal xwX.«i;ovr«c l^ vtrorpiJ^i^Q,

9 By the rough ground.] " The art of shoeing that animal," says Mitford,
" being yet unknown."

« By tea round Sunium, very expensive.] Namely, compared with what
it was by land. " A remarkableproof," Mitford observes, " of the imper-
fection of antient navigation, xnis, with the advantages of modern navi-^
gation, would be incomparably the preferable method." He then illustrates
the observation bv the fact, that the water carriage from London to Whit-
stable (nearly ^hty miles oflT) is only the samt as the land carriage from
Whitstable to Canterbury (six miles). The historian, however, forgets that

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and instead of being a city, it was become a fortress, for by
day the Athenians standing guanl at the battlements in turn,
and by night aU^ except the cavalry, part being on duty under
arms (at the guard-stations), and part on the walls, they were
harassed both summer and winter.^ But what lay heaviest on
them was, that they had in hand two wars at oncey having
fallen into such a perverse doggedness as, before it occurred,
no one who heard would have believed. For that those who,
by the erection of the fortress, were besieged at home by the
Peloponnesians, should not even then have desisted from
their attempt on Sicily, but, on the contrary, have besieged
there, in like manner, Syracuse, a city not at all less than
Athens, and to have so much excited the astonishment of the
Greeks at their power and daring (for at the beginning of the
war some thought, if the Peloponnesians should invade their
territory, they would only hold out ^ a year, others two, others

the two cases are any thing but parallel. The course from London to
Whitstable is siraisht, and tlie voyage rarely interrupted ; whereas, that
from the channel of Euboea to Athens was exceedingly drcuitous, and re-
quired the doubling of the, to the antients, rather formidable promontory
of Sunium ; after which, a very different wind would be requisite to bring
the vessel to Athens. Besides, we learn from Dr. Clarke tnat, even now,
the passage from Sunium to Athens is often a tedious one, by baffling winds.
In a voyage like that which Mr. Mitford instances, probably the difference
between antient and modem navigation was by no means so great as he

« Pari being on duty, ^c] Mitford remarks that "the exact value of the
phrase i^* dirXoi^ voioOfitvoi, apparently a military phrase of the day, b
scarcely now to be ascertained. And the explanations attempted by the
commentators and translators are very unsatisfactory." Certamly, at the
time when Mitford wrote, little had been done by the commentators ; and
the common Latin version would, indeed, seem not very satisfactory. The
phrase, it may b^ observed, is very accordant with the more fully-expressed
kindred passage at 1. 8, 69., to which Mitford himself refers. Those l^*
STrXotf were men in complete armour, ready for service, at one or more
guard-houses or stations. Those on the wall probably had only spears. The
meaning intended is, therefore, clearly ascertained ; and, if the words be
correct, ipv\aKi)v must, according to Bauer's suggestion, be supplied from
the preceding ii>v\d<r<jovTtg. If this be thought too harsh, I would con-
jecture for TToioiffifvoiy TTovovfttvoiy which will make all clear and easy. Nor
will there be any pleonasm at irovoifntvoi — iToKaiirwpovvro, for the latter
term may chiefly be referred to the exposure to weather implied in the
preceding words. So 1. 1, 134. 'iva fiij v'7^ai^piog raXuiirutpoiij, ^ The sense
will thus be, " part harassed with keeping under arms, part with standing
guard on the walls, they were distressed by exposure to the weather both
summer and winter."

' Hold out.] lUpichtty' The antient lexicographers well explain the

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three, none a longer time) as in the seventeenth year, when in
all respects exhausted, to have gone into Sicily, and taken up
a war not less weighty than that with the Peloponnesians ;
this, I say, no one would have believed.* Wherefore, being
by these wars, and the extreme injury sustained from Decelea,
and the other heavy expenses which lay upon them, brought
into great straits for want of money, they about this time
levied upon * their subject states instead of the tribute^ a
twentieth of all goods passing by sea ^ ; conceiving that thus
a greater revenue would accrue, [and need enough had they of
it], for their expenses were not such as they had been, but had
become far greater (inasmuch as the war was greater), while
their revenues were decayed.^

XXIX. Being unwilling, then, by reason of the lowness of
their funds, to expend money on these Thracians who came
too late for Demosthenes, they sent them away, appointing
Diitrephes to conduct them home, and ordering him, in the
voyage (for they were to go by the Euripus) to annoy the
enemy with them, to the utmost of their power. He, therefore,
set them on shore at Tanagra, and made some hasty pillage ;
then at nightfall he sailed from Chalcis acrpss the Euripus,
and disembarking them in Bceotia, led them against Myca^

term by irtpdvia^cu and &v^iUw, This signification is rare, but I have noted
the following examples : Dio Cass. 14, ^6, ov yAp irfpioioHv in roi^e tvdov,
and 277, 42.

