United States. Congress. House. Committee on the J.

Taking Back Our Streets Act of 1995 : hearings before the Subcommittee on Crime of the Committee on the Judiciary, House of Representatives, One Hundred Fourth Congress, first session, on H.R. 3 ... January 19 and 20, 1995 online

. (page 38 of 51)
Online LibraryUnited States. Congress. House. Committee on the JTaking Back Our Streets Act of 1995 : hearings before the Subcommittee on Crime of the Committee on the Judiciary, House of Representatives, One Hundred Fourth Congress, first session, on H.R. 3 ... January 19 and 20, 1995 → online text (page 38 of 51)
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to pre- 1980 levels. The entire focus should be on the truly disadvantaged. Training and
placement should be through private, non-profit community development corporations, for the
most part.



Drug Prevention and Treatment

We should reverse the current federal spending formula— in which most of our $12B-plus
annual anti-drug budget is spent on law enforcement and interdiction.

The expansion of Head Start, creation of a Corporation for Youth Investment and
replacement of JTPA with a new comprehensive federal job training and placement program
forms perhaps the most effective drug prevention strategy for the inner city. These multiple
solutions tend to simultaneously produce multiple good outcomes, including reduction in the use
of drugs. The demand-side drug initiatives that have been evaluated as successful view social
ills as interwoven, requiring a more comprehensive solution than has been attempted over the
last twelve years.

Something close to a consensus has emerged that significantly more funding is required
to close the gap between treatment need and availability among the disadvantaged. Without it,
hard drugs will continue to ravage families and communities in the inner city; drug-related
violence will continue at levels that place many neighborhoods in a state of siege. Unless we
begin to reverse that situation, it will undermine all of our other efforts to develop the inner city
economically and socially.

We need not only more treatment, however, but also better treatment. Too often,
conventional drug treatment is little more than a revolving door, through which addicts return
to essentially unchanged communities with few new skills for legitimate life-and predictably
return again. Many addicts, too, are alienated by most existing treatment models and do their
best to avoid them.

To overcome these limitations, expanded drug abuse treatment, intensive outreach and
aftercare need to be linked closely with youth enterprise development, family supports, intensive
remedial education and other services. As a high official at the National Institute of Drug Abuse
has observed, "For many addicts, it's not rehabilitation; it's habilitation. They don't know how
to read or look for work, let alone beat their addictions."



419



If we do not address these issues in addicts' lives, we insure that much drug treatment
will remain both ineffective and expensive.



Better Evaluation is Needed

In the absence of sound evaluation criteria, national, state and local programs will
continue to be supported more because they fit the political fashion of the moment or because
they are able to capture media attention than because of their demonstrated effectiveness. In a
time of limited resources, we can't afford that.

Experience has suggested the need for evaluations of inner city non-profit programs to
include qualitative, journalistic "process" measures as well as quantitative "impact" outcome
measures for up to five years with "test" and "comparison" groups. These should be measures
both of change among high risk children and youth and change in the community. This means
that we need to "triangulate" measures from multiple imperfect sources and studies of any one
program—so that judgments of success are based on accumulated wisdom.

To begin a process of reform, we recommend hard-hitting Congressional hearings and
critiques by Office of Management and Budget, the U.S. General Accounting Office and the
Office of Technology Assessment to expose the inadequacy of most federal evaluations of
community-based, high risk child and youth initiatives, and to devise strategies to reverse the
poiiticalization of evaluations. Non-profit organizations in the private sector must advocate
tenaciously until this is done.



Linking Investment in Children and
Youth with Investment in Housing and Infrastructure

America needs a conscious federal policy to link investment in children and youth with
urban repair and economic revitalization. Again, we have many examples of what already
works, based on years of experience. We need to expand them to scale, so that there is
significant change across the entire nation in the lives of the disadvantaged, the physical structure
of the neighborhood where they live and the national economy which impacts on the poor and
their communities.

