The History of Thucydides. Newly tr. into English...with very copious annotations...Prefixed, is an entirely new life of Thucydides: with a memoir of the state of Greece, civil & military, at the beginning of the Peloponnesian war online

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the ambassadors, and delivered them to the Argives, as per-
sons who were principally concerned in abolishing democracy.
They themselves went no more to Athens, but came with the
trireme they were in to Samos, conveying thith^ the ambas-
sadors from Argos.

LXXXVII. This same summer Tissaphemes, at the very
time in which the Peloponnesians were most offended with
him, because of the return of Alcibiades, and on various other
accounts, as though he were now manifestly Atticizing ; with
the intention, as it seemed, of clearing himself of their calum-
nies, got ready to go to Aspendus ^, to fetch ^ the Phoenician^
fleet, and desired Lichas to accompany him. Over the army
he said he would appoint Tamos as his lieutenant, to give out
the pay while he was absent The matter, however, is variously
related, nor is it easy to ascertain for what reason he went to
Aspendus, and yet did not bring away the ships. For that
the Phoenician ships, one hundred and forty-seven in number ^y
were come as far as A^>endus, is clearly ascertained ; but why

* Who being before appohttedy ^c] Such seems to be the sense of this
perplexed sentence, ^v'nere the critics propose Tarious conjectures; the
most probable of which is that of Bekker and Goeller, who cancel the
oV before imidt^ iykvovro, Etcu thus, however, Uie construction is very-

1 Aipendw.'] A dty of Pamphylia, situated near the mouth of the river
Eurymedon ; certainly nearer than the maps make it, otherwise the fleet
could not be said to be at Aspendus. With respect to the name, it seemt
to be of Oriental derivation, many words in the Hebrew and other eastern
languages ending in d,

s To fetch,] Such, from what foUows, is so plainly the sense of M, that
it is strange none of the translators should have seen it except Hobbes*
Into the error of the translators Mitford also has unwarilv fedlen.

3 One hundred andfoHv-seven in number.] Plutarch Alcib. 25. says one
hundred and fifty. But Isocrates de Big. 7., only ninety. Diodorus 1. 15^
56. says three hundred. Yet for rpuiKoaiov I would there conjecture Smx.
Diodorus is only speaking of the number which was intended to be assem-i
bled. In the passage of Isocrates there seems to be an error of the literalr
'figures: for BlAAAA read HAAA. As to Plutarch, he may be supposed to.
use a round number. ^

A A ii

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they did not come up, is variously conjectured. Some think
the purpose was, that, by his absence, he might, agreeably to
his design, wear down the strength of the Peloponnesians ; as
a confirmation of which, Tamus, to whom the business had
been committed, gave out the pay no better, but rather worse.
Others, that by proceeding to Aspendus, he might squeeze
money from ^ the Phoenicians for letting them go, as at this .
rate he was not likely to use them.^ Others, again ^, are of
i^iiuon, that it was done on account of the clamorous accu-
sation which had gone to Lacedsemon, in order that it might
be said that he was not doing them wrong, but was actually
gone to the ships, which were really manned for service. To
me, however, it seems mosi manifest, that his not bringing up
the fleet was for the sake of wearing out the Grecians, and
keeping affairs in suspense ^ ; for tbeir ruin, while he went
thither and delayed the time ; for tbe balancing of them, in
order that he might make neither party too strong by adding
his forces to it. Since, had he indeed meant to bring the war
to a conclusion, it is plain that he could have put the matter
beyond all doubt. For, by bringing up this force, he could,
in all probability, have given the victory to the Lacedaemonians,
who, indeed, at the present, were lying opposite with a navy,
and rather a full match for than at all inferior to their opponents.
But what most betrays his purpose ^ is the excuse which he

^ Squeexe money from.] Literally, ** make money out of.'* The word
iKxpvf^riKeff^ai is very rare; but I have noted it in Dio Cass. 702, 11.
vwijk6ovc fifiTt v€pii^€T( fiiirt kKxptifutriZriff^B. and 9, 25, 78. ii^rwc rd r«v
'l€riputv iKXpflf^TlariTcu,

^ Asat this rate he was, 4rc.] Or, according to Goeller's view of the words,
^ for even thus (i. e. though he had not received money from the Phceni-
cians) he would never have used them." Of this sense of vac tUg Goeller
adduces examples from 1, 44. and 74.

