The History of Thucydides. Newly tr. into English...with very copious annotations...Prefixed, is an entirely new life of Thucydides: with a memoir of the state of Greece, civil & military, at the beginning of the Peloponnesian war online

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Z^tv &v ivvutvrai with TrapaoKtvaKto^ai vavrucov. These words clearly
belong to ^vinropwafuvovQy &c.

10 To curtail the state expenses, ^c] Such seems to be the sense of the
brief, and therefore obscure, words rwv Kara tt^v, n6\iu n ie tiriktiav <r(a-

Duker has shown that those words do not regard private expense, or
luxury (which, he says, by the deprivation the citizens suffered from the
fortification of Decelea, was necessarily moderate), but public expense, as
lidd out on sacrifices, spectacles, judicial functions, &c. (to use the words of


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board of government ' ^ composed of elderly persons, who
might, as occasion should require, consult on any business that
presented itself *^ for their consideration. Moreover, from their
present fear^ the people (as is usual with the multitude) were
readily disposed to be orderly.'^ And what was resolved to
be done, that they carried into execution. And thus ended the

II. The following winter, all the Greeks were presendy
on the alert at the severe calamity which had befallen the
Athenians in Sicily. Those who before had been allies of
neither party, now thought that, even if they were not called
upon, they ought not to hold off from the war, but voluntarily
go against the Athenians, not only as each thinking that if the
Athenians had succeeded in Sicily, they would have gone
against them too ; but, moreover, conceiving that the remain-
der of the war would be but short, to participate in which
would be honourable. Those, f^ain, who were allies of the
Lacedaemonians were more zealous than ever, longing to
speedily free themselves from their heavy labours and sacri-
fices. But especially the subject states of the Athenians mani-

Thucydides at c. 4. koI M SXKa iiirov rt l^oxn dxpttov AvakhKur^ai, &c.)y
the savings on which items were to be applied to the maintenance of the

Here I would compare Andphanes ap. Athen, 60. C. T6 hXirvov Itrrl
fiaZa nxapaKtafiivri 'Axv/oot^, ^P^C tifriXtiav l^unrXKrftkvfi,

I i Board of govemmerU,] I know not how the djpxvv jiva can be
better expressed. Smith absurdly renders it " sovereignty."

!• Who ntight, ^c] i. e. previously to its being introduced to the consi-
deration of the senate, or the public assembly otthe people. Here, again,
Smith totaUy misconceives the sense. This measure was intended (as
Mitford observes) to obviate the extravagancies of unbalanced democracy;
though, as he adds, *^ this was, indeed, providing for the prudence of exe-
cutive government, but not for vigour, not for secrecy, not for despatch.^

On the subject of these irpo^vXot, Krueper refers to Plutarch 2, 298. A.,
Wesseling on Herod. 6, 7. and Aristot. Poht. 6, 5, 10., from which passages
it appears that the name 7rpo€ov\oi was rather appropriate to an oligarchy
than a democraty,

1) Were readily ditpoted to he orderly^ I cannot agree with Hobbes and
Smith, who take ihraKTiiv to mean •• order their government aright; " a
sense ndther supported by the usus loquendi, nor so agreeable to the con-
text as that above adopted, which, moreover, is the constant siffnification
of the word. This version, too, is confirmed and illustrated by the follow-
ing most true observation of Plutarch Lucull. c. 2. oh^iv ykp dv^piiirov
SwapKT&rtpoy tl irpdffouv ioKovvro^, oitS^ a^ wdKtv diKriKutrtpov IwiCTafjiag
9V9raKivTOQ vtrb riJQ r^xW*

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fested their readiness to engage in revolt, even beyond their
ability to maintain it, ancjfthap because they formed their judg-
ments under the influence of passionate and sanguine feeluigs *,
and no longer entertained a doubt but that, on the ensuing
summer at least, they should gain the mastery.^

The Lacedaemonian state at all these concurring circum-
stances took courage^, and especially because the allies in Sicily
would, in all likelihood (as there was necessarily ^ now a great
accession of nautical power), be with them at the spring with
a powerful force. Full of hope, therefore, in every respect,
they resolved to apply to the war with alacrity, reckoning that
if it were once brought to a successful termination, they should
be hereafter free from such dangers as that which would have
threatened them from the Athenians, had they acquired Sicily ;
and that by pulling them down, they should themselves se-
curely hold the dominion of all Greece.