The first priority for a new policy should be a federal program in which the U.S.
Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) ftinds national, private non-profit sector
intermediaries like the Local Initiatives Support Corporation (LISC) and the Enterprise
Foundation. In turn, these intermediaries should fund local, private non-profit community
development corporations. The private sector non-profit intermediaries must retain their efficient
and successful rehabilitation of housing, without being burdened by the infamous red tape of
HUD. The federal government will need to provide oversight, of course, because the monies
are from the public sector. Yet HUD bureaucrats should not meddle in what has become a small



420



miracle over the last decade in revitalizing urban neighborhoods.



Non-Profit/For-Profit Integration

We need to create a variety of options for how non-profit and for-profit activity can be
interrelated. For example, although we believe that a priority for housing rehabilitation should
be on non-profit community development corporations, we recommend that HUD also build on
the model of the TELESIS Corporation, which is a for-profit economic development organization
with great cost-effectiveness but also social development wisdom.



A National Community Development Bank

We recommend that, directly and through national private sector intermediaries, a
network of community development banks be capitalized. The banks should be owned by inner
city community partners and should reinforce the creation of local for-profit/non-profit linkages.

We believe that the model for this initiative should be the South Shore Bank in Chicago.
Over the last twenty years, South Shore has proven that a determined lender can reverse the
process of urban decay and simultaneously make a profit.

The capitalization of community development banks should be linked to tougher
enforcement by HUD of the Community Reinvestment Act of 1977, which requires banks to
invest in their communities.

We believe that a traditional federal agency might impose too much bureaucracy on a
new community development banking system. A new institution probably is needed - a
National Community Development Bank. One partial model is the National Cooperative Bank
(though without the power struggles that revolved around its creation).



Public Housing and Tenant Management

Public housing should not be scrapped. There are many horror stories. However, when
public housing is well managed, as it is by the New York City Housing Authority, for example,
it should remain as one of several options for housing the poor. The key to making public
housing work better is resident management of public housing properties. Where tenants are
well organized and exercise real power, conditions improve, based on demonstration programs
to date. Tenant managed developments appear to save money in the long run because tenants
have a greater stake in their homes and therefore are less tolerant of destructive and costly
behavior.



10



421



However, over the 1980s while there was much talk about tenant management and
"empowerment," there was little action. A few exemplary programs were touted, but these
experiments had little national impact. Accordingly, the Administration and Congress should
provide adequate funds delivered by HUD to public housing authorities and then to tenants, so
that tenants can be properly trained in managing their own housing projects. This can be a first
step to tenant-owned developments.



Innovative Policing as Coinmunity Development

Innovative policing can play an important supportive role to economic and social
development in low income neighborhoods, whether they be public housing communities or other
locales. We emphasize the word supportive. In a departure from traditional policy, we view
innovative policing not as a criminal justice end but as a means to secure the community for
economic developmeru.

Innovations include problem-oriented policing, community-based policing, police mini-
stations that become neighborhood security anchors to facilitate economic and youth
development, police mentoring of high risk youth and more sensitive training of police.



Handgun Control and Congressional Inaction

Such improvement in public safety, reduction in fear and enhancement of neighborhood
stability can be further accelerated by strong legislation to control handguns, as advocated by
the police, who have lobbied through their national organizations for a decade against the
National Rifle Association (NRA). More teenage inner city males die from gunshots than from
all natural causes combined. Yet, this malignancy of handguns in urban America, which
contributes greatly to inner-city neighborhood breakdown, is likely to continue unabated.

We believe that the litany of unpopular issues which the NRA has come to defend - like
"cop killer" bullets, plastic "terrorist special" handguns and assault weapons ~ make the NRA
increasingly out of touch with American opinion polls and the police.

As with tobacco, we believe that firearms should be considered a broad based public
health problem. It should be attacked as such by, among many other officials, the Surgeon
General of the U.S. ~ just as former Surgeon General Everett Koop launched the successful
attack against smoking in the eighties. The new public health campaign must focus on the
widespread and virtually unregulated distribution of a hazardous consumer product - which must
therefore be taken off the market. Handguns and other firearms enjoy a unique role in the
American consumer marketplace. Almost all products sold in America come under the
regulatory power of a specific federal agency - to assure safety to Americans. Guns are one
of the notable exceptions.