* This, 1 say, no one would have believed,] This clause, which is in the
original left to be supplied, must be repeated from the preceding sen-

* Levied upon, <|c.] Mitford here remarks on the great obscurity of the
original, and complains that the commentators take no notice of it. He,
moreover, commends the *' successful boldness " of Smith. But, in fact.
Smith has not deviated a hair's breadth from the preceding translators (of
whom Mitford cites Portus), except in rendering rwv Kara ^dkainrav, of
which he gives rather an interpretation than a version. As to the ob-
scurity, of which he speaks, in the original, I see not any such as needed the
assistance of the commentators. It is only necessary to remark, that iTro*-
fl<jav is used in a somewhat uncommon sense.

Boeckh. cited by Goeller, says that this tax (which was the same as our
custom) was formed and continued during the remainder of the war.

Passing by sea,] i. e. both imports and exports.

7 Revenues taere decayed,] Namely, by so many of the tributary states
in Thrace and elsewhere having revolted ; while, perhaps, by the rest the
tribute was but irregularly paid.

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lessus.^ And during the night, he, without being tliscovered,
takes his quarters in the temple of Mercury, which is distant
from Mycalessus about sixteen stadia. And at break of day
he attacks the city (which was but small), and takes it, falling
upon the inhabitants unprepared, and never expecting that
any enemy would advance so far from the sea to attack them ;
the wall, too, being weak, abd in some places fallen down, in
others built low, nay, moreover, the gates being open, through
the confidence of security. The Thracians having thus burst
into Mycalessus, plundered both the houses and temples, and
massacred the inhabitants, sparing none of whatever age, old
or young '-*, but butchering all, as they came in their way, both
children and women, nay, moreover, even the draught cattle
and whatever they 'could find that had life. For the Thracian
nation is, wherever it can dare to show it ^, exceedingly bloody,

1 Mycalessui,] A very antient city situated (as most of those of the
early aces) not upon, but a few miles distant from, the coast, in the road
from Thebes to Chalcis. That it was a large city in the time of Homer, is
plain from the epithet ({tpvxf»>pov, which he gives it. The place seems never
to have risen from the present destruction ; and Pausanias describes it as in
ruins in his time. Some fragments even ^'et remain. See Cell's Itinerary.
Wasse refers to Herod. 1, 148., as he might also have done to Pausan. 1,
S3, 2-~4. and 9, 19, 4., from which passages some curious information may
be gathered.

< Sparing ftone, ^c] This is mentioned because, though it was not very
unusual to put to death the males of military age, yet those above or under
that age were commonly spared.

3 Wherever it can dare to show it,[ Or, ** wherever it has the confidence
of superiority." Smith wrongly renders, " when once their fury is in-
flamed." He did not perceive that there is a sarcasm couched under the
words, exactly similar to that of Brasidas, c. 4, 126. fin. (of the Illyrians)
0% ^ dv (l^uKTiv avTolQf Kara rrddag rb ti^x^"*^ ^^ ^V ^<f^a\ii d^iic Msik*

The above mode of taking the passage is confirmed by an imitation of
Procop. B. G. p. 92, 40. ol dk l^dpCapot, iwd oiSkv tj^'itn dnfivrg. (I conjecture
Airavra) yivovrai uffioraTOi ivipwTrwv atrdvTiov. Also Joseph. 597, 46. wcrn
it£t Ti)v rijgitiioTtjTog v7r€p€oXi)v iirucXrf^rivai ai/rbv irapd. rGtv 'lov^aiwv
BpoKihav, The passage is also imitated by Achill. Sat. p. 572 and 600. In
short, such is more or less true of all Barbarians.

It is deplorable to think that the enlightened Athenians (as I find fi-om
Pausan. Attic. 1, 23.) erected a statue to the memory of this Diitrophes,
representing him as assailed with arrows, perhaps with reference to the
d&k in question.

• Yet, strange to say, Die Casdus seems to have fallen into the same error :
for at p. 586, 92. be writes, rh yhp roi yiyos abr&y »w/*a»^ii', vuep^aT6» i<rru ^

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as much so as the most barbarous nations.^ And now there
was complete disorder and every form of slaughter set on
foot ; so that, falling upon a boys' school (of which there was
there a very large one *, and the children had now assembled),
they put them all to the sword. This calamity to the city, as it
was exceeded by none other, so it befel thenr unexpectedly,
as well as was in itself terrible.