III. Immediately, therefore, this winter their king, Agis,
proceeding with an army from Decelea*, collected money

' Because Ihey formed their judgnienlt, ^c.] With this whole chapter
compare 1. 4, 108.

s No longer entertained a doubt, 4-0.] i. e. would no longer allow them-
selves to entertain a doubt but that, &c. Such is, J conceive, the sense,
which has been misconceived by Hobbes and Smith, and not thoroughly
understood by the recent commentators, who have not seen that for avrolg
should be read avroiQ^ which removes the only real difficulty ; for, at 7rc/ot«
yivio^ai we may easily, if it be thought necessary, supply ahriav,

3 Took courage.] For there had been very serious alarm entertained by
the Lacedaemonians as to the consequences to them of such an addition of

Eer to Athens as the conauest of Sicily must have supplied. ** No evil
) Mitford) that could befall the aristocracies which composed the Lace-
lonian confederacy, was so dreadful and so odious as subjugation under
the tyrannous rule of the Athenian multitude. Nor was Lacedaemon itscdf
without alarm ; for, though the conquest of Sparta was not likely soon to
be accomplished by the Athenian arms, yet there was no inferior evil which
might not be expected, and quicklv."

* NecetMarily.] Such seems to be the sense of Kar dydymiv, where there
is reference to the naval quotas which would be sent from the other states
of Sicily, now under the domination of Syracuse.

^ Proceeding with an army from Decelea.] There n reason to think,
though Thucydides nowhere expressly asserts it, that King Agis, from the
first erection of Decelea, had staid there in command of the large force
assigned for its garrison, and to ravage the neighbouring country. Whv he
should have remained there, is well accounted for by Mitford. ^ He there
attained, what none of his predecessors ever enjoyed, a perennial military
command. Here he found himself really king ; here he was free from the

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among the allies for the formation of a navy. Then turning
his course to the Malian gulf, and (excited by an old enmity ),
after taking considerable spoils from the CEtseans, he exacted
of them a large sum ^ [by way of ransom] ; and the Achaeans
of Pthiotis and other dependants of the Thessalians in those
parts (against the will of the Thessalians, who sent remon-
strances), he compelled to give some hostages and money ; and
deposited the hostages at Corinth, which state he endeavoured
to bring over to the alliance. The Lacedaemonians also issued
out requisitions to the allies for the building of one hundred
ships ; and themselves and the Boeotians they rated at twenty-
five each, the Phocians and Locrians at fifteen, the Corinthians
also fifteen, the Arcadians, Pellenians, and Sicyonians ten ;
the Megarseans, Troezenians, and Hermionians ten. They
likewise made all other preparations, as intending, immedi-
ately on the spring, to apply themselves closely to the war.

IV. The Athenians, too, in pursuance of the plans which
they had formed, proceeded this winter to the building of
ships with the timber which they had procured : also forti-
fying Sunium, that it might afibrd a secure shelter for their
corn-ships in the coasting trade, abandoning the fortification
which they had erected in I^conia, when on their voyage to
Sicily, and in all other respects wherein there seemed to be
any needless expense, contracting every thing within the limits
of economy : but, above all, they kept a vigilant look out over
their allies, that they might not revolt.

vexatious and degrading control of the ephors ; here he might not only use
at discretion the troops immediately under his orders, but be had authority
to levy forces, raise contributions, exercise command among the allies of
the commonwealth, and treat with foreign states. Thus vested with inde-
pendent power, he was of course respected, and could make himself feared;
so that much more deference was paid by the states of the confederacy to
Agis, in his garrison at Decelea, than to any Spartan king at home, or even
to the Spartan government itself."

Exacted of them a large turn,'] Namely, by way of redeeming or ran-
soming the property : an ex|>edient frec|uently employed by the buccaneers
of modem times. For such b, I conceive, the sense of xp^^/x^^a ktrpe^aro,
and not that assigned by the translators, ** made money of it ; " a significa-
tion of but slender authority.

On the old enmity or grudge just before mentioned, see 1. 9^ 98. seq* and
Valckn. on Herod. 1. 7, 132,