11



422



We need to build on the tough policy proposed by Josh Sugermann in his book, NRA:
Money-Firepower-Fear , as we move beyond the twenty-fifth anniversaries of the firearms
assassinations of Reverend Martin Luther King and Senator Robert F. Kennedy.



Reducing the Investment Gap and Employing
Youth in Infrastructure Repair

Reducing the investment gap that exists between the United States and its major
competitors has become perhaps one of the defining metaphors of the 1990s.

Above and beyond targeted economic development and housing policy that employs high-
risk youth in the inner city, we must incorporate the employment of high-risk young people into
the process that reduces the investment gap and increases productivity.

Estimates of the infrastructure bill vary from the $30B to $40B that will be needed simply
to refurbish the most deteriorating bridges and roads to the $500B investment during over the
next decade proposed by New York City investment banker Felix Rohatyn.

We endorse public sector jobs for both public works and public service. We believe that
the jobs can be administered both through public agencies and through non-profit community
development corporations. Whatever the level of expenditure on public works - and, we hope,
also on public service — the goal should be to employ a substantial number of high-risk youth.



Employing Youth in High Technology

High risk inner city youth and persons who are getting off of welfare must not be left out
of the employment that is generated by military conversion to high technologies in domestic
sectors to close the investment gap. There already are partial models for how this can work.
If high-risk young people are channeled into university education through "I Have A Dream"
and related programs, their chances of employment in high tech industries are improved. But
even if their education ends with a high school equivalency degree, we-need a national policy
that plans on their job involvement in high tech operations and the industries that serve them.
For example, in France, in the city of Lille, there is a training center for computer maintenance
by high-risk and disproportionately minority-foreign-bom youths who have no previous work
experience. The program is based on a contract with a corporation that deals in computer
maintenance and computer networking services.



Needed Levels of Investment

The 1967-1968 Kemer Riot Commission asked the nation "to mount programs on a scale
equal to the dimension of the problem." For the initiatives in this testimony, our estimate is that

12



423



mounting to scale means $1SB more in annual appropriations for each often years to implement
the recommendations for investing in children and youth. This covers funding Head Start
preschool at levels that come close to three years for all eligible three, four and five year olds
(and some two year olds), creating the national Corporation for Youth Investment, overhauling
job training and placement and starting to bring expenditures back to pre- 1980 levels, refocusing
anti-drug initiatives to prevention and treatment, and implementing promising inner city school
reforms ~ including refinement of the Elementary and Secondary Act of 1965, implementation
of the recommendations form the several Carnegie reports, replication of the Comer plan,
replication of programs like "I Have A Dream" if evaluations show them to be successful, and
continued innovation in vocational and apprenticeship programs like Project Prepare and Project
ProTech. The prime federal funding agencies for these ventures are Labor, HHS, Education and
Justice.

The interrelated need is for $15B more per year in annual budget appropriations for each
often years, at a minimum, to implement the recommendations here for reconstructing the inner
cities and for closing the investment and productivity gaps. The bulk of this funding is for
employing the truly disadvantaged and high-risk youth in the urban reconstruction. The work
will expand housing and rehabilitation delivered by non-profits as well as by those for-profits,
like TELESIS, which can integrate multiple solution youth development into private sector
economic development. Our budget here also covers repair of the urban infrastructure that
employs inner city residents, creation of community development banks in the inner city owned
by people who live there, expansion of tenant management in public housing, employment of
those new community and problem-oriented police who live in the inner city neighborhoods
where they patrol, and pursuit of those high tech investments linked to military conversion that
generate jobs for high-risk youth and welfare populations in the inner city. The prime federal
agencies are Labor, HUD, Transportation, Commerce, Justice - and a new, independent
National Development Bank.