6 Others, again, 4^.] Of these conjectures any one, or o^ of them, might
be true.

7 Keeping €tfairs in suspense,] Or, delaying and keeping back. So Goeller
explains it mora, subjoining ^ dum rooratur et tergiversatur, magis utro-
rumque vires exsequat, certe exaequatas esse, ut jam nunc sunt, patitur ;

Suamprimum alterutris udjungitur, quasi libra altera lance propendens
Iteram deprimit, moramque tollit.*'

« What most betrays his purpose.] It is Ions since I conceived Kara^p^
(not Kara^opa) to be the true reading; and this has, I find, been since
adopted by all the recent editors. I would compare 1. 1, 82, 1. iini^vXtv-
evTOQ iiii KUTofiip^v, Dio Cass. 846, 31. rt)v Ixcr^^cvinv Kara^iap^v, See
fJso Lex. Xen.

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made for not bringing up the ships : saying that <^ they were
fewer than the king had ordered to be collected/' But surely
he might have done the king a greater favour in this matter,
by not expending much of his money, but by accomplishing
the same business with less expense. To Aspendus, then,
whatever might be his purpose, Tissaphemes repairs, and holds
communication with the Phoenicians. And the Peloponnesians,
at his desire, sent Philippus, a Lacedaemonian, with two tri-
remes, to the fleet

. LXXXVIII. But Alcibiades, after hearing that Tissa-
phemes was gone to Aspendus, sails also himself thither,
taking thirteen ships, promising to those at Samos a certain
and great advantage ; for " either he would bring the Phoeni-
cian ships to the Athenians, or at least would hinder their
coming to the Peloponnesians ;^' knowing, as it is probable, a
long time the purpose of Tissaphernes in not bringing them
up, and being desirous to expose him, as much as possible, to
calumny with the Peloponnesians, by his friendship to himself
and the Athenians, that he might thereby be the more com-
pelled to take their part. And he, on weighing, takes his
course upwards straight for Fhaselus and Caunus.

LXXXIX. And now those ambassadors of the four hun-
dred sent to Samos, on their arrival at Athens, told what they
were charged with from Alcibiades, ^^ that he desires them to
hold out, and give way in no respect to the enemy ; as also
that he has great hopes he shall reconcile the army with them,
and that they shall get the better of the Peloponnesians." By
this message infusing more courage into those who took part
in the oligarchy, who had before been most of them weary of the
business, and would have gladly got rid of it in any safe way.
And they now formed cabals, and found fault with the state of
affairs, having for their ringleaders some of the heads of the
oligarchy, and those in office, such as Theramenes son of
Agnon, and Aristocrates son of Scellias S who principally par-

» Arutocratet ton of Scellias.] For the orthography, ScMa* is con-
firmed by the best MSS. Respecting the person in question, Wasse refert
to Lysias C. Erat. p. 171. j to which may be added Aristoph. Av. 126,

A A 3

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ticipated in the management of affiiirs, but standing in great
awe^ as they frankly said, of the army in Samos, and of Al-
cibiades most seriously, and also the ambassadors whom they
had sent to Lacedsemon; and fearing lest they (i. e. the am-
bassadors) should, by negotiating without the consent of the
great body of rulers, do the state some injury, did not, in-
deed, avow that they desired to get rid of the government
eoming so much into the hands of a few, but frankly confessed
that the five thousand ought to be appointed not in name only,
and that a more equalized form of government should be esta-
blished.^ Now this, indeed, was the scheme of polity which
they in words professed ; but most of them, through their
private ambition, had fallen upon that course by which an
oligarchy, coming after a democracy, is especially brought to

