The History of Thucydides. Newly tr. into English...with very copious annotations...Prefixed, is an entirely new life of Thucydides: with a memoir of the state of Greece, civil & military, at the beginning of the Peloponnesian war online

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forces from which they prepared themselves to take Eresus by
storm, with machines and in every other way possible.

CI. In the mean time, Mindarus and the ships of the Pe-
loponnesians from Chios, having taken in provisions for two
days 7, and received from the Chians each three Chian
tesseracosts ®, they, on the third day, set sail from Chios, not
taking to the main sea ^, that they might not fall in with the
ships at Eresus, but keeping Lesbos on the right, they sailed
towards the continent ; and making the coast of Phocais at the
port at Carteria ^^, and having dined, they coasted along the
Cymaean territory, and supped at Argennusa?, which is
opposite to Mytilene." Thence coasting along, while it was

5 The mountain.] This is represented in the best maps as a very lofty
one, part of a chain running all across the north part of the island.

^ Two ships.] Krueger says there were five ; Diodorus three. (Goeller.)

7 Two dai/s] It is remarkable that they should have ventured on such
a voyage with so slender a store of provision.

• Tesseracosts.] Spanheim (as referred to bv Duker) thinks it plain that
the sense of TiaffapaKdarag is " forty-three drachmas/* i. e. Chian drachmas.
But Duker has shown that recraepaKotrraQ cannot be taken for re<rfrapaxovTa :
and he (I think rightly) acquiesces in the opinion of the Scholiast, that the
tessaracost was an antient Chian coin. Portus, with great probability, thinks
it was so called from being the fortieth part of some other coin. It should
seem to have been much more than equal to a drachma. Duker thinks it
might be a month's pay ; but that is uncertain, and not very probable.

s Not taking to the main sea.] I have here followed the conjecture of
Hack and Krueger, r^c Xiov ov ttcX., as being required by the words follow-
ing IV dplOTlp^, &c.

'0 Carteria.] Not Craterei, as Hobbes writes ; still less Crateraei, as Smith.
From Pliny 1. 5, 38. we know that its name was Carteria ; and he represents
it as an island near Smyrna. Wasse also refers to Scylax p. 36. It was,
doubtless, between Phocaea and Smyrna.

'» Supped at ArgcnnuscB, which, J-c] There are several difficulties con-
nected with this passage, for which I musnians burnt), and sent off Hippocrates and
Epicles to Eubcea, to bring the ships that were there.

CVIII. About the same time also Alcibiades sails with the
thirteen ships from Caunus and Phaselus ^ to Samos, bringing
news that he had turned back the Phoenician ships from
coming up to join the Peloponnesians, and that he had made
Tissaphemes a greater friend to the Athenians than before.
Then equipping nine ships besides those which he had, he
exacted a considerable sum of money from the Halicamas*
sians, and fortified Cos. Having done this, and appointed a
governor to Cos, he sailed back to Samos, when it was now
autumn. And Tissaphemes, on hearing that the Pelopon-
nesians had sailed from Miletus to the Hellespont, shifting his
quarters from Aspendus, went in haste to Ionia.

While the Peloponnesians were in the Hellespont, the
Antandrians (who are .Slolians) upon some wrong done them
by Arsaces, a deputy of Tissaphemes^ fetching troops from
Abydus by land through Mount Ida, introduced them into the
city. This Arsaces, pretending some hostility not disclosed
against whom, had sent a message to call upon the services of
some of the chief of the Delians, who had dwelt at Atra-
myttion, since they had been expelled by the Athenians, at
the fortification of Delos ; and having them led forth, under
a semblance of friendship and alliance, he watched a time
when they were at dinner, and surrounding them with his
soldiers, shot them to death with darts. Fearing him, there,
fore, on account of this action, lest he should commit some

1 Caunut and Phaselui,] It is strange that Thucydides should here (as
supra, c. 88. and 99.) have put the places in exactly what we should call the
wrong order. Considering his great exactness in geographical details, this
is extraordinary.

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such enormity towards tkemj and especially as he had laid
upon them burdens which they could not bear^ they ex-
pelled his garrison from the citadel,

CIX. Tissaphemes perceiving that this affair too was the
act of Peloponnesians, and not that at Miletus and Cnidus
only, for there also his garrison had been expelled ; and feeling
that he had become the object of their deep hatred, fearing, too,
lest they should do him yet some other injury ; and, moreover,
chagrined that Pharnabazus, after receiving them, should in
less time, and at less expense, be more successful against the
Athenians than himself^, determined to take a journey to the
Hellespont to them, that he might both complain of what was
done respecting Antandros, and make the most handsome
apology he could concerning the Phcenician fleet, and other
points. And having arrived first at Ephesus, he offered sa-
crifice ^ to Artemis.

