Thucydides.

The History of Thucydides. Newly tr. into English...with very copious annotations...Prefixed, is an entirely new life of Thucydides: with a memoir of the state of Greece, civil & military, at the beginning of the Peloponnesian war online

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Online LibraryThucydidesThe History of Thucydides. Newly tr. into English...with very copious annotations...Prefixed, is an entirely new life of Thucydides: with a memoir of the state of Greece, civil & military, at the beginning of the Peloponnesian war → online text (page 41 of 59)
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union, and common counsel, to put down democracy, and
kaving made all other preparations so as no longer to be de-
layed for the present affairs, he takes his voyage^ with his two
colleagues, to Tissaphemes.

LV, And now Leon and Diomedon, having this ^ame win-
ter arrived at the Athenian fleet, made a cruize against Rhodes;
and finding some ships of the Peloponnesians drawn up on
shore, made a descent on the coast, and having defeated some
of the Rhodians» who went to their defence, retired to Chalce,
and tliere carried on the war rather firom Cos ; for it seemed
to them better adapted for watching, if the navy of the Pelo-
ponnesians should put to sea any where. Meanwhile, there
arrived at Rhodes Xenophontidas, a LacedsBmonian, from Pe-
daritus at Chios, informing them that ^* the wall of the Athe-
nians is now completed, and unless they bring assistance with
the whole fleet, affiiirs at Chios will be utterly ruined." Where-
upon it was resolved to go to their relie£ But, in the mean
time, Pedaritus himself, with the auxiliaries under his com-
mand, and the Chians, making an assault in full force on the
fortification of the Athenians near the shipping, takes a part
of it, and captures also some ships drawn upon shore. The
Athenians, however, sallying forth upon them, and routing the
Chians first, then the rest of the forces with Pedaritus were de-



semblance to our political clubs, with this difference principally, that 34
property, liberty, and life itself were incomparably less secure there than
under the mild firmness of our mixed government, the interests of indi-
viduals, which bound them to those societies were much more pressing
than what commonly lead to any similar establishments among us. The
sanction of a solemn oath to their engagements was, therefore, always
required of the members; whence the societies obtained their names, signi-
fying sworn brotherhoods. The objects proposed were principally two;
private security and political power ; and for the sake of one or both of
these, most men of mnk or substance in Athens were members of some
Synoroosy. Against the oppression of democratical despotism, which was
often, as we shall see more particularly hereafter, very severely exercised
a^inst the rich, the collected influence of a body of noble and wealthy
citizens might eive protection, when the most respectable individual, stancf-
ine single on his merits, would be overwhelmed : and the same union of
influence which could provide security against oppression, with a little
i fj Kr eai e of ibrcf , would dispose of the principal offices of the state."



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CHAP. LVI. THB HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. Sn

feated, add he himself was slain, and many of the Chiana,
and arms were captored in great abundance.

LVL After this event, the Chians were more closely be*
sieged than ever, both by land and by sea, and an extreme
famine arose in the place.

As to Pisander and his fellow-ambassadors from Athens,
they having reached their destination, held conferences with
Tissaphemes on the proposed treaty. But Alcibiades (for be
had not complete reliance on Tissaphemes, who stood rather
in awe of the Peloponnesians, and moreover was willing, as he
had been taught by himself, to wear out both parties) resorts
to this device, that Tissaphemes, by making exorbitant de-
mands from the Athenians, should conclude no treaty. It
seems to me, too, that Tissaphemes had the same view, he
through fear, but Alcibiades, because after he saw him even
thus (i. e. even on the high terms he demanded) not desirous
of coming to a treaty, he was unwilling to be thought by the
Athenians unable to persuade him, but rather wished it to
appear that the Athenians had not granted enough to Tissa-
phemes, though already persuaded and willing to come to
terms.^ For indeed Alcibiades himself speaking for Tissa-
phemes, though pi-esent \ made the demands with such ex-
aggeration, that the fault of the breaking off the treaty must
rest with the Athenians^ though they should concede most oS
his demands. For he required that the whole of Ionia should
be ceded, and, again, the islands aBjacent ; and made other
demands, to which the Athenians showed no repugnance, until
at length, at the third conference, fearing lest his want of in-
fluence should be utterly detected ^, he required them to per-



» But raiher withed, <Jc.] In this clause l^ovXtTo SoKtXv must be supplied
from the preceding. The above sense of irpooxt^f^ is somewhat rare, but
very agreeable to the general force of the verb.