« Who ptincipaffy participated in the management, 4^.] This is, perhaps,
the most obscure passage in our author, truly a locus condamaUu, All tne
commentators acknowledge its difficulty, and the ablest of them, Duker,
ingenuously says, *^ Totus hie locus mihi difficilior est, quam ut explanare
eum possim. Nee satisfaciunt interpretes, quorum interpretationes sententiam
ekiam magis yidentur obscurare." * Some corruption may, he justly says,
be suspected from the marvellous variety of readings ; but, were he now
alive, ne would grant that the interpreters have done fkr more than merely
obscure the passage. Nay, it seems to me that Bekker and Goeller have
done much, the former to emend, and the latter to explain it ; and the
recent collations of valuable MSS. have supplied better opportunities for
aettling the reading and adjusting the sense, tnan were enjoyed by the older
commentators. It may be thought some confirmation of the truth of
Bekker and Goeller's reiciding and explanation, that my own text, version,
and explanation, formed veiy many years ago, are nearly the same. Thb
is DO place to minutely discuss the various readings, or treat on the passage
critically ; but I would observe, that the coniecture of Abresch, dnaXXaZieiv
(or dTraXXaKelttv), which was also undoubtedfly in the Scholiast's MS., rids
us of one of the most formidable difficulties ; and the reading of some of
the best MSS., ^tovfitvot ^ disutg i^aaav, removes another. The repe-
tition, too, of the words, ddtS^ i^paaav, in the latter part of the passage,
throws great light thereon.

Finally, airovdy vdw is, as Goeller observes, a frequent Thucydidean
phrase; as, he adds, has been shown (after Valckn. on the Epistles of
Pfaalaris, p. 17.) by Wolf on Demosth. Lept. p. 321.

Thus there remains no difficulty, nor mdeed obscurity, except at dvtv
tUv irkiioviitv, where the icKuSviov must refer, as Goeller says, to the rest o£
the four hundred (of whom were doubtless these ambassadors), and per-
haps, also, the five thousand. "Eirtftirov is well said by Goeller to be used
with reference to the several embassies sent, not less than three.

* One may, indeed, commend the ingenuousness, rather than the coonge or
perseverance, of this learned editor. Numerous passages in Tbucydides, which
were given up by him, are now satisfactorily explained.

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ruin. For all at once ^ claimed not only to be on an equal
footing, but each one to be himself decidedly first. Whereas,
ivhen election is made under a democracy, each one more easily
bears what may take place, inasmuch as he is not worsted bjf
his equals. But, what most manifestly buoyed them up was
the powerfiil state of Alcibiades at Samos, and the opinion en-
tertained that the oligarchical government would never be
lasting. Therefore, each strove who should be first to stand
forth as an advocate of democracy.

XC. But those of the four hundred who were most opposed
to such a form, and were leaders of their party, such as Phry- .
nichus, who once holding the command at Samos, had then
been at great difference with Alcibiades and Aristarchus, a man
among the most bitter and inveterate adversaries of democracy,
also Pisander, Antipho S and others of the most powerful
persons, not only heretofore upon their first establishing the
present government, but after affairs at Samos had passed into
a democracy — these, therefore, sent ambassadors of then* own
party to Lacedasmon, and made zealous exertions for the oli-
garchy, and especially were erecting a fortress on what is called
the Eetonea ; and so much the more, after the ambassadors
returned from Samos, perceiving, too, that the greater part,
nay, even those that had been esteemed the most trustjr, were

They also sent Antipho, Phrynichus, and others, in haste
(alarmed at the state of affairs there and at Samos), charging
them to effect a treaty with the Lacedssmonians on any terms
which should be at all tolerable.

