The History of Thucydides. Newly tr. into English...with very copious annotations...Prefixed, is an entirely new life of Thucydides: with a memoir of the state of Greece, civil & military, at the beginning of the Peloponnesian war online

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to the enemy, and, by their knowledge of the country, did it ex-
ceeding it^ury. The Chians therefore urged that he ought to
succour them while there was yet hope, and a possibility to
check the enemy, for Delphinium was as yet only a building
and then unfinished, greater defences were perpetually erecting
round their fleet Astyochus, though he had not intended it,
by reason of his former threatening, yet, when he saw the allies
to be anxious for their reliei^ was disposed to succour thenu

XLI. But in the meantime a message is brought from
Caunus, that the twenty-seven ships and the Lacedsemonian
counsellors are arrived. Astyochus, therefore, deeming every
thing of inferior importance to the bringing together such a

9 But wiihout the wten,] The craws, h should seem, escaped to Melos :
by which we may gather that it was in the possession of tne Athenians;
neyer, it should seeoi, havins been restored at tbe peace.

« Samoi,] I have here followed the reading o| Bekker and Ooeller, for
y^, S4^. «* Samosy** Goeller observes, * wa» a seat of war to tbe
Athenians, and the ttatioa for ttmr ships.**

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nnmber of ships as to obtain sotnewhaC of sii{>eriority by sc%
Bsai to the safe eonroy of those Lacedssmomans who weie
come as inspectors of his actions, immediately abuidoning tba
vojrage to Chios, took his course to Caunus* And in hia
passage making a descent upon Cos M&copis \ he sacked the
city, which was unwaUed, and had experieneed an earthquake
(the greatest erer remembered to have befrU^i them); the
inhabitants having taken refuge on the ttountidns^ he
plundered the territory, making spoil of alt the persons he
could meet with, except the freemen % whom he dismissed*
From Cos having passed by night to Cnidus, be was per»
suaded^ l^ the counsels of the Cnidans not to ^sembark the
sailors, but to immediately make sail after those twentjt
Athenian ships with which CbarminuB, one of the eoBH
manders firom Samos, was watching the approach of these
twenty-seven ships (rom Peloponnesus to which Astyoehus
ako was directing hb course. Now those at Samoa had r^
ceived intelligence from Melos ^ of their voyage, and there
was a guard squadron with Charminus about Syme, Chalce,
and Rhodes, aod the coast of Lycia ; for he had now heard
that they were arrived at Caunus.

XLIL Astyodius, then, made sail forthwith to S^me, uet
order that by outgoing the report of his coming he might
meet with them somewhere at sea« But rain and foggy

1 Cos Meropit.] Thb island is said by Hyginus to have been so called
from Meropsy a veiy antient king of the island, and Cos, a daughter of
Merops. It is more probable, however, that the name has some connection
with fJiBpo^p, a mortal. The tft/y, it may be observed, was called by the
name of the island. Hack is quite mutaken in saying that it was called
Astynalea : that was the name of a small island of the Cyclades, S.S.W.
of Cos.

« Having taken refuge on the mountahu.] See my note on Matth. 34, 1 6.

9 Making spoil of, ^c,] Such seems to be the fUll sense of the too
briefly exoressed words \tlav Ivouiro vXijv r&v IXtv^hutv. It should seem
that the slaves were seized for the sea service, to do me drudgery on boar4
the fleet.

^ Persuaded,] On this sense of AvayKuKtv^cuy by which It denotes moral
compulsion, I have before treated. See also my note on Matth. 14, S9.

* From Melos.] I have here followed, inst^ of MiX^row, the readii^
of one of the best MSS., edited by Bekker and Goeller. Mr/Xov: the trum
of which is maidfest from c. 99. See the note of GoelJer.

