United States. Dept. of State. Office of Public Co.

Department of State bulletin (Volume v. 22, Apr- Jun 1950) online

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of cases. It was decided that the first effort should

Department of State Bulletin

be directed at clearing up the backlog. (The
German patent law contained certain safeguards,
namely, provisions for opposition and cancellation
proceedings in the German Patent Oliice, which
will prevent this step from reducing German pat-
ents to mere registrations.) This decision will
give the German Federal Government an oppor-
tunity to participate in the development of the
new International Patent Oflice at The Hague.
The search performed at The Hague, it is hoped,
■will be of a sufficiently high quality to make un-
necessary the establishment of a separate search
operation in the German Patent Office.

On August 26 and 27, 1949, representatives of
the Governments of France, the United Kingdom,
and the United States met at Frankfort to discuss
the international aspects of the reopening of the
German Patent Office. As a result of this meet-
ing, the Administrative Council of the Interna-
tional Patent Office, on October 12, 1949, extended
to the German Federal Government, through the
Allied High Commission, an invitation to partici-
pate in the organization of the Office. In the in-
vitation, the Administrative Coimcil stated that

.... wishes to emphasize that, in case of acceptance by
that Government, the German delegate would become a
member of the Assembly on a basis of equality with the
representatives of the other participating nations and
that, moreover, the Council would be willing to call on
technical and administrative personnel of German nation-
ality for the organization and operation of the Bureau,
taking into consideration the importance of German par-

The acceptance of this invitation will contribute
toward the economic integration of Europe by
demonstrating tlie desire of the German Federal
Goverimient to cooperate with other European
countries in measures designed to reduce national
barriers in the economic field.

Applicability of Plan for

Central Search Office to Non-European Areas

Because inventions and patents are generally
concerned with industrial technology, interna-
tional cooperation in patent matters is most im-
portant in the European area. However, the prob-
lem is not completely absent in the underdeveloped
areas of the world. In the first place, patents are
frequently granted on chemical developments;
that is, DDT which could be very significant in the
basic fields of health and agriculture in the indus-
trially backward areas.

Secondly, one of the factors which may be pre-
venting these areas from developing is the absence
of protection for foreign inventors and the lack
of incentive to local inventors to invent.
■ More important, the lack of adequate patent pro-
tection may impede the commercial exploitation
of inventions. Since the underdeveloped areas are
usually poor in human resources in the field of
technology, each country could not hope to support
a full-fledged patent system ; nor would the state
of its industrial development justify such an ex-
penditure of talent. The development of regional
patent offices may be the solution to this "vicious


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June 26, 1950


Creative Leadership Needed for Full World Development

Address hy the President ^

I am very glad to take part in these graduation
exercises at the University of Missouri.

The young men and women graduating here
today deserve congratuLitions, for they have
proved that they are able to think for themselves,
and to work hard day by day to reach a truly
worthwhile goal.

These university graduates, and their fellows at
other schools all across our country, should be con-
gratulated for another reason, too. They should
be congratulated because they are entering a world
of greater oppox'tunities than young people have
ever had before.

You hear a lot of talk these days to the effect
that the world is full of dangers, and that our
civilization is heading straight for disaster. Of
course, the world is full of dangers — the world has
always been full of dangers, for people in every
country and at every period of history.

Challenges to a Free Society

As men have gained more scientific knowledge,
the dangers which could come from the misuse of
that knowledge have grown greater. But by the
same token the opportunities for human advance-
ment have also become greater.

Our scientific achievements can be used for
good, and need not be used for evil. Our civiliza-
tion need not wind up in disaster; it can go on to
greater heights. Those who are frightened and
dismayed do not have faith that men will use
scientific advances for good ends. They see only
the dangers in the world — not the opportunities.

But those who understand a free society have
faith that we can use our knowledge for human
advancement. For the essential meaning of a free
society is that free men, facing the practical reali-
ties of any situation, can choose the course that will
provide for their common in-otection and advance
their common welfare.

' Made at tlie commencement exercises at the Univer-
sity of Missouri, Columbia, Mo., on June and released
to the press hy the White House on the same date.


Our history shows that men working together
through the democratic process can find the right
solution to new problems.

The democratic process is not always easy. It
involves us in great public debates. Emotions are
aroused and feelings run high.

But when the shouting is ended and the decision
is taken, the resulting choice rests on the solid
foundation of the common wisdom of the people.
Dictators and tyrants, who thought our political
debates indicated indecision and weakness, have
found to their dismay that, instead, those debates
are a source of wisdom and a sign of strength.

The ability of our democratic process to find
proper solutions for difficult problems has been
dramatically demonstrated again in the last 5
jears in the field of foreign policy.

When the war ended, in 1945, the American
people found themselves in a situation unique in
their experience. By the circumstances of history,
we had become the strongest single nation on earth.
Most of the other great nations of the world were
prostrate. Our help and leadership were essen-
tial to assist them to recover, and their recovery
was vital to our own security and prosperity.

Furthermore, it soon became clear that one na-
tion did not want to help world recovery. Instead,
that nation wished to prolong and intensify the
misery of others so that it could gain domination
over them. The plain intent of that nation was
to overthrow the tradition of freedom which is
shared by our country and many others.