Furthermore, they carried forward, with yet greater activity,
the building of the fortress at Eetonea. Now, their object in
the erection of this was, as Theramenes and his party said,
not that they might prevent those at Samos, if they should
attempt it by force, from entering the Pirceeus, but rather that.

3 At (mce.] Literally, •' on the same day;" i. e. the same on which
oligarchy was founded.

> Phrynichus — Aristarchus, Pisander, Aniipho,] The violent measures
employed by these had left them no means of retreating, and therefore they
might well stand so firm.

A A 4>

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when they pleased, they might admit the enemy both with sea
and land forces. For the E^tonea is a pier (or jetty ^) of the
Piraeeus, and close by is the entrance of the harbour. A wall^
then, was there erected, uniting with the wall towards the
continent, so that a few men posted there might command the
entrance. For at the very tower at the mouth of the port,
which is narrow, there terminated both the old wall towards
the continent, and the new one within the wall, and built down
to the sea-side. They also erected a portico, which was ex-
ceedmgly large, and closely abutting on the wall in the Pi-
raeeus (and themselves occupied it with a force), into which they
compelled all persons to unload both the corn on hand, and
what should be imported, and to draw it from thence^ for

XCL These proceedings had, for a long time, been cen-
soriously reported by Theramenes, and after the ambassadors
from Lacedasmon had returned without accomplishing any
thing which should give peace to the state at large ^ he averred
that this wall would endanger the safety of the city. For, at

ft A pier or jetty, '\ i. e. one of the two promontories at the entrance of the
port. Poppo Proleg. 2, 2 53. writes thus : " On the extreme part of Ee-
tonea towards these entrances to the port was a tower, in conjunction with
another tower on the opposite promontory defending the entrance. To
prevent Eetonea from being taken from the land, a wall was built down to
that tower, to which wall the four hundred were about to add another, to
be carried between the preceding one to the sea, as far as that tower ; which,
if it were completed, they would be built round with walls on both sides,
and have in their power the entrance of the port, especially as the portico
in the Pirseeus, which was very close to that fortification of Eetonea, they
had built apart from the other walls and obstructed." (^Kodofittvav, 8, 90.)

On thb whole passage there is much light thrown by Xenoph. Hist. 2, 5,
46. ^vfpoi lykvovTO ixc r^ x^/^^* Ipvua rnx^Zovrig, ig 6 l€ov\ovro roi^ xo«
XtfiiovQ di^d/uiHHy K. r. X. Polysen. 2, 22, 1. riv irvpyov rbv Itti tov xiafiaTOQ.
and 4, 7, 6. KaTkKj&tovro rot^c wvpyovg, Photius Lex. 52. 'Herioivcia, oCrwc
IjcaXecro 17 iripa rov Tltipauat <ix(^ rov Karaierriffaftkvov n^v yijv 'Hcriwvoc*

9 Draw UJrom thence.] Upoaiptie^ai signifies promere velut e penu. So
Aristoph. Thesm,419. A ^ ^v tipTtv vporov, Xvraiet rafiuiov lepoaipoifeaiQ
XaCciv,*AX^ro)/, Aacov, &c The ^iiyiia here mentioned answers to what
we call a baxaar, literally, show-market; as appears from Polysn. 550. evvi-
ra^t roig IttI rStv viStv 'rrpoairXeveai rif Afiy/iari tov Heip€iutts» «ai ^vi> tUv

1 The state at large^ 1. e. both those at Athens and at Saroos. Portus,
strangely enough, refers Kv/iwaai to the Lacedcemomans, I was formerly of
opinion that it might be an adverbial phrase signifying ornmno.