X 2

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weather ^ made his ships deviate from their course^ and fall
into disorder.^ And at dawn of day, the fleet being some-
what scattered, and the left wing being now discernible to the
Athenians, while the rest of the line was yet wandering around
the island; Charminus and the Athenians launched forth
against them with less than those twenty ships ^ ; thinking
that these were the ships from Caunus that they were watch-
ing for. And immediately attacking them, they sunk three,
and damaged others, and had the better in the engagement
until the greater part of the ships unexpectedly made their ap-
pearance, and thus they were hemmed in on all sides. Then
taking to flight, they lost six ships, but with the rest efiected
their escape to the island of Teutlussa^, and from thence to
Halicarnassus. After this, the Peloponnesians taking their
course to Cnidus, and those twenty-seven ships from Caunus
having formed a junction with them, they went with their
whole force, and after erecting a trophy on Syme, returned
and took up their station at Cnidus.

XLIII. And now the Athenians, on hearing of the battle,
sailed with all their ships from Samos to Syme ; not, however,
making any attack on the fleet at Cnidus, nor they against
them ; but taking on board the ships' tackling and luggage b

I Foggy weather,] TA. U tov ohpavov iwvk^Xa 5vra. . There is an
exactly similar expression in Herod. 7, 37, 8. o I^Xioq WKuruiv rrjv Ik tov
oitpavov t^pnVf d^vtjg jv, ovr iTrivi^kkwv UvTiMtv scil. Totv Ik tov oipavov,
where Wessding compares Aristot. Probl. 24. § 17. £itd W rrig ai^pUtc
fiaXXov ^uxpc yivfTM ^ imvt^eX&v ovrtttv. Now Kwvi^fXoQ is a very rare
word; but it occurs, besides, in Alciphron ap. Steph. Thes., and awvi^iiQ
in Polyb. 9, 16, 5. Aristot. RheL 140, 30.; as also in Artemidorus, Hero-
dian, and Deuter. 23> S8. both words are noticed by Pollux 1, 115.

« Ditorder,] Or, conftuion. And no wonder; for, in very foggy weather,
the antient mariners had nothing to guide them in their course.

s Less than those ttoenty ships,] Hobbes renders as if the words l\de<ro<nv ^
were not here; and Portus and Smith, as if there were no article to vaveL
How it happened that there v/ere/ewer than twenty ships, we are not told;
but we may suppose that it arose from there being some that had been
carried out to sea in the fog.

'• Teutltusa.] So the recent editors read for Teuglussa, The t is also
supported by Steph. Byz., and indeed by the ratio appellationis ; for
Heuisterhusius on Lucian 1,314. has acutely seen that the island was
lo called from its abounding in the rivrXog, beet-root, or mangel-wurzel,

» Tackling and luggage,] By this is designated whatever was necessary
to keep the ships in repair, namely, fresh masts, yards, &c,, to supply any

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which had been left at Syme, and having touched at the con-
tinental Loryma % they sailed off to Saroos.

As to the Peloponnesian ships, being all together at Cnidus,
such repairs and refitments were made as were thought
necessary; and the eleven Lacedaemonian counsellors held
conferences with Tissaphernes (for he was present) respecting
past transactions, if any thing did not meet their pleasure, and
concerning the future war, in what way it should be adminis-
tered best and most advantageously for both of them. But
Lichas scrutinized most ' closely what had been done, and de-
clared that neither of the treaties, neither that of Chalcideus
nor that of Theramenes, were fairly drawn up ; nay, it were a
hard condition, indeed, if whatever territory the king or his an-
cestors had aforetime ruled, that he should now require to
occupy. For thus he would be at liberty ^ to again subdue
all the islands, as also Thessaly and Locri, and as far as
Boeotia. And thus, instead of freedom^ the Lacedaemonians
would draw around the Greeks the chains of Median
slavery. He, therefore, demanded that another and better
treaty should be concluded, or the present be disannulled,
for they did not want pay on such conditions. Tissaphernes
indignant at this ^, went away in a rage, and without any
settlement of the matters in consideration.

want, as also cordage and rigging of every kind ; and, moreover, all sorts
of heavy utensils.

Of such sort of removal we had before an example at c 28.

6 Contmenial LorymaJ] For there was also an island of that name. To
the proofs adduced by the commentators may be added Appian t. 2, 625.