« Speaking for Tissaphemes, though present,] Alcibiades seems to have
acted not merely as manager of the conference for Tissaphemes (which the
translators and Mitford suppose), but interpreter for him, since he probably
spoke Greek very imperfectly. Unless we suppose thb, we cannot account
for the exaggeration spoken of. , r i. ••

3 Feanng lest his want, 4-c.] Mitford thinks that the conduct of the wilj
politician is not sufficiently accounted for by Thucydides, and he represenia
It as follows : " It could never be his intention to establish at Atbeot aa

Y 8



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326 rSE HISTORY OF THUCTDIDES. BOOK Yllt*

mit the king to build ships and coast along his territory^
wherever and with as many as he pleased. Upon which the
Athenians would make no more concessions, but, conceiving
that they were deceived by Alcibiades, left the conference in
anger, and departed to Samos*

LVII. Immediately after this conference, and during the
same winter, Tissaphemes repairs to Caunus, wishing to bring
the Peloponnesians back to Miletus; and also, having formed
such a treaty as he could procure, to give out the pay, and be
entirely on terms of hostility with the Peloponnesians, fearing
lest, if they should be in want of support for so many ships.



unbalanced oligarchy, the most adverse of all constitutions to that supre-
macy of one person which he bad, like many others before him, enjoyed
under the democracy, and which it was certainly his purpose to regain.
Ndtlier he, nor probably any other, had supposed that the democracy could
have been overthrown, and such a government established on its ruin, by
80 sudden and so quiet a revolution as that managed by E^sander. As he
then would be disappointed, so Pisander and his principal associates would
be elated; and those terms, which he expected to have commanded from
the oligarchical and democratical parties balanced, would not be conceded
to him by the established oliffarchy. Hence, apparently, it became his pur-
pose now to render the conierence abortive, by making demands for the
satrap to which the Athenian commissioners could not consent."

4 Permit the king to, ^c] It may seem stranee that the king should need
permission to build ships; but it is rightly remaned by Rrueger, that noui<r^
dcu cat irapaxXtiv are put for iroujadfuvov vtipanXiiv. A greater difficulty
may be started at the iavrov (his own), though the rea£ng is found in
almost 1^1 the best MSS., and is edited by Bekker and Goeller. It has been
shown by Benedict from Diodorus, that there had been a treaty made with
the king thirty-eight years before, that no ship of war should sail between
Phaselis and the Cyaneae islands.* This testimony, indeed. Hack endea-
vours, but unsuccessfully, to destroy. He battles hard for iavrwv, to be
taken for ahr&v. But that reading is liable to two objections; one
grammatical, that iavrhg is not used for aitrb^ in any eood writer ; the other
what the Germans call reality namely, that this would have been a piece of
efirontery too great even for Alcibiades. I would, therefore, retain iavrov
(and in this Goeller in his Appendix finally acquiesces), which, I suppose,
Alcibiades meant with reference chiefly to Asia Minor. And certainly, as
Qoeller observes, it was of consequence to the Athenians, even if they gave
up the coast of Asia, whether the king should or not be permitted to navi-
gate that part of the sea with as many ships as he pleased.