[When the summer following this winter shall be ended, the one
and twentieth year will be completed .&]

« Lmd upon t/iem, /j^cA So St. Matt. 2,>, 4. 4 Kings, c. 18, 14. o lav
ivi^ijs Itt' ifii Patndffia, roUux 1, 169. xpriiiaTa TaXdfi€Voi, BtK&rriv iirita"

3 Chagrined ihat^ 4*^.1 Mitford ably paraphrases the whole passage thus:
^ Tissaphemes, meanwhile, more wily than wise, and true to nothing but
his ever-varying opinion of his own interest, was very uneasy at the depar-
ture of the Pefoponnesian fleet from Miletus. He not only apprehended
the loss of advantages derived from his Grecian alliance, but he envied the
probable accession of those advantages to Pharnabazus."

*• Offered sacrifice. ] Not ** performed sacrifice," as Mitford writes, for
that expression is only suitable to the priest. The phrase of the original
literally signifies vtiade or did sacrifice ; which denotes oflered or gave victims
to be offered up and sacrificed by the priests. On the action itself Mitford
remarks, ** that such a compliment to such a reli^on as the Greek from a
Persian, though a weak man, in the high situation of Tissaphemes, and
whether superstition or policy produced it, appears strong proof that
decay, in various ways, had been making rapid progress in tne Persian
empire." Which may be true ; but it is a question whether Tissaphemes
was not worshipping one of his own deities under the name of Diana.

* When the summer^ 4*^.] These words I have placed between brackets
and expressed in a smaller character, because the critics seem agreed that
they did not come from Thucydides.

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PaOLEQ. 2/ 9. 8EQ.



Greece, as it comprised many nations (ci^i^), by nature free, so
in these were again contained many tribes or clans mfAot, Germ.
Gone) properly of equal freedom, and only conjoined together by
origin, language, and certain sacred rites. Such were originally
not shut up in walls, but lived each separately in the fields. Each
man's house, therefore, was his castle ; and nothing but the neces-
sary business of life caused any connection between neighbouring
houses, which were, indeed, united into one hamlet, but whose
houses were not contiguous and surrounded with a common wall.
Therefore, the most antient Greeks lived xar^ $^^ov< %a) xar^^
lu^jbuxf, by clans and villages, or parishes. Tho towns, such as
there were, were destitute of walls and similar to villages (1. 1,5.)
A state of society like that of the antient Germans (see Tacit, de
Mor. Germ. c. 16.)> and present Mainotes and Albanians, or Ar-
nautS} and which, at the commencement of the Peloponnesian

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war, was yet preserved among some nations of Greece, as the
^toliansy Acamanians, Ozolian Locrians (1. 1, 5.)> some of the
Arcadians, as the Msnalians, and some tribes living around
Thessaly : all which had no large cities, but paltry towns, castles,
and villages. Among which places, indeed, there were sometimes
leagues ; and we see the ^tolians in the Peloponnesian war fight,
conjointly, and latterly, at least, these had treaties of league. But
for the most part, this conjunction was rather from necessity, to
repel invasion, or carry on common attack and pillage, and was a
union arising rather from remembrance of a common origin than
from any actual compacts. For, that the inhabitants of those
regions always carried arms, and mutually plundered each other
(1. 1,51.), shows how little security or quiet subsisted ; and that
the political union was not complete, is manifest from 1. % 8. 3,
101, &c. But, in other parts of Greece, the inhabitants, weary of
rapine, formed closer political unions, for better defence against
pirates, and greater security of commerce, and the maintenance of
their possessions. These, therefore, coalesced (%vy^%l<r^ii€ay) into
one state ('rixty, gemeinde)» and fortified some cities or towns (1. 1,
8.), whither they might take refuge at the approach of an enemy,
and which might be the seats of their religion and magistracy.
Hence it happened that, although the generality, when no danger
impended, lived in the country, yet they considered those cities
their own; and, therefore, the hamlets themselves more and more
passed into villages, and castles {^povplx), and were formed into
tribes ; and those cities in which the meetings (ixxXi}(r/S»f, (i/XXo7o»,
^t/y»$t») of the citizens (««Xir£y or ia^Sy) were held, comprised
under that name even those hamlets or villages, and, compared
with them, were styled cities (v^Xii^ or voX^Ti/at), though they were
properly ao^iy.