I Scruthdzed mott] Mitford says that Lichas was the chief commis-
sioner : and though he has no authority from Thucydides, it seems probable.

« Would be at liberty.'] This was not expressly asserted in the treaty,
but it might be collected from thence. " The Lacedaemonians did not,
indeed," says Mitford, *' bind themselves to put Persia in possession of the
countries so in general terms ceded ; and had their leaders being wily poli-
ticians, they might perhaps, after profiting from Persian assistance to serve
their own purpose? against Athens, have easily prevented Persia from
making any advantage of those articles^ which seemed so to militate with
the common cause of Greece : but Lichas and his colleagues would not, for
any temporary interest of their country, surrender its honour."

3 Indignant at thit,] Not only, we may suppose, at the unreasonableness
of wanting a third treaty in so short a time, but also disgusted with that
authoritative tone and unbendmg manner which the Lacedaemonians so
much afiected.

X 3

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XLIV. And noW) haring messages from the most power-
ful persons in Rhodes, they meditated to go tfaillier, hoping
that, with their numerous seamen and the land forces, it would
be not impossible to bring over that i^nd^ and, moreover,
coAceiiving that they diould be able to support the fleet from
tiie present confederacy, without asking Tlssaphemes for any
pay. Sailing, therefore, immediately, this same winter, from
Cnidus with ninety-four ships, and making the Rhodian coast
first at Caminus, they exceedingly terrified the great bulk of
the people, who knew nothing of what had been done. They,
therefore, fled to the mountains, especially as the city was un-
waUed. The Lacedesmonians, however, calling tog^her these
and the inhabitants from the two cities, Lindus and lelusus,
persuaded the Rhodians to revolt from the Athenians. Thus
Rhodes came over to the Peloponnesians. But about thb
time the Athenians, hearing of their design, and desirous to
preoccupy the island, set sail with the fleet at Samos, and
made their appearance off* at sea.^ Being, however, too late
by a little, they sailed away for Cfaalce^ and from thence to
Samos; but afterwards making cruizes from Chalce, Cos, and
Samos, they carried on hostilities against Rhodes. As to the
Peloponnesians, they levied ^, indeed, money from the
Rhodians to the amount of thirty-two talents, but in other
respects they lay quiet ^ for eighty days, having drawn their
ships on shore.^

XLV. In the meantime, or even before the Peloponnesians
went on this expedition to Rhodes, the following occurrences
U)ck place.

- - . -. . . • Ttl^

Xiov TFiKdyuiu

« Levied.] Or, ** made a requisition.'' Of this rare signification ofiicKkyta
(unnoticed by the commentators) the following are illustrations : Deraosth.
435, 7. thcoai dpaxfi^ I^IXc^e trap Udtrrffi, and p. 49 and 715, 4. 1199, 5.
^schin. p. 504. rlXi| Toi>s KaravXkovrac H^eyov.

s In other respects they lay quiet.] i. e. they made no attempt to check
the Athenian cruisers.

* Having drawn their ships on shore,] Pollux 7, 190. gives the following
as the three operations of laying a ship up, which he accurately distinguishes :
Kai 1} /AivoifKiTi w\iov<ra vovf, vettXurifAkvrf, ^latj/vxofAkvrt, dvccXicva-

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After the death of Chalcideus and the battle at Miletus^
Alcibiades becoming an object of suspicion ^ to the La*
cednmonianS) and a letter having come from them to Asty-*
ochus, to put him to death (for he was at enmity with Agb ^f
and otherwise appeared unfit to be trusted) ; he first, through
fear ^y withdrew himself to Ttssaphemes ; then in his court did
all the injury he could to the oflScers of the Peloponnesiansi
and being the suggester of all the satrap's measures^, he cut
down the pay, so that, instead of an Attic drachma, only three
obols were given, and that not r^ularly* He bid Tissa*
phernes say to them that " the Athenians, though so long
versed in nautical affiiirs, gave iheir seamen only three obols ;
and that not so much through poverty, but that their seamen
might not (becoming insolent from superfluity) some of them