• On which Knieger refers to Wesseling on Diodor. 12, 4. Mitford, Hist.
Gr. t. 2. p. 431. t. 4. p. 239. Bredov. Hist. Ant. p. 823. ; and GoeUer cites Livy,
S3, 80. (e Cod. Bamberg.) Rhodii legatos ad regem miserunt, ne Chelidonias
(promoDtorium CilidflB est indutum fioedere antique Atheniensium cum regtbus
Penarum) luperaret; si eo fine non contineret classem copiasque suas, se
obviamituros.



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CHAP. LVIII. THE BISTORT OF THUCYDtDtlt. S^Y

they might either be compelled to come to battle and be de-
feated, or, the ships being emptied of men *, the Athenians
should gain what diey wish without his assistance. He had,
too, yet another and greater fear, lest, when in quest of sub-
sistence, they should ravage the continent. Reflecting, there-
fore, and forecasting for all these contingencies, he (con-
formably to his wish of counter-poising^ the Greeks one
against another) sends for the Peloponnesians, and giving
them their pay *, concludes a third treaty as follows :



" The third Treaty of Alliance between Tissapkemes and the
Peloponnesians.

LVIIL " In the fifteenth year of the reign of Darius, and
under the ephorship of Alcippidas at Lacedaemon, a convention
was concluded, in the plain of Mseander, between the Lace-
demonians and their allies on the one part, and Tissaphemes
and Hieramene ^ and the sons of Phamaces, on the other
part, concerning the affairs of the kin^ and those of the La^
cedaemonians and their allies.

^^ That whatever country is the king's in Asia shall be the
king's ; and concerning his own territory, that the king adopt
such measures as he chooses.



I EmpHed of men,] The men having abandoned the ships for want of pay.

3 Counter'pmt%ngC[ Goeller renders dot ^Uichgewicht hertteUen, And he
observes that this use of iiravurova/ is found in Herodotus and Isocrates, and
refers to Valckn. on Herod. 8, 13. I would add the following imitation in
Polyaen. 7, 16, 2. t6v irSXeftov f^ycuvo^srci rote "EXXijatv, aei vpofrrt^sfitvoe roi^
t)rTUfuvoiQ, del ydp kvavur&v to ikarrovfuvov^ rt)v Urx^v rov vuc&vtoq
KarkXviv,

3 Their pay.] i. e. the arrears due; a great mirt of it having, no doubt,
been regularly paid ; for it b only said that Tissaphemes paid the fleet
caiewc, maUgne, irregularly.

* Hieramene.] Not, I think, Hieramenes, as the translators write ; for
though the commentators make no remark on the name, it seems probable
from the words following, ^apvoucov vcuBoq^ that this was a female (and
therefore ought not be written Hieramenes), the widow of Pharnaces, who is
mentioned at 1, 197. and 2,67. and 5, 1., from which passages it is plain
that there was a ton. See note supra, c. 6. This Hieramen^ then, it seenog,
was permitted to hold the satrapy of her late husband for his children ; m
the same way as many of the pachaships in the empire of Turkey are held
hereditarily, and, conseijuently, arc sometimes held by a woman. It is the
very same with Uie jaghireships in Hindostan.

Y 4



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328 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDE8. BOOK YIII.

^^ That the LacedaBinonians, and their allies, shall not enter
into any country of the king's, to injure it in any way what-
soever; nor the king enter any of the LacedsBmonians and
their allies, to injure it in any way whatsoever.

" If, however, any of the Lacedaemonians, or their allies,
jihall enter into the king's territory for harm, that the Lace-
daemonians, and their allies, shall hinder it; and if any from
the king's territory shall enter into that of the Lacedaemonians
and their allies for harm, the king shall hinder it.

" That Tissaphemes shall furnish support to the ships now
present, according to the rate of pay agreed on, until the
king's ships shall arrive. But that when the king's ships shall
have arrived, the Lacedaemonians and their allies shall, if they
please, support their own fleet, to be at their own disposal.
If, however, they wish to receive the support from Tissa-
phemes, Tissaphemes shall furnish it; but that the La-
cedaemonians and their allies shall, at the conclusion of the
war, pay back to Tissaphemes whatever sum they may have
received. When, too, the king's ships shall arrive, the ships
of the Lacedaemonians and their allies, and those of the king,
shall carry on war jointly in such a manner as may seem good
to Tissaphemes and to the Lacedaemonians and their allies.