XXX. The Thebans, on hearing tidings of the attack,
went to give succour, and overtaking the enemy when not far *
on their way back, they took away their spoil, and throwing
them into consternation, chased them down to tlie Euripus ^
and the sea, where the vessels which conveyed them were lying
at anchor ; they also killed a considerable number of them as
they were getting on board, such, namely, as could not swim.^
For those in the vessels, when they saw what was doing on

^ As mvch so as, ^c^ There is, doubtless, meant to be some stress laid
on the last words ; for the Thracians were in fact partially civiiised, and
were certainly not reckoned among the most barbaric people. From so
long living among these men, Thucydides must have Known them tho-

9 A boys* schooly ^c] That these edifices were sometimes large appears
not only from the present passage, but from Porphyr. de Vit. Pyth. p. 184.
init. ; and sometimes, as we there find, they were of a semicircular

1 Not far,] Oh iroXO. Smith translates as if the oir were not here.

s The Euripus,] This is most graphicalW described by Livy, 1. 28, 6.
** fretum ipsum Euripi non septies die, sicut fama fert, temporibus statis re-
ciprocat : sed temere in modum venti, nunc hue, nunc illuc verso mari, velut
monte praecipiti devolutus torrens rapituf." and 45, 27. " Chalcidem ad
spectaculum Euripi avoque ante insuiae ponti continent! junctae, de-

3 A considerable number^ <J-c.] The words of the original are obscure, if
not corrupt. To\>q irXiiorovQ cannot, as some antient mterprcters were of
opinion, be referred to the viiv obx MtrTavTo : nor is it likely that the
greater part should not have known how to swim, of which few Barbarians
can be supposed ignorant. Those words must be referred to diroKTtivovaiv,
Yet, as we are afterwards told that only two hundred and fifty were slain,
the sense cannot be, what it would appear, that they killed the greater part
of them. If, therefore, the common reading be correct, I know no other
method but to take the rot>c TrXtierrovc. with Hack, of "the greater part of
those who were killed in the retreat." For some were slain in the town,
others, no doubt, on the road. This method, indeed, is not new, but was
evidently adopted by Hobbes. But, supposing such to be the sense
intended, the author has expressed himself very imperfectly ; and I should
prefer to cancel the tov^. How often the article is wrongly added to, or
detracted from, TrXilvroc, is well known.

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sbore^ moored their barks out of bow-shot* For as to the
other part of the retreat, the Thracians made no contemptible
resistance to the Theban horse, which first attacked them by
sallying forwaixl upon them, and forming in a dense body ac-
cording to dieir country custom *, and here but few of them
were slain.* Some part of them also, being caught in the
city, as they were plundering, perished. Of the Thracians
two hundred and fifty in all, out of one thousand three hun-
dred, were slain. Of the Thebans, and others who brought
assistance, there were killed about twenty horse and heavy
infantry, and Scirophondas, a Theban Boeotarch. ^ Of the
Mycalessians ®, too, a part fell. Such were the occurrences
which took place at Mycalessus, whose inhabitants suffered a
calamity which, according to the size of the city, was not
less deserving of being lamented than any other in the war.

XXXL And now Demosthenes, after having planned the
fort in Laconia, making sail for Corcyra ^, met with a vessel

* Out of bow'shof.] I here follow the reading of two MSS^ roMfiaToc^
which Goeller has done well in editing, and which I have for many years
been persuaded is the true reading. The objections of the other editors to
this reading are as frivolous as their attempts to explain the common one,*
Uvy/iarog, are unsuccessful. It may suffice to refer to the annotation of
Goeller ; though, as he has adduced no examples or illustrations, the fol-
lowing may be not unacceptable : Xenoph. Cyr. 1, 4, 23. I^w rolivnaroQ,
Elunapius p. 16]. init. ^Trt^d; rrkoiov, rb irXoiov oix lx**w ToKtiffiaTog ipfitivka
Ivwv duXeyfTo toI^ (iapQapoic. where I conjecture should be read ivii^dg (i. e.
the Emperor Julian) ttXowu, (t6 trXoiov dvkxc^ C*^*^) roMfMrog) ipfiijvka
Ixutv, duKtytro rolg ^apiapotg, from which passage it is very probable that
Eunapius so read.

At the same time, I cannot dissemble that I have met with a passage in
Procopius, which makes it probable that he read rov ^^i/y/uzroc, namely, de
^dif. 36, 52. (speaking of the Euripus) ^tvyfia Sk irop^fifp (i. e. Euripus)
fua TtiQ kyKfifUvri rroieirai doKog -^ Hvog n ^vXov i^iSoXy Kai afaiptmi, kcu ttc-
ittOovat Kai vavriXXovrat.