Of such sort of cities, in all the larger nations, there were many,
except that, besides them, certain villages retained the old form,
especially in Arcadia.

Now, since these cities were formed mutually independent of
each other, as the villages had before been, the same rivalship and
discord now existed among the cities which had subsisted between
the villages; and, ere long, the necessity for fresh societies was
perceived, or forced on the minds of men. Thus, therefore,
treaties {rgoy^al) were entered into, and communities (or perpetual
consociations of cities united by blood) arose, called in Greek r^
xoiy^ or ra vdrfia^ or, in the later writers, (v/Av«XiT«r<M, elsewhere
avyt^plat. Hence may be explained the phrases in question at 1. 8,
65 and 66. 2, 2. 8, 61.

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Such sort of consociations of cities were, however, not every
where made (for there is no vestige of them in the parts of
Thrace, except Chalcidice), nor, when they toere formed, were all
the cities of any people or nation comprised ; since sometimes
one or more aimed at being either free of all association, or even
recommended itself to the protection of some other nation, as
Platsea and Lepreum (1. 5, 31.) Again, there were in many parts
of Greece even more consociations of cities ; as in Argolis three,
in Arcadia two, or, if Elis be reckoned, even more societies^ pro-
perly so called, were entered into. For in antient times, indeed,
when the communication between nations was very slight, they
did nothing by conjoint strength (see 1. 1,3.)> And, if we omit the
fabulous age of the Theban and Trojan war, we only read of a
connection in war between the Chalcidseans and Eretrians (1. 1,
15.); the other wars being generally carried on between neigh-
bouring states:

But, by general communication, the power of some and the
rivalship of others being increased, the utility of societies was
perceived. Now these societies (fv/*^cax/ai, or] jfcaixpioi, L 1, 18.)
di£Pered from the consociations of cities principally in this, that
they were formed for a certain series of years, or for the accom-
plishment of a certain purpose. (See 5, 23 and 47.) Treaties, too,
were concluded, either for mutual defence only, and to repel an
enemy (Ivi/Aax^oi rj dXXi(X«y jSoiydtTr, 1. 1, 44'. 5, 48.), or also for the
invasion of others (fv/^/^a^^oM, in a more limited sense, &ati roh^
«&r«t( ^^po^c xa^ f /Xoo( Mfci^iy, 1. 3, 75. ) But if societies of that
kind had lasted a somewhat long period, they became like those
consociations of cities; and those held by them were not at liberty
to rescind the covenants or treaties, unless they were disposed to
be accused of revolt ((i^itrraa-ii^f and punished for it. But not even
thus had the difference between these two kinds of treaty ever
been quite done away, nor can we term either the Lacedsemonian
or Athenian allies as a £vju,uax^

These two sorts of association, then, subsisted in Greece at the
beginning of the Peloponnesian war.

Of which the Lacedaemonian was the more antient, and had
arisen before the Persian war. That the Liacedasmonians had
established, as well by the antient conjunction of the Dorians for
the conquest of Peloponnesus, and by the common religious rites
of the same; as by the influence which they obtained by the con-
quest of the Messenians, Tegeans, and Argives ; and they so
craftily used this bond, that most of the cities of Peloponnesus
formed treaties with them, and, about the time when the Pisistra-

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lidae were expelled from Athens, conceded to them supremacy ;
as appears from the expeditions of Cieomenes narrated by Hero*
dotus, 1. 5. As soon, then, as Xerxes came into Greece, th^
Lacedaemonians both led to the war the Greeks already conjoined
with them (see 1. 1, 18.) {and who those were, may be conjectured
from the enumeration of the Peloponnesians in the army of
Leonidas given by Herodotus, 7> 102. and 8, 72.), and received
from the rest also, who were called forth by the greatness of the
danger, the command of the united fleet (Herod. 8, 2.) (though
there were but ten Laconian ships in it) ; so that they might now
be considered as the chiefs of all Greece. But since the Athenians
had gained very great glory in this war, and Pausanias treated the
Peloponnesians very haughtily, these, in 470 B. C, except the
Peloponnesian ones, passed over to the Athenian government.
From that time, those Grecians who had before been united
against the Persians, or had revolted from them, were separated
into two societies, the Athenian and the Lacedaemonian (1. I, 18.);
nor are the Athenians to be supposed to have been then chiefs of
Greece, as their orators, and from them the common historians,
represent. For the Peloponnesians did not obey them ; and those
of the rest of the Greeks who had not fought against the Persians,
were at first included neither in the treaty of the Athenians nor
in that of the Peloponnesians. Wherefore, in this age, Greece
may be divided into JederatCy and non-JederatCy tytnewlw^ and acnrov-
^y, or aypaipoy and ex(nro>Boy. But the number of cities non-federate
was gradually diminished, since, whenever any disagreed, they
betook themselves to those societies (1. 1, 18. 3, 91. 1> 31.)