** Moreover, that if the parties wish to come to a treaty of
peace with the Athenians, they, shall treat by the equal con-
currence of both."

LIX. Such were the articles ; and afler that, Tissaphemes
made preparations to bring up the Phoenician ships above
mentioned, and to perform such other things as he had pro-
mised ; and he was desirous at least to seem busied in prepar-
ations.

LX. At the close of this winter the Boeotians took Oropus,
by the treachery of the Athenians in garrison there. Some
persons, too, of the Eretrians and of the Oropians themselves
took part in the affair, plotting for the revolt of Euboea. For
the place being over against Eretria ^, it was impossible but

* OveragamH Eretria,] Not, ** built to keep Eretria in tubjection/* as
Hobbes absurdly renders.



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CHAP. LXT. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 829

that, while in the hands of the Athenians, it must aniloy Ere-
tria and the rest of Euboea. The Eretrians, therefore, being
now in possession of Oropus, they went to Rhodes, calling
the Peloponnesians into Euboea. They, however, were more
inclined to succour Chios, now in great distress, and putting
to sea with their whole fleet, they made sail for Rhodes.^
And when they were come over against the Triopium, they
descried the Athenian fleet at sea, sailing from Chalce ; and
as neither side advanced upon the other, they each reached
their destination, one going to Samos , the other to Miletus,
who also saw that without a battle it was impossible for them
to give succour to Chios. And thus ended the winter, and
terminated the twentieth year of the war which Thucydides
hath written.

YEAR XXI. B. C. 411.

LXI. The subsequent summer, immediately at the com-
mencement of spring, Dercyllidas, a Spartan, was sent with an
inconsiderable force by land to the Hellespont, in order to
bring about the revolt of Abydus, which is a colony of the
Milesians. And now the Chians, during such time as Asty-
ochus was at a loss how to relieve them, being hard pressed
by the siege, were compelled to venture on a sea-fight.

While Astyochus was yet at Rhodes, they had, after
the death of Pedaritus, received from Miletus, as governor,
Leon, a Spartan (who had sailed out with Antisthenes, as
supernumerary '), and with him twelve ships from the squadron



« They^ hoivever, were, 4-c.] This sentence is omitted by Smith.

» Supernumerary.] Or, deputy ; not " private soldier," as Hobbes ren-
ders; nor " passenger," as Smith. Krueger, that a commander of inferior
order is meant, since in Xenophon Hist. 1,3, 17. Hegesandridas is called
the iTTtt'cSriyc of Mindarus, and yet was in command of a fleet. The term is
also, he says, equivalent to IviaToXtv^, on which see Lex. Xen. It k long
since I came to the conclusion that, as the word properly signifies a pas^
tenger, so it came at length to denote a person who went on board a fleet
with no specific office, but as one who should be ready to occupy any post
where he might be useful. This is what the Scholiast means by saying that
the epibates was neither a trierarch, nor held any office. From the gloss
(for such it is) of some MSS., avTurrpariiyov, it should seem that some
Scholiasts thought it meant a depuiv, and, in a certain sense, this is true.
The legaius, it may be observed, of the Roman soldiery bore some resem-
blance to this epibates of the Grecian navy.



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830 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK VIU.

stationed for the defence of Miletus, of which five were Thu-
rian, and four Syracusan, one Anaitan, one Milesian, and one
Leon's own ship.^ The Chians, then, making a sally in full
force, and having seized a certain strong position, and their
ships, six and thirty in number, having launched forth against
the two and thirty of the Athenians, they came to battle.
And after a sharp engagement the Chians and their allies, who
had not the worst of the afiair, retired to the city, for it was
now evening.