^ Forming in, 4^c.] Something, we may imagine, like what was after-
wards, when perfected, called the Phalanx.

6 Were siain.] We hear of none being made prisoners. Indeed,
after the horrible cruelties they had perpetrated, they could expect no

7 A Theban Boeotarch.] For there were two from Thebes.

^ Of the Mycalessians.] Namely, those of the country who came with
the Thebans to the succour of the city.

' For Corcyra.] I here read, with two MSS. and Valla, iiri, which is
edited by Bekker and Goeller. The common readme admits of no defence,
and can only have arisen from the carelessness of scribes, who paid no

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of burden at Phea of Eleans, wherein the Corinthian heavy-
armed were about to take their passage to Sicily. The ship
he destroyed ; but the men made dieir escape, and after-
wards sailed in another. After this, Demosthenes having
arrived at Zacynthus and Cephallenia, took on board some
heavy-armed, and sent for others of the Messenians from
Naupactus ; and stood over for the opposite coast of Acamania,
to Alyzia ^ and Anactorium, which was in the hands of the
Athenians. While he was there, Eurymedon from Sicily
meets him (who had been despatched ^ during the winter,
with money* for the army), and tells him, among other
news, that he had heard, when already on the voyage, that
Plemmyrium had been taken by the Syracusans. Conon
also, the governor of Naupactus, comes to them* with in-
formation, that the twenty-five Corinthian ships lying over
against them, do not abandon the contest, and yet delay
coming to battle. He, therefore, urged them to send some
ships, since their eighteen ships ^ were not a match for the
twenty-five of the enemy.

Demosthenes and Eurymedon, therefore, sent with Conon
ten of their best sailing ship^ which they had for reinforce-
ment of those at Naupactus. And themseWes set about
making preparations for the assembling of the armament ; Eu-
rymedon sailing to Corcyra, and ordering them to equip fifteen
ships, and enlisting heavy-armed (for he was joint com-

attention to the context, but who knew that AnofrXBu) is generally followed
by iic, or some such preposition.

9 Alyzia,] In Acamania. By Xenophon called iEluzia. The other ortho-
graphy is supported by Scylax, Strabo, and Cicero. From these and
other antient writers scarcely any thing more than the name can be

9 Despatched,] In the ori|;inal is added rSrt, which scarcely admits of
being introduced into a version, but signifies then, at the time I before
mentioned, namely, during the winter.

4 Money.] Mitford stran^ly mistakes the sense of the passage, when he
represents our author as saying that Demosthenes met with Eurymedon at
Anactorhim, collecting provisions for Sicily. Nay, by what follows, we find
that he was on his way home, but turned back on learning that he was ap-
pointed to the joint command.

5 Comes to them.] He came himself, in order to give more effect to his

Thtir eighteen ships.] And yet at c. 17 and 19. they are said to have
been twenty. Something not recounted by the historian must have hap-
pened to the two in question.

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mandet with Demosthenes, and had given up his voyage to
Athens in consequence of his appointment), and Demosthenes •
ooilecting together slingers and darters from the parts of

XXXII. As to the ambassadors, who, after the taking
of Plemmyrium, had gone to the cities, having prevailed
upon them to furnish an army, they, after collecting it, were
about to bring it away, when Nicias, receiving previous intel-
ligence, sent to such of the Siculi as occupied the passes,
and to their allies (the Centoripes, Alicyseans ^ and others),
saying, that ** they ought not 'to allow them to go through, but
should combine together to hinder them ; for that they
would not attempt to pass any other way, siace the Acragan-
tines had not granted them a passage." And now, as those
Siceliots were on the way, the Siculi, agreeably to the request
of the Athenians, having laid a triple ambuscade^ for them,
and besetting them unawares and suddenly, killed upwards
of eight hundred, and all the ambassadors except one, namely,
the Corinthian, who brought those that escaped, to the amount
of one thousand five hundred, to Syracuse.

XXXIII. About the same time, the Camarinseans also
arrived thither, with an auxiliary force of five hundred heavy-
armed, three hundred darters, and three hundred bowmen.
The Gejoans, too, sent a naval force of five ships, four hundred
darters, and two hundred horse. Indeed, by this time, the
whole of iScily, except the Acragantines, who were neutral

7 Eurymedon saiUng to Corcyra^ ^c, and Demostkenet eoUecHng, 4^.]
There was much judgment shown in this distribution, as Eurymedon must
have had influence in Corcyra, and Demosthenes in Acarnania.