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this time, it happened that the forty-two ships (some of which
were Italic ships from Taras, and others Sicilian) were now
riding at anchor at Las ' in Laconia, and preparing, at the
solicitation of the Euboeans, to make sail to Euboea, tmder the
command of Agesandridas, a Spartan. These, Theramenes
said, were not so much bound for Eubcea^ as intended for those
who were building E^tonea, and unless the people would stand
on their guard, they would be surprised and ruined. Indeed,
there was something of this kind in agitation on the part of
those who lay under this imputation ^, nor was it a mere ca^
lumny of words. For their chief purpose was to govern th6
allies also under an oligarchy, or, in case of failure therein,
holding the possession of their fleet and walls, to preserve their
independence ; but if debarred of that likewise, then not, at
the re-establishment of democracy, to themselves alone perish
for the rest ^, but even bring in the enemy, and come to terms^
and without walls or ships ^ to retain the city upon any terms,
if there were but security afforded for their person^.

XCII. With this view they diligently carried forward the
erection of this wall, which had posterns, and entries, and ways
to introduce the enemy; and they were desirous to have it
finished in time for their purpose.

Now these had been before the theme of conversation, but
amongst a few only, and rather in secret When, however,
Phrynichus, on arriving from the embassy to Lacedsemon,
was treacherously stabbed in full mai*ket by ' a certain

s Las,] A town near Gythium, the site of which is accurately described
by Pansan. 1. 3, 24, 5. and Strabo. See Goeller in loc.

9 7%ere was somethings <$*c.] Such seems to be the sense, and not that
expressed by Portus and Hobbes.

4 Themselves especially perish for the rest,] i. e. be the scapegoats for

^ Without walls or ships.] i. e. without conditioning for their preservation,
but allowing them to be fi;iven up.

» In fvU market,] What particular time is meant by this phrase, the
commentators are not agreed ; for it seems to have been applied to any time
within nine and twelve o'clock. See Duker*s note, who, however, strangely
omits to notice Herod. 3, 104, 7. /i«xP'C oi^ ^yopriQ BidKvaioQ. See also
Weiske on Xen. Anab. 1, 8, 1. 2, 1,7. here the expression does not seem
to designate any time in particular.

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person of the patroles, and fell down dead on the spot ^9 not
having gone far from the council-ball (whereupon he who
struck him escaped; but an abettor, a certain Argive, being
apprehended and tortured by the four hundred, mentioned no
name of any person who set them on, nor said aught else than
that '^ he knew many persons assembled together at the house
of the commander of the patroles, and elsewhere in houses),
then, indeed, when nothing serious came of this ®, Theramenes
and Aristocrates, and such others of the four hundred, and
those out of that body who were of the same party, went more
boldly to work. For, moreover, the ships from Las had now
sailed round, and were anchoring at Epidaurus ^, and had
overrun ^gina. Whereupon, Theramenes said it was not
likely that ships sailing to Euboea would enter the gulf, and
then take port at Epidaurus, unless they had come by in-
vitation, and for the purposes he had denounced* It was,
therefore, impossible any longer to be passive ; but, at length,
after many factious words and suspicious speeches had passed^
then they, in good earnest, applied themselves to the work.
For the soldiers in the Pirseeus, who were engaged in build-
ing the wall of E^tonea, among whom was Aristocrates, a
taxiarch [or captain], together with his band ^ [or company],
arrested Alexicles, who was a commander under the oligarchy,
and a man especially attached to the other party, and took
and confined him in a house. In this they were assisted by
others, and especially by Hermon, a certain commandant of

« Fell down dead on the spot] On the murder of Phrynichus, Taylor
tells us, Vit. Lys. p. 1 18., Lysias'c. Agor. p. 493, varies from Thucydides; and
to his authority more weight seems to be due, as he appeals to the public
records. To which may be added the authority of Lycurg. c. Leocrat.
p. 417. sq. Though he relates some things that are either doubtful or
manifestly false [as, that it was committed by ni^ht, without the city, at a
fountain near some willow-beds.] (Kru^er.) It is, however, a justobserv-
ation of Mitford, that " Lycurgus remarkably confirms what is more import-
ant in the account of Thucydides, the popularity of the deed, ana the
popularity of the principle that assassination, m the cause of the people, was

3 When noting serious came of this,] Such b, I conceive, the sense,
which has been strangely misunderstood bv all the translators.

