The History of Thucydides. Newly tr. into English...with very copious annotations...Prefixed, is an entirely new life of Thucydides: with a memoir of the state of Greece, civil & military, at the beginning of the Peloponnesian war online

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by observing that *' the Toss in battle had never been great, and the revenue
mr exceeded the ordinary expenses of the commonwealth."

^ Young vten who had since arrived at manhood,] 'Eiriyiyviff^ai is here used
as at 2, 44. ol i7nyiv6ftivoi„

3 The stone Mercuries, 4rc.] Smith here remarks : ** I have omitted two
words in the original, i) TtTpdyiavoc IpyaeicL, because I cannot translate them
with any precision or clearness." A very insufficient reason surely : as a
translator is not, as such, an interpreter, and if, in a case like this, he renders
word for word, be deserves no blame. Besides, at that rate. Smith might
have omitted a great many other words and phrases, and many whole
clauses which he, at least, did not translate with any precision.

But with respect to these Herroae, Smith thinks it tiard to discover what
squareness had to do with a statue : yet, in fact, there is no difficulty. Of
tne conjectures he propounds two out of the three are most absurd : and
the third, which adverts to the form of the pedestals, shows that he was
utterly unacquainted with the form of the Hermae, which had no pedestals,
being only busts, or sometimes half-length figures, with the lower parts
red off, so as to admit of being placed upright on a level surface ; the

Bief peculiarities being, that the^ had neither hands nor feet ; thoueh in
other respects decency was sometimes violated, as we find from Herodotus
and Plutarch, cited by Menage on Diog. Laert. 5, 82. Their form is well re-
presented by Wincklemann in his " History of the Arts among the Antients,"
vol. 1. p. 6. Themistius, cited by Duker, says that before the time of Dce-
dalus, not only the statues of Mercury were of this form, but those of the

rest of the gods: wWch may be confirmed from Pausan. 2, 1(^6. 8,40j

£ 2

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both in the porches * of private houses, and in the tem-
ples, were in one night most of them^ mutilated in their

&c. who frequently mentions these Hennse, and mostly with the epithet
TtTpdyiitvoc, See 1,17,2. and 24,3. 7,22,2. 8,32,1. He also says at
4,35,11. that this sc^uare formation was invented by the Athenians,
from whom the rest ot the Greeks learned it. But as he, at 8, 48, 4. and
10, 12, 3., tells us that the Arcadians (the most antient of the Greeks^ were
exceedingly attached ^o this form, it may, therefore, be doubted whether
they were not the inventors, or, perhaps, first introducers; for I suspect
that it was of Oriental origin, and I seem to remember having read of such
in the descriptions of travellers. The Scholiast seeks a mustical reason for
the form ; whether well founded or not, I cannot say. Be that as it ma}',
it was, as Mitford observes, *' a custom among the Athenians, derived from
very early times when art was rude, to place an imperfect statue of Mer-«
cuiy, thehead completely carved, the rest generally a block merely squared,
in front of every residence, whether of gods or men.

To the information supplied by Pausanias, it may be added that Artemh>
dorus 2, 57. p. 207. speaks of a 'Epfiag rtrdyfitvoQ 6 tnpijvoirutywv, and just
afler of 6 dyivno^, or beardless, I find, too, from Clemens Alex. Admon.
p. 5S. D. that these Hermae at Athens had visages made to resemble that
of Aldbiades. Considering the youth of Alcibiades at this time, such must
have been the ol Ayivtioi of Artemidorus.

To turn to the phraseology, Bauer, Hack, and others maintain that the
words (hi ^( - * ipya<yia are glossematical ; and I was myself formerly of the
same opinion. But as they are found in every MS., and are confirmed by
the Scholiast and Suidas, there is little doubt but they are genuine. They
are, indeed, awkwardly, interposed ; but not more so than many other simi-
lar clauses in Thucydides The difficulty, too, may be diminished by point-
ing thus : (hi Sk (icaTii to ^Trixwptov ti TtTpdyiapoQ Ipyatria scil. ItrTi) iroXXoi jcai,
&c. It is strange the translators and commentators should not have seen
that Kard rb imx*^oiov cannot belong to irdKKol ehi, but must be referred to
4 TiTpdytovoc ip%a(ria I which is placed beyond doubt by Pausan. 4, 35, 1 1 .
'A^Tfvaiutv ydp to i7X^/*« ''^ TiTpdywvov itni Itti toi^ *£miai|f. And as to the
article r), on which Bauer and Bredow '' maxime suspidonem movent,*' it
has exactly the same force as the ri) at rb trxriiio^ i" Pausanias, and that is
one of the commonest uses of the article. See Middleton. I must not omit
to observe that Goeller has aptly noticed ^oyaa/a and ipydoaa^ai ec6v, as
inserted in Pollux l, ll, 15. among the pnrases appropriate to the manu-
facturing of statues of the gods.