LXII. Presently after this, Dercyllidas having gone by land
to his destination, Abydus at the Hellespont revolts to Dercyl-
lidas and Pharnabazus, as also did Lampsacus, two days after.

But Strombichides, having intelligence thereof, went in all
haste thither, with twenty-four ships of the Athenians, of
which some were soldiers' ships ^ transporting heavy-armed.
And having defeated in battle the Lampsacenes, who had made
a sally, and taken Lampsacus (which was unfortified) at the first
onset ^, and made spoil of the moveable property and slaves,
but established the free prisoners again in the place, he then
went against Abydus. And when the city would neither submit,
nor could he take it by assault, he then went to Sestus, a city
of Chersonesus, opposite to Abydus (once * occupied by the
Medes), and there established a fort and garrison for the
whole of the Hellespont.



^ LeofCs own ship.] Probably, that in which he came over with Antisthenes.

' Some were sotdiers* ships.] Hobbes renders, " those being idso of that
number which transported his men at arms." But this version is more
obscure than the original, which, if it be correct, cannot admit any other
sense than that above assigned. As, however, there is nothine answering to
tome in the original, and as the ellipsis is somewhat harsh, I suspect that
some number has slipped out, and conjecture frrpaTnarldig t fieav, i. e. six.

These ffrpariuyrlStQ were not mere transports (as Smith's version ex-
presses), but triremes, somewhat more capacious, and strongly built.

** At the first onset,] Airoioti answers to the French par coup de tnain.

& Once.] I have seen no reason to follow Goeller, who edits, from most
of the MSS., r6T£, The authority of MSS., in so slight a variation, is of
little weight. To omit other reasons for preferring the common readiing, it
may suffice to say that, had the town been then in the occupation of the
Medes, something would surely have been said about talcing it. But it
should seem that the place was at that time in the possession of the Athe-
nians, and so only required to be fortified.

It is called by Pitnolaus ap. Aristot. Rhet. 305. TfjXmv rov Ueipaiewc,
i. e. the granary of Pireus.



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CHAP. LXni. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 331

LXIII. Meanwhile, the Chians and those at Miletus had
rather the better at sea; and Astyochus hearing tidings of
the sea-fight, and that Strombichides and the fleet were de^
parted, took courage.^ And coasting along with two ships to
Chios, he fetches from thence the ships there ^, and with the
whole force makes sail towards Samos. And when those there^
by reason of the mutual suspicions of the two factions, went
not out against him, he sailed back to Miletus. For it was
about this time, or even before, that the democracy at Athens
was in the course of being put down.^ For after Pisander and
his fellow-ambassadors had gone from Tissaphernes to Samos,
they confirmed their fection in the army, drawing together the
association by closer bonds ^ (even the Samians themselves ex-
horting the great men ^ to endeavour with them to establish
an oligarchy, though they had themselves before taken up
arms one against another, that they might not be under an
oligarchy) : and moreover, among themselves, the Athenians
who were in Samos, holding a conference, considered ^ to let



' Took courage.] From this expression it should seem that Astyochus
was not only a weak and unprincipled, but also a cowardly, man.

« Fetches from thence the ships there.] Such must be the sense of co/ui^t
avT6^iv TOQ vauf, where Krueger starts frivolous objections. By the ships
are, I think with Goeller, to be understood both those of the Peloponne*
sians and those of the Chians.

3 In the course of being put dotun.] Such is the sense, if the common
reading be the true one; though many good MSS. have KaTiXiXyro. GoeU
ler, however, retains the former, observing that from c. 64. it appears that
the popular government was not yet abolished, but was only begun to be
abolished ; and this very thing (he adds) is signified by the next sentence
b^innin^ with ydp, to hint that this change of the form of government ori-
ginated m Samos : so that that change conid not precede the events at
Samos, but must/o^<^ them.