1 Becomn^ an object of sutpicion^ Since the expiration of the itagis-
tracy of Endius, the party of Agis had been gaining strength in Lacedsemon ;
and not only Alcibiades could no longer lead measures, as before, on the
coast of Asia, but his designs became more and more suspected in Pelopon-
nesus. In thwarting Alcibiades, howerer, the Lacedaemonian administration
feared him. What precisely to expect they knew not ; but they appre-
hended some great stroke in politics to their disadvantage ; and, according
to the concurrent testimony of historians, too unquestionable when Thucy-
dides is in the list, private instructions were sent to Astyochus to hate
Alcibiades assassinated. (Mitford.)

This unprincipled man had, indeed, been playing a double game ; and, as
has been before observed, he aimed at leading the lonians, and thereby
at length securing his restoration to his own country. The shrewdness of
the Lacedemonians, however (sharpened in the case of Agis and others,
by personal enmity), enabled them to fathom his designs.

tt At enmity with 4^0 How he came to be so is not certainly known ;
for, as to the story of late historians and anecdote^mongers respecting Al-
cibiades' connection with the aueen of Agis, it seems (as Mitford observes)
to merit little credit. Alcibiaaes was at first thrown into connection with
the party in opposition to Agis, whose dislike and enmity he provoked by
his zeal and ability in serving Ads's adversaries ; and it is no wonder tha^
on the decline of the power of his party, Alcibiades should be marked out
for ruin. But the cool and deliberate counsel of assassinating a man who
had received the protection of Sparta, had deserved well of it, and against
whom nothing of crime could ne proved, was an atrocity worthy of a
people who scrupled at no means to effect their purposes.

3 Through fear.] And, perhaps, diseust at the neglect he experienced ;
uneasy, too, he must have been with the treatment he experienced in the
dependent and contemptible character of a busy, plotting fugitive.

^ The suMetUr of all the satrap*i meaauret.] He took advantage of the
interests of Persia and Laced«mon being not the same, to sow dissension by
artful insinuations, and paid his court to the satrap so adroitly, as (creeping
on from indirect suggestion to actual counsel) to become not only agreeable
but necessary to Wm. He espcciaUy took advantage of the pecuniary
necessities^ and worked on the characteristic avarice, ol an Asiatic satrap.

X 4

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be in worse bodily condition, by spending their money on
such things as only tended to weakness^; or others leave
their ships, laying out the arrears of wages on procuring sub-
stitutes.^ He moreover, instructed him to prevail upon the
trierarchs and commanders of the several states except those
of Syracuse, to give way to him in this respect. For of these
Hermocrates was the only one who, in behalf of the whole

J their money on such things as onto tended to weakness^ Nnmely,
luxury and drunkenness. Thus the witty epljgram in Athenseus^ which may
be thus rendered : —

^ Wine, women, baths, against our lives combine ;
But what is life without baths, women, wine ? "

Most truly is it observed by Isocrates de Pace : lirt^cf^cuv hv ric iro>Xoi)Q
Xoipovraq Kai rSiv i^iCfiaTtav Kai riav ifrtrriiivfidTutv rote km rd adfAa kcu ri^p

* Or others leave, 4^.] Such is the only sense that I can assign to the
perplexing words of the original, if the authority of MSS. is to be considered;
for it u very many years since I came to the conclusion that dTroKiiTnaot
should be read, from two MSS., in the place of d'jro\tir6vrfs» At the same
time, I was inclined to conjecture the true reading to be ol ^1 tAq vav^
dvoXiiiTiitctf viro\iv6vrfc Iq 6fi, r. ir. /«. And this b supported by the Marff.
A. M. D., too, have the same reading, though with an ovx inserted ; and this
reading is edited by Goeiler : but the sense yielded by it is far less suitable ;
and the authority for it is so slender, that 1 greatly prefer the former read-
ing. The meaning will thus be, ** that they contrived to desert their ships by
obtaining leave of their officers to go on shore, they supposing that the
arrears of pay lefl in hand would be a kind of security {ofitjpiia) for their
return." According to the common reading, hfiripiia will denote the
procuring of a sutoitute who shall dischaige the duties of the prin*
dpal ; and such a person was called an B/iiypoc. See Tacit. Hist. 1, 46. and
Annal. 1, 18. This very procuring of substitutes, it may be observed, is
alluded to by Nicias, 1. 7, 95. in his Epistle to the Athenians : thi ^ (vavrai)
ol dvSpdiroSa ^^KKopucd dvrifi^i^daai virkp c^&v ireivavrtc Toi^c rpitipdpxovQ,