* In the porches.] Why they were put there, Duker says, we are told by
Heraldus Adv. 2, 1. We may, I think, imagine it was from the fancied pro-
tection afforded by those (as Mitford says) '* formless guardians."

On the situation of these Hermee there is a very important passage in
the Etym. Mag. p. 147. init (though omitted by all the commentators),
where, after saying that they had neither hands nor feet, he adds : iTroiow
$k avroitQ diaKkvovg^ ^vpag ix^^^^S Ko^dirtp roixoirvpyiovc nai iaw^tv aiir&v
iri^ovv dydXfiara tttv laiQoy Qtiov t^io^tv idk awkKXtiov Toi>c 'Eppxig,

The porches, however, were not the onli/ places where they were set;
for it appears from Philostratus Vit. Ap. 6, 4. that they were also put in
the market places: ^<ri fiiv vpoaiolKivai dyop^ dpxait^ -^ 'Epfjiuy rd

* Most of them,] The expression o\ trXtiaroi is sometimes used when
nearly all is meant : and so it must be taken here; for it appears from An-
docides, p. 9, 13. that they were all so treated except one^ that opposite to

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faces.^ The perpetrators of this act no one could tell, though
their detection was sought after by great rewards ^ publicly
offered for the discovery; and the people likewise decreed
that if any knew of any other impiety that had been perpetrated,
they might, all who chose, fearlessly reveal it, whether they
were citizens, or foreigners, or slaves. Indeed, they treated
the offence as a very serious matter ®, regarding it as of bad
omen ^ with respect to the expedition, and as having been per-

his own house. And so Plutarch, in his Nictas, c. U. Cornelius Nepos
Alcib. 5., indeed, savs : " omnes Hermse dejicerentur/' But as that wnter
almost translates Thucydides, the word dejiceretUur must be corrupt, and
the reading of the MSS. deicerenlur is probably an approximation to the
truth, which I leave to others to discover.

fi In their faces.] And also (as we are told by Pausanias ap. Schol. and
Aristoph. Lysist. 1095.) in their private parts, which were represented (as
in the present Hindoo idols and symbols) in the most disgustingly indecent
manner. Duker, indeed, seems to disbelieve this, as not relat^ in history.
But the account of Pausanias must have been founded on history. Besides,
such seems implied in the expression of Plutarch, dKpoTTjpiaa^ivrwv, And
nothing was more probable, especially as Plutarch Nic. 13. mentions the
same enormity as perpetrated at the altar of the twelve gods.

7 Great rewards,] Namely, as we find from Andocides de Myst., 100

® TYeated the offence as a very serious matter,] Such seems to be the
true sense of r6 vpayfia fut^Sviag l\afi€avov, with which may be compared
a kindred one in St. Chrysostom, t. 4. p. 891. fui^6v(ag iiroiovvTo tA^ icarii-

9 RegardinR it as of bad omen, ^c^ Indeed, Plutarch Nic. mentions
many other things which were thought ominous. And it is clear that the
secret disapprobation of many wise men in the assembly of the people,
though there suppressed, yet burst out afterwards ; and as it could not be
displayed in its proper form, sought the shelter of pretended omens, pro^
phecies, and oracular responses. It appears that the priests, soothsayers^
and oracles were tampered with by both parties, and eacn accused the other
(truly enough) of imposture. The most really ominous part of the busi-
ness was that the verv wisest of men, Socrates and Meton, thought the
expedition could end in nothing but destruction; the latter of whom
avoided going by feigning madness.