It is this level of investment ~ a minimum total of $150B in appropriations for children
and youth and a minimum total of $150B in appropriations for coordinated housing,
infrastructure and high tech investment — over a decade that begins to address the Kemer
Commission's "scale equal to the dimension of the problem."



Sources of Investment Funding

As structural reforms at existing expenditure levels are enacted to improve the present
federal job training and job placement program and the present low income housing delivery
system, we also can begin to secure new funds ~ first by eliminating or retargeting other
existing programs. For example we can save nearly $5B per year by increasing demand side
drug prevention and treatment to seventy percent of the anti-drug budget and reducing prison
spending.



13



424



However, most of the increased funding should be based on reductions in the military
budget, reductions in the budget of the Agency for International Development, and taxes on the
very rich. We support, as well, higher taxes on tobacco, alcohol, firearms and bullets.



The Common People

Can we find the money? Of course we can. Congress found the money to fight the
Persian Gulf War, and it found the hundreds of billions of dollars needed to bail out the failed,
deregulated savings and loan industry. Congress can find the money if it wants to.

To do this, we need even more than wise national leaders. In the words of William
Greider, in Who Will Tell the People . "Rehabilitating democracy will require citizens to devote
themselves first to challenging the status quo, disrupting the existing contours of power and
opening the way to renewal." Common people must engage their surrounding reality and
"question the conflict between with what they are told and what they see and experience. "

In America, this means old fashioned grassroots political lobbying to gain full funding
for preschool modeled after the French experience and job training modeled in part after the
German experience. It means massive voter registration of the poor, following some of the
lessons of Canada. It means tight controls on special interest group lobbyists in Washington,
the people who walk around in thousand dollar suits and allegator shoes. It means public
financing of political campaigns, elimination of contribution loopholes and far shorter campaigns
that limit both the use of money and the use of television, as is the case in the United Kingdom.

Many Americans hold Congress in contempt. Campaign finance reform is not just the
best way to control lobbyists. It also is the best way to make Congress more honest. In
addition, legislators need to be educated on how multiple solutions work best and how
legislation is fragmented, uncomprehensive and short term. Congressional appropriation set
asides and earmarks should be validated by the Congressional Budget Office and the Office of
Technology Assessment on the basis of scientific evaluations proving their success.



The Dream Deferred

Our most serious challenges to date have been external. Serious external dangers remain,
but the graver threats to America today are internal, and revolve around our failure to deal with
crime, race and poverty. The greatness and durability of most civilizations has been finally
determined by how they have responded to such challenges from within. Ours will be no
exception.

With leadership both from the top as well as the grassroots, we can face those challenges
and end that destruction. We no longer need to defer the American dream to substantial portions
of the American population —the lower classes, working classes and anxious middle classes.

14



425



"What happens to a dream deferred?" asked the honored African American poet,
Langston Hughes:

Does it dry up

Like a raisin in the sun?

Or fester like sore -

and then run?

Does it stink like rotten meat?

Or crust and sugar over

Like a syrupy sweet?

Maybe it just sags

Like a heavy load.

Or does it explode?



15



426



20



CHANCES IN lAX RAIQ BETWEN 1980 - 139Q
INTHEILl



1?






POOREST
20%



RICHEST
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5%



Souice Congressional 3uaga Office.



427



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428



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429



figtire4



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430



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431



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432



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435



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436



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437



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FQEBAL SPeVDING IN THE "WAR ON DRUGS" IN TriE U.S.
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438



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COMPARISON BE7WEN PRESCHOOL AND fllONPHESCHOOL AT ASH 19
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Meni2i!y Scnooi
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440




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Figure 16

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442



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Online LibraryUnited States. Congress. House. Committee on the JTaking Back Our Streets Act of 1995 : hearings before the Subcommittee on Crime of the Committee on the Judiciary, House of Representatives, One Hundred Fourth Congress, first session, on H.R. 3 ... January 19 and 20, 1995 → online text (page 38 of 51)