Presently these very societies made war on each other, from
the year 459 to 450 B.C. (1. 1,105, seqq.), which was then
broken off by a fifty-years* treaty (1. 1, 112.); afterwards renewed
in Bceotia in 447 (1. 1, 113.); and again by giving assistance to the
EubcBans and Megaraeans against the Peloponnesians (1. 1, 114.) ;
and finally terminated by a truce of thirty years in 446. (See 1. 1,

By these treaties a sort of public latv arose in Greece ; for,
from the conditions of the peace, except that the Athenians re-
stored Nisaea, Pegse, Troezene, and Achaea (1. 1, 115.), it was also
agreed, that if any controverted questions should arise betweea
either society, these should be decided by judicial discussion
(1.1,78.), on sending ambassadors to debate the points at issue
(1. 1, 85.). Hence arose the expression to S-kac? hUvoct real lfx^<r^»i,
(1. 1, 140.), by which (as is clear from 1. 1, 18. and 5, 75.) it waa
meant that the differences should be settled by reference to ami-

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cable umpires. It was, besides, permitted to free cities, which
were allies of neither party, to join which they pleased (1. 1, 35.)) so
that it were without injury to the other party, (c. 40.) Those, on
the contrary, which had revolted from others, it was thought
wrong to receive in time of peace (1. 1, 40.) ; and even after the
commencement of the Peloponnesian war, the Lesbians, who
entreated to be admitted to the Laconian confederacy, thought
there was need of many words to excuse their defection. As to
islanders, however, though they desired to be neutral^ the Athenians
scarcely ever allowed them to be so. (See 1.5. sub Rn.)

Thus, about the beginning of the Peloponnesian war, Greece
nofiifederate was very small, and consisted of the Argives,
Achseans, and some nations of the north. Wherefore the war,
which had been properly that of two nations, or two confedera-
cies, became one of almost all Greece.



We have seen that, at the beginning of the Peloponnesian war,
there were two most potent societies in Greece, to which most of
the others had gone over; which passing over was sometimes
brought about by accident, sometimes by necessity ; such a sort of
necessity as arose fVom the mutual enmities always subsisting be-
tween neighbouring states (yuir^ to tfMfw $»«^^f, 6, 88.). If one of
these was unable alone to defend itself or to overpower another, it
looked round for allies. Thus the Boeotians cultivated the friendship
of the Lfacedsemonians, because they had had contentions of old
with the Athenians, respecting the borders ; for instance, about
Panactum and Oropus. The Acamanians and the Amphilochians
call in the Athenians on account of the Ambraciots (1. % 68.) ; and
the Naupactians prevail on Demosthenes to attack the ^tolians
(1. 8, 94-.), who again calling in the Lacedsemonians, enter into a
war with the Ozolian Locrians. (1. 3, 100. seqq.) And thus the
VOL. III. c c

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contentions between the Syracusans and Leontines, and aflerwardd
the Egestians and Selinuntians, procured for either of the great
Grecian confederacies allies in Sicilj^ and the enmity of the Lo-
crians and Rhegines in Italy.