With respect to the outrage in question, it was, probably, the act of some
drunken and wanton youths, and wholly unconnected with any plans for
political innovation. That AUHbiades, at least, should have had any hand
m it, is exceedinglv improbable. He was not only without any temptation
to commit it, but had the strongest reasons to prevent its commission, if
he had even known of it ; since, from his irregular mode of life, he would
be especially liable to suspicions. Mitford even says, ** that considering
the known circumstances of the times, the temper of party at Athens, and
events preceding and following, we find strong reason to suspect, thoueh
we cannot be certain, that not Alcibiades but the enemies of Alcibiades
were the authors of the profanation whence the disturbance arose." The
latter is certainly far more probable than the former; though the act might
veiy possibly be committed by dissolute youths unconnected with a»y party,

E 3

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petrated by those who were plotting an innovation in govern-
ment} and the abolition of democracy.

XXVIII. Hereupon some sojourners in the city and
servants mac le a disc overy, not indeed respecting the Hermae,
but that some defacements of other statues had aforetime been

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XXIX. He, however, for the present made his defence, as
to the informations, and was ready to submit to a trial ^ as to
what hand he had had in the affair, before his departure (for the
preparations were now completed), and if he had done any
such thing, to suffer whatever punishment the law should in-
flict, and only, if entirely acquitted, take the command. He
also conjured them not to receive any calumnious accusations
of him, when absent, but to put him to death now, if he were
found guilty. Propriety, he said, demanded that they should
not send him in command over so great an armament, while
labouring under such a charge, and before the affair had
been brought to a decision.

But his enemies, fearing lest he should have the good will
of the army, if he were now to stand trial, and that the people
(who showed him respect, because by him the Argives and
sdme of the Mantinaeans took part in the expedition) would
suffer their resentment to die away, dissuaded and put aside
the proposed measure ^, by setting on other orators ^ who pro-
posed that he should now sail, and not retard the d^artui*e of
the armament, but, on his return, be brought to trial on certain

Diodonis relates that a witness came forward, who stated that about
midnight of the new moon he saw persons go into a house for the purpose
of these malpractices ; and that among these was Alcibiades. Upon beinjg
asked how he could be sure it was he, the fellow answered that ne saw his
face by the light of the moon : which, of course, completely negatived his
own evidence.

» Was ready to submit to a trial.] So ^en. Hist. 1, 4, 14. i^ikovroQ Sk ron
KpivnT^ai irapaxpfjlia. t/jC ddriaQ Upri yeyevrjfuvijg, «c i>«€i;K<5rof I c rd
fivtrrifpia, vtrtp^aXXSfuvoi dk ix^P^ ^^ doKovvra BtKcda tlvai^ dirovra airrbv
i<rripri<Tav rifc irarpiooQ, It is truly observed by Mitford, ** that in no one
circumstance of his public life does Alcibiades seem to have conducted him«
self more unexceptionably than under this accusation. He neither avoided
enquiry, uor attempted to overbear It ; but coming forward, with the decent
confidence of innocence, he earnestly desired immediate trial, and depre-
cated only accusation in his absence."

« But his enemies Rearing, 4"^.] It is ably remarked by Mitford, ** that,
as usual with all factions, what prudence would dictate for the benefit of
the commonwealth was, with his opponents, but an inferior consideration :
wliat would advance the pbwer or their party, was the first." Dreading,
therefore, his popularity with the army, and the alienation of the Argive
and Mantineean allies, and apprehensive that they should fail of their pur«
pose, and even incur blame themselves, they resolved to #ave the charge
for the present, but hold it suspended over Aeir victim.