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V. As both parties were occupied in these affairs, and, in
their preparation for war, seemed to be as it were but com -
mencing it, the Euboeans, first of all, sent ambassadors this
winter to Agis on the subject of a revolt from the Athenians.^
He, accepting their proposals, sends for Alcamenes son of
Sthenelaidas, and Melanthus, to go as governors into Euboea.
They accordingly went, accompanied by about three hundred
of the Neodamodes [or newly enfranchised], and Agis pre-
pared measures for transporting them thither. In the mean-
time came the Lesbians, who were desirous to revolt. And on the
Boeotians aiding them ^ in their negotiations, Agis was induced
to postpone matters concerning Euboea, and made prepara-
tions for forwarding the revolt of Lesbos, giving them Alca-
menes as harmost [or governor], who was to have gone to
Euboea ; and the Boeotians promised to send ten ships, and
Agis ten. Now these affairs were transacted without the
authority of the Lacedaemonian state. For Agis, so long as he
continued at Decelea with the forces under his command, had
authority both to send off troops whither he pleased, to raise
forces and levy money. Indeed the allies did at that time
(it may truly be said), yield obedience much rather to him^
than to the Lacedaemonians at home ; for having a powerful
force under his command, he inspired immediate awe wherever
he went He was now forming arrangements for the aid of
the Lesbians. On the other hand, the Chians and Ery thraeans,
themselves also ready to revolt, did not have recourse to Agis^
but resorted to the Lacedaemonians at home. With these
likewise went an ambassador from Tissaphemes, who was
viceroy to king Darius, son of Artaxerxes *, of the maritime

» The Evbceant firtt^ S^c] This might very well have been expected ;
though (as Mitford observes) Euboea was a country so important to Athens,
that a better government would never have left; it in the situation of a
subject state, but would have given its people an interest with themselves.

« On the BaoHans aidingihem.] Probably from the ties of affinity, they
being, like themselves, of JSolian race.

The wishes of this most powerful of the allies of Lacedaemon could
scarcely fail of being attended to.

3 Yield obedience much rather to Mm than, 4-e.] Hobbes has here misre^
presented the sense, from not properly apprehending the construcUon.

* Fttyrcy.] Or, to use the Persian term, tatrmp.

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parts ^ [of Asia Minor]. For Tissaphernes was calling in ^ the
Peloponnesians as auxiliaries, and he engaged to provide them
support^ He had lately had demanded of him • by the king
tlie tribute of his own government, for which (not being able,
by reason of the Athenians, to exact it from the Grecian cities)
he was in arrears. He therefore thought he should be more
likely to obtain that tribute by humbling the Athenians, and
should, besides, bring over the Lacedaemonians into alliance
with the king, and thus be able, in obedience to the king's
orders, either to kill or take prisoner Amorges, who was in
rebellion up and down the province of Caria. Thus tlie
Chians and Tissaphernes were now negotiating this business
in concert,

* Maritime parts.] We are not exactly informed of the extent of the
several satrapies, or of the powers, privileges, and duties o£ the satraps. We
learn from Xenophon (Hei. 1. 3, 1, 5. et seq. and 2, 19.) that Caria was the
proper satrapy ot Tissaphernes, and (Anab. 1, 1,6.) that Ionia was added to
his command by the king's particular favour; but his authority, at least in
the absence of other officers, was often extended over Sardis and great part
ofLydia. (Mitford.)

6 Caliing in.] It is strange that all the translators should have missed
the true sense of iirfiytro.

7 Provide them support.] i. e. give them pay; for rpoipt), abused of mili-
tary service, has often that sense. Nothing places in a stronger light the
power of Athens, than that the vast empire of Persia should require the
aid of the Peloponnesians to enable them to subdue a few cities, scarcely
any of them otherwise than unfortified, being so kept by Athenian jea-
lousy. See the able and instructive remarks of Mr. Mitford, Hist. Gr. t. 4.

8 He had lately had demanded of him, 4*^.1 The translators have here
all misrepresented the sense, by' mistaking the force of vrewpdyftevog ; for
iTiTpax^ai frequently signifies to exact ; as 6, 51. 8, 5 and 37 and 87., and
perpetually in the best Attic writers. And here (as in not a few other
cases) the error of the tratulators (for which, however, there was the less
excuse, since the Scholiast had long before pointed out the true sense,
which was also seen by Acacius and Duker) has led the historians wrong, as,
for instance, Mitford. (See p. 178.) There had been yet no such remis-
sion as he speaks of, but the cities in Question were still nominally regarded
as in the dominions of the empire ; and the tribute which had aforetime been
assessed for them was required from the satraps ; who, however, it seems,
contrived to defer the payment by representing their inability to levy thenu
So lon|; as this excuse was allowed, tne satraps had no reason to engage in
hostilities with Athens; but when the tribute (nay, even the arrears) was
demanded of them (they being, as the Turkish pachas now are, farmers-
general of the revenue in their eovernment), it became their own personal
affair, as the whole sum would come out of their own pockets. It was
likely, therefore, that they should set ever^ machine in motion, to be rid
of the only impediment to the collection oi that tribute, by pulling down
the Athenian power.