But where no such necessity existed, there were certain causes
which extensively moved individual cities to ally themselves with
one league rather than the other ; such as consanguinity, the in«
ternal form of the states, and modes of living ; causes of which
it will be proper to enter into a previous consideration, as being of
great importance towards understanding the nature and extent of
each society, and enabling us to judge what would be the nature
of any war arising therein. Consanguinity, then, was of two kinds ;
t-he nearer one that of colonies and the mother country ; the more
remote, that of the same race. Now the connection which, among
the Greeks, subsisted between colonies and the mother country
was vague indeed, and rested not so much on compacts, as on
dutiful affection ; nay, its use had established certain duties which
it was accounted disgraceful to neglect. Thus colonies, in games
or other public solemnities {iy vayiryvpeo-i rSy xMvSy), granted to the
citizens of the mother country certain honours {ytpa rk yo/A(^o/x<ya)
and the chief seats, and selected for them a part of the victims, or
commenced the celebration of the sacrifices by the ministration of
a priest fetched from the mother country. (1. ], 25.) They also
sent ambassadors (drco^pol^), who should be present at the great
festivals there. (1. 6, 3.) [as a kind of representatives to the rest.
Edit.] Other colonies (as the Potidseans, 1. 1, 56.) took their ma*
gistrates from the parent state. If new colonies were founded by
colonies, the leader, according to antient custom, was sent for from
the mother country (1. 1, 24.), and thus these new colonies were
conjoined with it. It was also thought just and right that the pa-
rent country should be honoured by the colony, and treated with
affectionate attachment, should be its leader, and be given way to
(1.1,38.) unless in points wherein the colony would be greatly
aggrieved. Against the mother country it was thought impious to
fight, insomuch that the Melians preferred siege and destruction to
that impiety. (1. 5. fin.) If the colonies were in danger, they sought
refuge and protection from the parent country (see 1. 1, 24 and 25
and 60. 3, 114. 6, 18.), and gave in return many proofs of affec-
tion and respect. (See 1. 1, 34 and 46.) Therefore it is no wonder
jthat the LfCucadians, Ambraciots, and Anactorians should have
joined the Lacedaemonian party in conjunction with the Corin-
thians. The same sort of connection, which we have seen between
Corinth and its colonies, subsisted, though with some change^

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between Athens and Liacedflemon and their respective colonies.
The Leontian cities, Naxus, Catana, and Lieontium, were all
intimately conjoined, and they preserved peace both with their
parent country Chalcis and the rest of the colonies of Chalcis, as
Rhegium. Some examples to the contrary may, indeed, be ad-
duced, but only in cases where the colony in question has been
under subjection, as in the case of the Dorian and JEolian colo-
nies in Asia, and the Megarsean ones in Thrace. (See 1. 7, 57.) In
the cases of the Plataeans, Corcyrseans, Camarinseans, and Amphi-
politans, there were particular interests and private resentments
which broke the bonds of nature.

But the rights of relationship were yet further extended to
those who were of the same race. Of the Grecian races there
were two ; the Ionic, which included the Achaic ; and the Doric,
which comprehended the ^olic. Now, since the Athenians were
loniuns, and the Lacedaemonians Dorians, hence, from a war
between those two powers, there arose a war between the two
races, which, indeed, originated and was kept up by difference
of manners and habits. For while the lonians cultivated the arts
of peace and elegance, and were studious of luxury in food and
dress, the Dorians prided themselves on their superior bravery.
(See 1. 5, 9. and 1, 129. 6, 77.) Thus, then, the Doric cities, natu-
rally inimical to the Ionic, were by the other Dorians accounted
naturally related. (See 1. 6, 79.) On account of that consanguinity,
fear was entertained lest the Syracusaus should give assistance to
the Dorians in Peloponnesus (1. 6, 6.) : and that, too, the lonians
were always hostile to the Dorians, not even the Athenians, in the
presence of the Camarinsans, who were Dorians, could venture
to deny. (L 6, 82.) But of the Chalcidic nation (from Chalcis in
Eubcea) being bound by the ties of consanguinity, we every where
read, though the origin of this relationship is not quite clear. See,
however, Strabo 10. p. 446^ seq. The Chalcidic cities in Sicily
are (at 1. 3, 86.), plainly called Ionic ; and the Athenians pretend
to render assistance by virtue of consanguinity, though Hermo-
crates truly insists that they came not to help their race, but to
conquer Sicily. (See 1. 4, 61.) This being the case, the Rhegines
could not be censured because, though Chalcidic, they were
unwilling to aid the Athenians in this second Sicilian war. (1. 6,
44 and 79.) For otherwise, as the Syracusans themselves grant
to the Camarinaeans (1. 6, 8a), they ought not to desert cities
related to them.

And, in truth, we see that the allies o£ the Lacedaemonians who
were free and had joined the confederacy of their own accord

c c 2

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(except the Boeotians and Eleans, who were ^olians) were all
Dorians. On the contrary, the Achseans and Arcadians, although
in Peloponnesus, most of which followed the Lacedsemonian con-
federacy, were either long before they entered the Lacedaemonian

Online LibraryThucydidesThe History of Thucydides. Newly tr. into English...with very copious annotations...Prefixed, is an entirely new life of Thucydides: with a memoir of the state of Greece, civil & military, at the beginning of the Peloponnesian war → online text (page 47 of 59)