3 Set&tg on other orators.] i. e. those of a different par^froin thdr own,
that might not be suspected of any hand in the affair. The phrase ^EXXow^
Ipikvn^ is borrowed b^ Dio Cass» p. 203, £5,

£ 4

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i^pointed days.^ Their intent in this was, upon greater mat-
ter of accusation, which they would easily contrive to be forth-
coming after his departure, to have him sent for back to stand
trial. Thus it was decided that Alcibiades should depart.^

XXX. After this, when it was the middle of summer, the
embarkation to Sicily took place. And now the greater part
of the allies, with the corn-transports, and such other vessels
and barks as were to accompany the force, had received pre-
vious orders to rendezvous at Corcyra, it being intended
from thence to cross the Ionian Gulf to the promontory of
Japygia.' But the Athenians themselves, and such of the
fdlies as were at hand, proceeding to the Pirseus on an ap-
pointed day, early the next morning, went on board the
ships, in order to immediately get under weigh. With them
bad gone down, in a manner, the whole of the rest of the mul-
titude which was in the city, both of citizens and strangers ;
the former for the purpose of setting their relations on the
ivay; the latter as conducting some their companions, some
their relatives, others their sons, accompanying them with a
mixture of hope and lamentation ; of hope, that they would
attain their aims ; of lamentation, as uncertain whether they
should ever again see each other, considering the remoteness
of the expedition on which they were going.

At the present time, however, when they were now about to
part from each other under circumstances of peril % the for-
midable nature of the expedition struck them more forcibly
than when they had voted for its adoption. However, at the

* But^ on his return, 4*^.] Plutarch expresses it thus: d\XA vvv fUv
aya^ ri/xy TrXtirw, tov di iroXifiov SiaTTpax^ivro^ M roif avroTy vofioiQ diro-
XoytUr^io wapiov, where I would read for vo/iot^, vofufjioig,

^ It was decided that Alcibiades should depart.] Plutarch Alcib. 19.
writes thus : ovk iXav^avi fUv ovv ii KOKofi^tut rrjc dva^oXfJQ rbv * AkKiQiddtjy^
6XK' tkeyi itapiCtv, a»c hivbv ieriv airiaQ AndkiirovTa ko^' iavrov coi dia€o\&c^
iKTrkjiwia^ai fjLtrtMpov ivl roeavrtjQ dvvAfiiwc. airo^apiiv ydp avrt^ wpoetjKU
fit) XvtravTi rd^ KarriyopiaQ, \vaavTi Sk Kai ^avkvTi Ka^ap<fiy rpiirsiT^ai wpbg
roi^Q irdktfiiovQ, /ii) hSoUoTi roi^s evKw^avras. where there b no such corrup*
lion in the preceding words avt^adpovv — dwokoyiav. as the editors suppose :
it u only necessary to translate tuus : " fiduciam receperunt, et ad causse
sue dicendara tempore constituto prassto erant." ,.-

1 Japygia,^ The point chiefly made for by tho^ bound for Sicily.

« Under circumstances ofperU.] i. e. at least to one party.

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manifest^strepgth of the armament they tookcouragej cheered
bjr the vagt numbers \?bicb met their jwew- As to the strangers
and the rest of the multitude ^, they went for the sake of the
spectacle, as something worth seeing, and connected with an
enterprise stupendous.^

XXXI. For this was the greatest, the most costly, and
the finest armament which up to that time had sailed
from a single state with Grecian forces.' But in number of
$/iijps, and of heavt/ infantry^ both that to Epidaurus under
Pericles, and that to Potidsea under Hagnon, was not infe-
rior to it. For there were four thousand heavy-armed and
three hundred horse of the Athenians themselves, and a hun-
dred triremes, besides fifty Lesbians and Chians, and also
many other allies that joined him in the voyage.^ But they
set forth as for a short voyage, and with a slender preparation.
Whereas this armament, as being meant for continuance,
was fitted out for both kinds of service, as need may require,
with both sea and land force : the naval one was elaborately
equipped, at the great expense of the captains of triremes and
of the state, the public giving a drachma a day to each mariner.

> The re$t of the muUUude.] By this is, perhaps, meant the slave popu<
latioD, which was very considerable.

4 Went for the sake of, 4*0.] Mitford paraphrases thus : " the numerous
foreigners more calmly gratified their curiosity with so splendid and inte-
resting a spectacle."

1 For tim was the greatest, S^c.^ Such is the sense, if the words of the
original be correct. JBut as the distinction between Grecian forces, as
compared to Barbarian, seems harsh, and icfwrn has rarely, if ever, that
sense, not to mention that the assertion is at once odd, and perhaps un-
true, I am inclined to agree with Hack, that 'EXXfyvuc^c is the true reading.
Then 'Kputrti will be joined with SvvdfAti, The sense will thus be at once
plain and unexceptionable.