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VI. And now Calligitus son of Laophon, a Megarsean, and
Timagorasy son of Atbenagoras a Cyzicene, both exiles from
their own countries, and residing with Phamabazus ^, son of
Phamaces, came about the same time to Lacedcemon. They
had been sent thither by Pharnabazus, that they might procure
and bring a fleet to the Hellespont, and also that he himself
might, for the sake of the tribute, if possible, bring the Athenian
cities in his government to revolt from them ; and finally, that
by his oftvn means ^ an alliance might be brought about between
the Lacedaemonians and the king: the very objects which
Tissaphernes was striving for. Each, however, negotiating
this business separately (both those from Pharnabazus, and
those from Tissapheraes), there was great debate among the
statesmen at Lacedaemon ; one party desiring to prevail that
a fleet and army might first be sent to Ionia and ChioSf the
other to the HeUespont. The Lacedaemonians, however, were
far more generally disposed to hearken to the proposals of
the Chians and Tissaphernes. Their suit, too, was furthered
by the aid of Alcibiades, who was bound by the strictest ties
of hereditary and ancestral hospitality^ with Endius, an ephor,
whence also by this hospitality his family had derived the name
Alcibiades, which was a Lacedaemonian one, for Endius bore
the surname of "son of Alcibiades.'* However, the Lacedaemo-
nians first despatched to Chios Phrynis, one of the order of the
Perioeci, to examine whether they were in possession of the ships
they said, and if, in other respects, the power of the state were
correspondent to what it was reported. And on his sending them

1 Phamabazm.] What were the limits between the respective satrapies
of Pharnabazus and Tissaphernes is not very clear. See Poppo Proleg.
t. 2. p. 432. and Krueger Comment. Thiicyd. p. 553. It should teem, how-
ever, that Tissaphernes had Caria and Lydia, including Ionia and Doris;
and Phamabazus Mysia, including iEolis and part of Bithynia. Poppo,
indeed, with much countenance from 1. 8, 108., fixes the limit at Antan-
dros, which would be giving the whole of MoWs to Pharnaces. This, too,
is somewhat confirmed by what is implied in the expression r&v K&ria^ " the
maritime parts."

This Phamabazus was the great-grandson of the Artabazus, son of Phar-
baces, mentioned at 1. 1, 119., who had been succeeded by Pharnabazus I.
and he by Pharnaces II., and he, again, by the present Pharnabazus II.

« By his own meafu,'\ And not that of Tissaphernes.

5 Ancestral hospitality ] Or, as Hobbes calls it, guest-hood; though
it might equally as well be called liost-hood. For a complete illustration of
this subject see the note of Valcknaer on Herod. 1. 8, 17.

T 2

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word that " the representations they had heard were true," they
immediately admitted the Chians and Erythrseans as allies,
and determined to send them forty ships, there being there
(according to what the Chians said) not less than sixty sail/
And of these they were about to send ten at first, with Melan-
cridas as their commander ; but afterwards, on the occurrence
of an earthquake ^, in the place of Melancridas they sent
Chalcideus, and instead of ten ships they equipped but five
in Laconia ; and thus ended the winter, and the nineteenth
year of the war which Thucydides hath written.

YEAR XX. B. C. 412.

VII. Immediately on the subsequent summer, the Chians
urging the despatch of the ships, and fearing lest the Athe-
nians should learn what was transacting (for they had all sent
the embassies without their knowledge), the Lacedaemonians
despatched three Spartan citizens to Corinth, in order to
urge them with all speed to transport the ships over® the
isthmus, from the other side to that opposite to Athens, and
all to sail to Chios, both those which Agis had prepared for
Lesbos, and the rest. The number of the ships of the con-
federacy there assembled amounted in all to thirty-nine.

VIIL Calligitus, then, and Timagoras took no part in the

.expedition to Chios, nor did they give the money which they

had brought with them for the equipment ^ namely twenty-five

^ According to what the Chiang said^ not lest than sixt^.] The translators
render, ** from the facts \> hich the Chians mentioned," &c. But this involves
a too harsh ellipsis ; nor am I aware of any objection to the version above
proposed, the ellipsis in which is usual. As to the number of ships men-
tioned, that we may suppose was much exaggerated.