* Confirmed their faction^ ^c] Such is, I think, with Duker and Goeller,
the full sense of rd n — corlXafov: though it may be more literally and
briefly expressed by " had bound things more firmly in the army." It is
rightly observed by Qoeller, that the words rd rt iv airtf rtp aTparevfian
answer to the ones xai iv aipiaiv aitTole itrKkyl/avro.

» Great men.] Literally, "the powerful." By these, Krueger would
understand those of the Athenians. Goeller, however, urges that those of
the Samians must be included. Yet, as a partition was so lately made of the
property of the wealthy, it is difficult to imagine how any persons could
now answer to such a character. I would observe, too, that the words
avam-avrtg ahrol dXkriKoiQ need not be pressed on, but may merely mean
** rushed into a civil war."

« Considered.] Or, determined. Goeller renders reputabant. Hobbcs
wrongly translates, deliberated. Our word consider has sometimes the very
sense here required.



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SS2 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDBS. BOOK VIII*

Alcibiades alone, since he was unwilling to join them (for, indeed,
they thought him no fit person to come to an oligarchy ^),but
themselves and of their own strength, as they were now em-^
barked in the danger, to see and take care that the business
should not &11 into a relapse ^ ; and moreover to sustain ^ tlie
war, and contribute freely, from their own private fortunes, both
money and whatever else might be necessary, since they would
be no longer labouring for others, but rather for themselves.

LXIV. Having come to these resolutions ', they imme-
diately sent Pisander, and half of the ambassadors, home, in
order to manage the business there ; and it was ordered them
to establish oligarchy in whatever of the subject states they
should touch at by the way. The other half they despatched
up and down among the rest of the dependencies. And Dio-
trephes ^ who was about Chios, but chose to take the com-
mand in the parts of Thrace, they sent off to his govern men t.
And he arriving at Thasus abolished democracy. About
two months after his departure, the Thasians fortified their
city, as having no longer any need of aristocracy, but expecting
every day freedom at the hands of the Lacedaemonians. For
indeed there had also been a party of exiles from thence with
the Peloponnesians, and these strenuously contrived, by means
of their friends in the city, to introduce ships, and bring Tha-
sus to revolt. Thus matters took the very course for them they
could have wished, for the city was righted without any danger
to them, ana the democracy, which would have opposed their



T No fit person to come to an oligarchy,] Because he would want to be
at the heady and from oligarch to become monarch.

^ Fall into a relapse,] So that there might be what we call a reaction,

9 Sustain,'] Or, hold up, bear up, maintain. Such is plainly the sense.
Yet this is hardly consbtent with Avrkxav : and, therefore, I suspect that
&v$xf^v is the true reading. Sol. 1,141. al Bk nipiovauu roifg voKcfiovg
fAoKXoVf ^ ai fiiaioi Itr^opai, ivkxovat. It may, indeed, be thought that to
stick or a/fpli/ to may be the sense ; but that woidd require the middle voice
instead of the active, and the genitive instead of the accusative.

» Having come to these resolutions,] Mitford paraphrases, " having esta-
blished this ground-work for future proceedings.^'

« Diotrephes.] The same person, Knieger thinks, with the Diitrephes
(or, as some MSS. read, Diotrephes), mentioned at 1. 7, 29., and the son of
Nicostratus, who, after holding various commands (see 1. 3, 75. 4, S5, and
119.}, was slain at Mantinea.



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QHAP.JJiy* TUB HISTORY OF THUCTDIDES. 333

attempts, was abolished. As far as regards Thasus, therefore,
the contrary took place to what the Athenians thought, who
established the oligarchy, as also was the case in many of the



Online LibraryThucydidesThe History of Thucydides. Newly tr. into English...with very copious annotations...Prefixed, is an entirely new life of Thucydides: with a memoir of the state of Greece, civil & military, at the beginning of the Peloponnesian war → online text (page 41 of 59)