It has surely been very ill represented by Hobbes and Smith, especially
the latter, who makes Thucydides say, '* it was the finest and most glorious
fleet the world had ever seen ; " which is quite contrary to facts. Was not
the fleet of Xerxes at least ten times as lai^e ? and the combined Grecian
one thrice as large ? Thucydides will, I believe, be very rarel v, indeed,
found mistaken in any assertion which he deliberately makes ; though, at
the same time, I grant the occasionally extreme difficulty of ascertaining
what it is that he does assert.

« For there were four thousand heavy-armed, ^c."] Hobbes renders as if
he took this account to refer to the present expedition, whereas it only
refers to that under Pericles. Thucydidea mentions the amount of the
present armament, infira, c. 43.

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and supplying empty vessels ^j sixty of them light, and forty
having on board heavy infitntry, also equipments ^ for these at
the expense of the captains, who also gave gratuities ^ in addi-
tion to the public pay, to the Thranitae (or highest bank of
rowers) and to the servants ^ ; and in other respects ^ bestowed

s Empti/ vessels.] i. e. empty in comparison wth those which carried
soldiers on board. Goeller refers to Boeckh. 1, 1. p. 90. t. 2. and Wolf, on
Demosth. Leptin. p. 101.

4 Emtipments, ^c] Such also is the sense of virriptaia at 1, 143. On
the dinerence between the triremes raxtioi and (nparuaridai or birXiToyutyoi,
Goeller refers to Boeckh. l , 1. 1. 1. p. 300. sq.

This whole passage is imitated by Nearch. ap. Arrian Ind. c. 20, 9. Xo/i*
TTpSrijg Ti woXX>) ry irapaaKtvy ktrovaoy koI KodfioQ rStv vtuVy Kai <Tvrov3al t&¥
TpifipapxMv dfit^i rdc virrjpiffiac rt Kai rd iKwXripiafjiaTa UTrpcirhg, where for
UirXijpwfiaTa, Raphel should have received from the Cod. opt. vXripwfjuMra,
As to UtrXripiJfiay it is a vox nihili.

^ GratuUiet,] 'Ec^opd literally signifies sometking added. So Pollux 1,
155. t6 Ttli fAKT^ifi TTport^ififvoy — to»c OovKv^iSrjc- The word occurs very
rarely in the present sense out of Thucydides. Yet I have noticed that in
Dio Cass. 503, 90. oiok ydp iKrjpKei otftim otn ti fiia^wfiopia (I conjecture
fiur^o^6pa) Kai viriptvriXtjQ oltra, ovTt al l^ui^ev Iwt^opai^ and Diod. Sic. t. 7.
447. Tol^ Sk TraurJv i-TrupopAc rayudrixac drrtve.

* Servants,] There are, perhaps, few who would not wish to know
something of these ifwtjpiffiai. The following illustrations may, therefore,
be not unacceptable.

In Demosthenes (as Reiske tells us in his Index) the word denotes, in the
singidar (as distinguished from vavrai^ mariners or rowers, and iTrcCarai, or
rowers), ** reliqui ministri nautici.*' Such, however, cannot be the sense
here; for as the ^pavirai are especially mentioned, it is not likely that the
sratuity was given to the other order, the Zeugitse and Thalamii. The
Scholiast observes that it was given ohx^ ^k vdm rdig ipgratc. lu this passage
it may signify apparatus nauticus^ Stephens in his Thesaur. explains the
word " quisque apparatus vel ministerium quidque." And Schweighausser
on Polyb. 1, 25, 3. says it signifies in the plural ** omnino quidquid ad minis-
terium nauticum pertinet.'" I have, however, sometimes thought that ly
these ifiTTjpkTai are meant the two lower benches of rowers. And this n
countenanced by the following illustrations of Goeller, or rather Boeckh. :
** ifTrtipkrai interdum iidem sunt ac vavrai, L e. cuncti qui prseter milites,
kivitdraQ navibus vehuntur, quos nautas nos dicinnis Matrosen. Interdum
remigea discemuntur ab h^peretis et nautis, appellanturque ipirai ffcuTriyX/i-
rat. Duplice igitur hommum genere constabat totum irXriputfia sive die
Schiffsmannschaft, roilitibus et nautis, qui latiori sensu appellantur, quique
aut vavrai strictiori sensu dicti, aut virripkrai, i. e. ministri eorum, aut re-
miges erant."