1 AlicytBont.} So Poppo and Goeller rightly edit, from MSS., authors^
and inscriptions, for Alicycseans.

« A triple atfibutcade!] Tpixy is, by Hack, Bekker, and Goeller, put
between brackets, as being omitted in most of the MSS. But this seems
a very uncritical procedure, since it is far easier to account for its omission
than for its insertion. It was doubtless omitted by those who thought it
not reconcileable with riva, and thus others cancelled the nva : but, in
fact, the ambuscade is considered as one, though distributed into three
parts. The adverb is used for an adjective; as in Xen. Anab. 6, 2, 16.
fivi.Toji t6 erpdrtvfia rpixj,


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(even those who before had stood aloof to wstch events), now
combined in aiding the Syracusans against the Athenians*

As to the Syracusans, on the calamity which befel them
among the Siculi, they desisted from immediately attacking
the Athenians.

And now Dennisthenes and Eurymedon (the armament
being ready) set sail from Corcyra aqd the continent, and
crossed the Ionian gulf, with the whole force, to the promon-
tory of Japygia. Continuing their course from thence, they
touched at the Choerades ^ islands of Japygia, and take on
board some Japygian darters, one hundred and fifty in number,
of the Messenian tribe. And having renewed a certain an-
tient friendship with Artas, who also, being a chief in those
parts, furnished them with some darters, they then came to
Metapontium in Italy. ^ And having prevailed upon the
Metapontians, by virtue of alliance, to contribute three
hundred darters and two triremes, they, with this augment-
ation, coasted on to Thurium. There they find the party
adverse to the Athenians lately expelled. And being de-
sirous to muster their forces there, and examine whether any
had been left behind ; as also to prevail on the Thurians to
cooperate heartily in the expedition, and (considering the
posture of affidrs) to form an alliance offensive ^ and defen-

1 Choerades.] A name often given to siicb blands or promontories as jnst
emerge from the sea, in a form bearing some rude resemblance to a hog's

These islands are now called the isles of St. Pelafia and St. Andrea.

« Metapontium in Italy,] Italj^, antiently so called, was that peninsula
bounded by the isthmus of Scyllaeum and the Napetinus sinus, where the
land contracts to the narrow space of twenty miles ; this was the southern
part of the Bruttii, afterwards so called. For this we have the testimony of
Antiochus, son of Xenophanes, whom Aristotle does not, indeed, cite by
name (Polit. 7, 19.), but appeals to the testimony of historians descended
from that country. It is proper to observe, that the historian called iraw
opx^^oc by Dionys. A. 1, 12., was not Antiochus ; for he lived in the age
between Herodotus and Thucydides, and his history terminated with the
year 422. B C. In his time the boundaries of Italy extended further,
though they were still terminated by an imaginary line drawn up to Meta-
pontium from the river Laus, which, at the shore of the Tyrrhene
sea, separates Lucania from the Bruttii. (Niebuhr, Hist. Rom. t. 1. p. 26.)

' Fonn an alliance offensive and defensive.] Literally, ** to account as
friends or foes those esteemed so by the Athenians." A usual formula
loquendL — "

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aire with tbe Athenians, -^ (hej waited in Thuria, and de«
spatcbed this business.

XXXIV. About tbe same time, the Peloponnesians in the
twenty-fiye ships, who had taken a station over^^agatn^ tbe ships
at Naupactus, in order to &Tour the passage of die transports
to Sicily, having prepared themselves for battle, and equipped
some more ships, so as to be little inferior in force to the
Athenians, rode at anchor over-against Erineus of Achaea, in
the territory of Rhypa.^ And the place where they bad
their station being of the form at a crescent^ the land forces
of the Corinthians, and tbe allies of those parts, which had
come to their assistance, were stationed at the jutting pro-
montories; while the ships occupied the intermediate space,
and blocked up the entrance.^ The fleet was commanded by
Polyaothes, a Corinthian. Upon this the Athenians made
sail Itoi|i Naupactus with thirty-three ships ^ commanded by
Diphilus. At first the Corinthians lay still, but when it was
thought to be the right time, and the signal was raised, they
rushed upon the Athenians, and an engagement ensued. For
a long time the combat was fuUy maintained on either side ; at

Online LibraryThucydidesThe History of Thucydides. Newly tr. into English...with very copious annotations...Prefixed, is an entirely new life of Thucydides: with a memoir of the state of Greece, civil & military, at the beginning of the Peloponnesian war → online text (page 24 of 59)