The word ofitiptia is somewhat rare; but it is found several times in
Polybius. Also the very phrase ig ofitipiiav in Dionys. Hal. Ant. 361, 9. and
34, 47. Appian 1, 405, 83 and 8Sl. and l^' bfitipilav mDionys. Hal. 1. 1,101.
44. Joseph. 796, 9.

That the seamen did not receive their whole pay while on actual service
is plain : and such, indeed, is the case with English sailors. What propor-
tion was detained and held in hand is not quite certain. It should seem
that three obols were paid, and another held in hand. So Polysn. Stratag. 3,
9} 51. 'l^iKpdrfiQ ^pKi Tov v\ii<rTov arpartvftarog iri^ov Kai vavriKov, ko^
ixafrroy firiva v^tpwv ro riraprov fiiposf (acirtp ivkxvpov iKavrov KaTkx*»*Vf
*iva fiij Xiwouv rb aroarbirtiov, where Casaubon proves that such, too, was
the custom of the Roman soldiery.

The 7rpo<ro^ik6fuvov fua^dv denotes these arrears of pay. A signification
so litde known, or at least attended to, by the editors and critics, that I am
induced to subjoin the following examples: Thucyd. 1. 7,48. Kai iVt iroXXd
^poao^fiXttv, Aenoph. G£con. SO, 1. Dionys. Hal. 1. 1, 19. Lucian 1, 5S9, 7S.
Polyb. 1, €€, 3 and 1 1. 5, 50, 1. 1 1, 23, 5. Si* 14, 6. SS, 95, 7. 32, 13, 5.

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confederacy, opposed the thing.f As to the states that came
to ask for money, Alcibiades used to repulse them himself, on
the part of Tlssaphemes returning a denial, saying that ^^ the
Chians were shameless, who being the richest of the Greeks %
yet though preserved by paid soldierjr, thought it right for
others to run hazards of their lives, and expend money for their
freedom," As to the rest of the states, he said they were guilty
of injustice, if after expending their money on the Athenians
before they revolted, they would not contribute as much, or
even more, for themselves. As to Tissaphernes, he represented
^^ that now he was making war at his own expense, he was
with reason economical ; but whenever funds should come from
the king, he would give them the full pay, and would show
the states such good offices as were fitting.''

XLVI. He moreover counselled ' Tissaphernes not to be
in too great haste to bring the war to a conclusion, nor to choose
either by bringing up the Phcenician fleet, which he had fitted
out, or by taking more Greeks into pay, to give the same
persons the power both of the land and the sea ;< but to suiFer
both to hold dominion separately,^ so that the king might be
always at liberty to bring forward the one party against the

7 For Hermocrates, cj-c] Thb was the greatest commendation that could
be passed on Hermocrates, as showing him to be alone wholly inaccessible
to bribery.

• The richest of the Greeks,] And no wonder, considering the fertility of
their territory, and its favourable situation for bringing every commodity
to a good market. Dr. Clarke calls the country the paradise of modem
Greece, and represents the population as very considerable. Alas ! how
changed the present state of this ilKfated countr}', doomed in our own days
to become the seat of, perhaps, the most atrocious cruelty that history has
yet had to record I