^ On the occurrence of an earthquake, 4"^.} We may suspect that the
earthquake (if it did really occur ; though, indeed, the very slightest shock
was 8u£Bcient) was laid hold of as a pretext to make the change in ques-
tion. And the whole may be regarded as the machination of political
cabals which had been carrying on. The party in opposition to the pro-
posed measure seems to have so far carried Us point, as that only half the
proposed force should go, and tnat under a commander more acceptable to
them than the one before appointed.

f* Transport the shwt over,] On the mode in which this was done see
note on 1. 4, 8. and tne commentators on Herod. 2, 154. and 7, 24. and
Manso. Spart. 2. p. 60. referred to by Krueeer.

> Equ^ment,] ^ Or fitting out Literally, " sending, or setting forth.**
As the above signification is rare^ and neglected by the conuQentators^ the

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talents, but designed to go afterwards with another fleet by

As for Agis, when he saw the Lacedaemonians bent on
sending the expedition first to Chios, he was himself of no
other opinion ^ ; so that the allies assembling at Corinth, de-
liberatai on the measures to be pursued, and determined first
to sail to Chios, under the command of Chalcideus, who was
fitting out the five ships in Laconia ; and thence proceed to
Lesbos, under the command of Alcamenes (whom also Agis
had originally designed ^ for that service) ; and finally to pro-
ceed to the Hellespont, in which last service Clearchus, son
of Ramphius, was appointed commander. Furthermore, it
was resolved to convey over the isthmus half of the ships first,
and that those should immediately put to sea, that the Athe-
nians might have their attention * engaged more on those than
on the rest to be afterwards transported. For contemning the
weakness of the Athenians, no considerable navy of theirs
having as yet appeared, they resolved to make ^ the voyage

Agreeably to these resolves they immediately conveyed
over twenty-one ships.

IX. But the Corinthians, on the rest hastening to put to
sea, were not readily disposed to go before they had attended
the celebration of the Isthmian games % which were at hand.

following examples may be not unacceptable : Diod. Sic. sso. irtpi rrjv tic
^ivixriv air(nrro\ric r^C veHv dvv&fitias AwovroXy, Polyb. 26, 7, 1. ^ xphg
^'IfrrpovQ AirotrrcXii,

* He w€ti of no other opinion^ i. e. he assented to their views. " He had
the prudence (says Mitrord) not to mark any resentment at the inter-
ference with his command, or any way to irritate an administration ill dis-
(>osed to him, by opposing measures on which thev had a constitutional
right to decide ; and yieldmg thus in part, he carried also a part of his pur-

3 Whom also Agit had originally designed.] Literally, ** thought of.**
•• Might have their attention^ 4-c ] Mitford well paraphrases, ** thus it
was hoped the Athenians, having their attention divided between the divi-
sion sailing, and that remaining to sail, would act effectually against

* Resolved to make.] Literally, ** were making," i. e. about to make.

< Isthmian games.] These, (uoeller says) it has been shown by Corsinus
Dissert. Agon. 4, 6., were celebrated sometimes in the month Panormus,but
sometimes fell on Munychium or Thargalion. They were^ every third year
(not fourth, as Mitford says), sometimes on the first, sometimes On the third,

T 3

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Whereupon Agis was ready to agree that they should, for-
sooth, not violate the Isthmiac truce, but offered to take the
whole armament on himself.^ On the Corinthians, however,
not acceding to this proposal, but a delay intervening, the
Athenians gained a readier knowledge of the plan in agitation
by the Chians ; and sent Aristocrates, one of the state-com-
manders, to Chios, to call them to account; and on the Chians
denying the charge, the Athenians ordered them to send them,
as a pledge, some ships, in virtue of the alliance^: and they sent
seven. The reason for which compliance was, that the many
of the Chians were ignorant of what was transacting ; and that
the few *, who were acquainted with the design, were not will-
ing to incur the enmity of the multitude before they had
obtained some strength, and also because they no longer ex-

of every Olympiad. Those that were celebrated on t\\efirttf fell on the
Corinthian month Panormus, the Attic Hecatombseon, and the Roman
July. But those which were celebrated on the third of the Olympiad fell
on the Munjrchium or Thargalion. Now the year in question being the
first of the ninety-second Olympiad, this celebration was in Hecatombaeon."
Thus far Goeller, who refers, on the subject of the superstition of the
Greeks in the observance of festivals, to Drumann. Gesch. d. Verf. d. gr.
Staat. p. 710.

The reason (I would add) why the Corinthians were unwilling to go was,
as appears from what follows, not so much that they should lose the plea-

Online LibraryThucydidesThe History of Thucydides. Newly tr. into English...with very copious annotations...Prefixed, is an entirely new life of Thucydides: with a memoir of the state of Greece, civil & military, at the beginning of the Peloponnesian war → online text (page 35 of 59)