< At Epidaurus,] Not the country, as Hobbes and others suppose, but
the city, as appears from the ^c, and the words following iv 'Emdavptfi

« Band.] See note on 1. 6, 98.

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the patroles stationed at Munychia ; and, what was most of
all, the bulk ^ of the army approved of what was doing. As
soon as the news was told to the four hundred, who happened
to be sitting together in the council-hall, immediately all,
except those who approved not their proceedings, were ready
forthwith to take to arms, and uttered threats against Thera-
menes and those on his side. But he, justifying himself, said
he was now ready to go and assist them in rescuing Alexides.
And taking one of the commanders who was of his own party,
he repairs to the Pii'aeeus. Aristarchus, also, and some of
the younger of the cavalry gave their assistance. Now the
tumult was vast and astounding; for those in the city now
thought that the Piraeeus was seized, and that every one that
was taken was slain; while those in the Piraeeus supposed
that those of the city were all but attacking them. At
length, the elderly men stopping those that ran up and down
the city, and were rushing to arms, and Thucydides, the host ^
of the city of Pharsalus, being present, and vigorously ex-
erting himself to stay the tumult, shouting out to them '^ not
to ruin their country, while the enemy were so near and on
the watch for an advantage, they were appeased, and kept
their hands from each other. And Theramenes, going to the
Piraeeus (for he was also himself a commander), as fiur as
shouting went^, expressed his anger at the soldiers; but
Aristarchus and those who were of the opposite party were

« The buikJ] Or, the whole posse.

7 T^ host] i. e. he who lodged any Phanalians who came on public

s As/ar as shouting went] On this expression '6<rov itrb (Borjg iVcKa, see
Wasse and Duker, who, however, have treated it but superficially. It seems
to have been a sort of popular phrase, and may be thought nearly equiva*
valent to «c «ard /3o^c 'ivaea supra c. 87., or /ilxP* P^^S ^patrii in Herodian 7,
8, 12. (and so Joseph. 1221, 13. fuxpt X6yov /idvov), or i«c rov arofilov roX^
Xiypoi in Lucian 2, 828., or U<rov /3o^<rat in Chrysost 5, 6, 16. An extremely
apposite passage occurs in Xen. Hist. 2, 4, 31. (cited by Duker) Itrti S' o{/k
liTii^ovTOf npoaiiaXKiv, Zcrov dirb fio^g tvixev, Sttoic /*') ^V^oc tiit (iffiivrjg^ ain
roig (5v. In this expression there is a remarkable pleonasm, since either
}^<rov dfrb pofjg, OT h<Tov fioi}g tvexa would have been sufficient. Thus we have
in this sense 8<rov Anb /3o»7c in DioCass. 260, 10. and 640, 46. and otra dnb
^o^ff in 987, 39. ; 8aov or uic fioijg tvexa supra c. 87. So ocov neipag livtKa in
Lucian de Saltat. 2, 269. Either of the two, therefore, dnb, or i'l/ficCT, were
sufficient : but both united have, perhaps, an emphasis.

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exceedingly angry with the multitude.^ The heavy-armed,
however, most of them went to the work pell-mell, and did
not repent of what they had done ; nay, they asked Thera-
menes whether he thought that the wall was building for any
good purpose, and whether it were not better demolished. On
which, he said that if indeed it seemed good to them to de-
molish it, he abo should be of the same opinion. Whereupon,
the soldiery, and many of the inhabitants of the Piraeeus, im-
mediately went up and set about pulling down the fortification.
And now the watch-word to the people was, " that whoever
wishes the sovereignty to be with the five thousand rather

Online LibraryThucydidesThe History of Thucydides. Newly tr. into English...with very copious annotations...Prefixed, is an entirely new life of Thucydides: with a memoir of the state of Greece, civil & military, at the beginning of the Peloponnesian war → online text (page 45 of 59)