» He moreover counselled, Sfc] The whole is thus el^ntly paraphrased
by Justin 1. 5, 2. : Igitur persuadet Tisaferni, ne tanta stipendia classi Lace-
dlaemoniorum praeberet. Vocandos enim in portionem muneris lonios,
quorum pro liliertate, cum tributa Atheniensibus penderent, bellum suscep-
tum sit. Sed nee auxiliis nimis enixe Lacedsemonios juvandos : quippe
memorem esse debere, alienam se victoriam, non suam instruere : et eatenus
bellum sustinendum, ne inopia deseratur. Nam regem Persarum, dissen-
tientibus Graecis, arbitrum pacis ac belli fore; et quos suis non possit, ijpso,
rum armts victurum ; perfecto autem betlo, statim ei cum victoribus dimi-
candum. Domesticis itaque bellis Grseciam atterendam, ne externis vacet;
extequandasque vires partium, et inferiores auxilio levandos. Non enim
quieturos post banc victoriam Spartanos, qui vindices se libertatis Graecias
profesd sint.

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Other, when it should be troublesome to him.^ Whereas, when
the empire both of land and sea is centred in one, he will be
at a loss to find those who should assist to pull down the con«>
querors, unless he would choose, with great expense and danger,
to go and try a contest with them. But thm the danger would be
cheaper ^9 with but a small expense, and nK>reoYer with security
to himself, to wear out^ the Grecians one against anothes* He
representkl, too, that the Athenians would be fitter to partici-
pate dominion with him ; for they less aimed at power by land;
and that the cause and reason for which the Athenians were
carrying on war were more calculated to promote his interests.^
For that they would unite with him in subduing, for themselves
as fkr as regarded the sea, and for him such Greeks as resided
in the king's territories*; whereas thoze^ on the contrary,
came to liberate them. It was not reasonable, he said, that
the Lacedaemonians should now free Greeks from Greeks, and
should not, if even they conquered those (i. e. the Athenians),
deliver Greeks from Barbarians^ He, therefore, counselled
him to first wear them both out, and, when he had cut down
the Athenian dominion ^ as much as possible, then to send the
Peloponnesians packmg from the counti*y.

A When it should be troublesome to Idm.] I here read, with Duker and many
recent editors, abrtp. To the passage cited by Duker from 1. 6, 18. 1 add
the following, 1. 6, 84. Xen. Anab. 2, 5, 9. Th. M^tovc i^pv XvxijfMfc bvreic.
Eurip. Hipp. 796. Xviriypdc i//itv.

9 Cheaper,] Or, the slighter ; as Xen. Hipp. 1,16.

4 Wear out.] The word rpi^tv in this sense, and other synonymous ones,
as also the policy here recommended, are of frequent occurrence in the

s The Athenians would be fitter^ 4^c.] Mitford well paraphrases thus: —
** The Athenians were the more commodious allies for the king : they had
no land force capable of coping with his land force : they were powerful and
rich only by holding other states in subjection ; and, through their fear of
revolts and of foreign interference, they might be kept always in some d«-

Sree dependent. At any rate, they would always be glad to share with the
ing and his satraps the tributary cities of Asia.*'

s It was not reasonable, ^.] Such seems to be the real sense, and the
most literal version possible, of this perplexed sentence. Ooeller renders
thus : si quando Athenienses devicerint Spartani, non oonsentaneura esse,
victores qui Graeci a Persis subjecti sunt, eot non liberaturos." He there-
fore, with JEmW, Portus, would cancel the two /ii)s. But, perhaps, the
sense is the same with the two negatives as without them, one destroying
the other ; however, I conjecture ^v ^j) wort a. c.

7 Cut down the Athenian dominion.] Or, territory. The sense here Is
not well perceived by the translators. Atrorkfivny^ai is a vox solennis 4e

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Accordingly, it became the chief intention of Tissaphemes to
act thus, as fhr as can be conjectured by his actions. And to
Alcibiades, thereupon, as to one who had counselled him
well in these matters, he gave his entire confidence ® ; and he

Online LibraryThucydidesThe History of Thucydides. Newly tr. into English...with very copious annotations...Prefixed, is an entirely new life of Thucydides: with a memoir of the state of Greece, civil & military, at the beginning of the Peloponnesian war → online text (page 39 of 59)