So also 1, 121. Ti^v SXXriv vvfipttriav, the rest of the crew. And thus
Poppo in his Prolog. 2, 60. says ttiat the virripteia was what are elsewhere
called ipkrai and KunriiXdrai.

7 In other respects bestowed great expenses.] Hence, as the whole equip'

ment of the ship fell upon the captains, the office was very expensive, and

' thrown, as a burden, on the rich. So Antiph. ap. Athen. 109. F. rpiripap'

X&v dirriyKaro, And in Aristoph. Eq. 910. Cleon threatens a person thus :

iyv 9S voifi^u Tpiiipapx'i^Vf dvaXifTKOvra rwv ^^vrov, xdkaidv vavv txovT\

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great expenses on the ensigns ®, and the furniture, and equip-
mentSy each one striving to the uttermost that his ship should
exceed in beauty and swiftness of sailing. As for the land forces,

Eff i)v dvaXwv ovk l^^tiQ, ovSk vavTrtiyovfiivoQ' Atafirixavfiirofiai y, hirtaQ &v
Itrriov ffairpbv \a€yC' uEschines, too, p. $6, S7. says that many had con-
sumed their whole fortunes on this office. Hence it is no wonder ^at pru-
dent persons should dread it. So Aristoph. Ran. 106^. Ovc ovv i^kXtt ye
Tpifjpapx^'iy TrXovTuv ovSiIq 6id ravra, *AXX' ^v pcucioig TTcpuiXo/ievoc KXdtiy Kai
^ijai vkvta^ai.

^ EruigM.] i. e. those images of tutelary gods or other figures by which
the vessel was distinguished and named. The Scholiast interprets these
vTipLtia of pictures; and Duker proves that pictures were in use, from a
passage of Lucian ; though he prefers to understand the word of the tutelse-
narium. Wesseling on Diod. Sic. 15,3, doubts whether they were not cer-
tain ornaments extending from the prow, such as the &Kpoar6\iov or vctpd'
orifAov, Which last interpretation is, doubtless, the best founded ; and the
following illustrations of the subject I shall extract from my note on Acts
28, 1 1. iv TrXoUff x^- wapaorifitp Aia<rKovpotQ* ** The rb irapdfffifiov, the intignep
was that from which the ship derived its name. It was a painting, or bas-
relief, on the prow, of some god or hero, or sometimes anitmU; nay, even
inanimate substance, as shield, &c. So Ovid. Trist. 1,10,1. Est mihi,
sitque precor, flavse tutela Minervse, Navis ; et a pict4 casside nomen habet.
Vire. iEneid. 5, 115. seqq. The poop bore the picture, or image of some
god under whose protection the ship was supposed to be placed. Both the
tutela and the imtgne were of gold [or, rather, gilded metal], ivory, or other
rich material. So Virg. Mn* 10, 171. Et aurato fulgebat Apolline puppis.
Now the Romans distinguished the tutela, which was at the poop, from the
intigne, ythich was at the prow. Thus of the ship mentioned in the above
cited passage of Ovid, the numen tutelare was Minerva, placed on the poop ;
but tne insigne, or 'xapdfftjfiov, was a helmet of Minerva painted on tne
prow, and gave name to the ship. Yet such was not the invariable custom.
Sometimes the tutela and wapatrniiov were the same ; as, for instance, when-
ever the effigies of the deity himself, to whose protection the ship was
committed, supplied the place of an intigne (whicn often happened), then
the ship was called by the name of that god who was painted or carved on
the prow. Thus the Alexandrian ship in which Paul sailed had the Z>tof-
curi for an insigne as well as a tutela: whence, too, it was called Ai6<neovpou

Online LibraryThucydidesThe History of Thucydides. Newly tr. into English...with very copious annotations...Prefixed, is an entirely new life of Thucydides: with a memoir of the state of Greece, civil & military, at the beginning of the Peloponnesian war → online text (page 7 of 59)