In this situation, the United States faced a clear
choice, which was debated up and down our land.
We could choose to abandon the rest of the free
world and try to become strong enough all by our-
selves to withstand Communist aggression. Or we
could clioose to work with other countries to build
the combined strength necessary not only to with-
stand aggression but also to achieve peace and
human advancement. You know the outcome of
that debate. The overwhelming choice of the
American people was — and is — against the dan-
gerous futility of isolationism anil for full coop-
eration with other nations toward peace and

Department of State Bulletin

We have backed that choice with deeds. Our
stronjj; support of the United Nations, our vital
contribution to the European Recovery Program,
our ratification of the North Athmtic Treaty, our
military assistance to the common defense of free
nations — these and many other actions are part of
our strong, positive program to achieve a just and
histing peace.

Our program for peace and freedom is necessar-
ily designed at present to build a strong com-
munity of free natious which can resist Communist
aggression, whether that aggression takes the form
or internal subvei-sion or external attack. At the
same time, our program for peace is designed ulti-
mately to create conditions in which all men and
all nations can work together in mutual trust and
for mutual benefit.

Our peace program is designed to bring the free
nations together in common action. It is also
designed to support the United Nations as the
political basis for a world order among all nations.

Our peace program includes military security
measures — through our own efforts and through
the combined efforts of the free nations. Those
military security measures are defensive only, and
we look forward to the day when international
forces under the United Nations will keep the

Finally, our peace program includes economic
measures which will make it possible for people
to be secure and to lead fuller lives. These meas-
ures are necessary, at this time, to enable the free
nations of the world to resist Communist imperial-
ism. But our economic measures, as far as possible,
are designed so that any nation which sincerely
wishes to work for human betterment can join
in them.

Reviving Economic Levels in Europe

It is about these economic measures in our pro-
gram for peace and freedom that I wish to speak
particularly today.

Since the war ended, we have embarked upon a
new era of economic cooperation with friendly na-
tions. As this work moves forward, we must
appraise our progress from time to time and make
new plans for the future.

You will recall the great purpose that inspired
our aid to Europe under the Marshall Plan. We
sought to help the countries of Europe restore
their war-shattered economies so that their people
could once again enjoy a decent standard of liv-
ing — so that they could protect themselves from
totalitarian threats to their security. In short,
the purpose of the Marshall Plan was to enable
the people of Europe to save their freedom and
use their resources for peace. We have always
regretted that the Communist leaders did not per-
mit the peoples of Eastern Europe to participate
in this recovery effort. The results of the Euro-
pean Recovery Program in the participating
countries have been remarkable.

The nations of Western Europe, with Marshall
Plan aid, are setting new records of production
and approaching the restoration of prewar stand-
ards of living. Industrial production in Western
Europe has increased 30 percent in the last 2 years.
The diet of the people there has been restored
almost to the prewar level.

Furthermore, the countries of Western Europe
have been able to get their national finances on
a sounder basis and to obtain sufficient goods so
that they could lift most of their rationing and
price controls. They have reduced trade barriers
and have increased trade among themselves by
50 percent in the last 2 years.

As a result, there has been a great revival of
faith in freedom and hope for the future among
the Western European countries. The numbers
and the influence of Communists within their bor-
ders have been steadily receding. In the last 2
years, the Communists have received progressively
fewer votes in every election held in the Marshall
Plan countries.

Today, every one of the Marshall Plan coun-
tries is stronger and better able to resist com-
munism and to work for peace than at any time
since the war ended.

In addition, our aid under the Marshall Plan
has indirectly strengthened many countries out-
side of Europe and has helped to restore the flow
of international trade.

Despite the steady progress they have made,
most of the nations of Western Europe are still
not economically self-supporting. If we were to
take away our assistance now, they would still be
unable to pay for all the things they need to buy
from us and from other countries. The result
would be a sudden drop in living standards, weak-
ened defenses, and a greater opportunity for the
Communists to move in.

That must not happen — it would be disastrous
for the Europeans and for us too. Instead, we
must keep on working to build the sound economic
conditions without which there can be no security
or progress for free men.

How Free Nations Can Flourish

Our work for this purpose will be largely carried
on for 2 more years under the Marshall Plan. But
our vital national interest in a healthy world econ-
omy will not end in 1952. It will be just as neces-
sary then as it is today to have a secure economic
foundation for world peace. This secure foun-
dation requires not only a successful recovery
from the devastation of war. It requires the kind
of dynamic progress which proves that the way of
freedom can satisfy the economic needs of man.

The economic well-being of other free nations
around the world is important to our common
effort for peace. It is also important to our own
economic well-being.

Last year we exported goods worth 12 billion
dollars — a large part of them to Europe. These

June 26, J 950


exports consisted of wheat, cotton, and tobacco,
dried fruits, machine tools, and textiles, and many,
many other products of our farms and factories.

If our exports are to continue at a high level,
other countries must have some means to pay for
them. At the present time, other countries are
selling far less to the United States than tliey are
buying from the United States. Our imports last
year were valued at 7 billion dollars — 5 billion
dollars less than our exports.

Of the 12 billion dollars of our total exports,
the sum of 5 billion dollars was made possible by
the aid which we furnished under the Marshall
Plan and other foreign aid programs. These aid
programs can be substantially reduced this year,
and in later years, as the recovery and economic
development of other nations progresses. Obvi-
ously, we do not want to continue our extraordi-
nary financial assistance to other countries any
longer than necessary. That is why we must look
ahead to plan for the changes that will be neces-
sary to assure a high level of normal trade and
investment among nations as our aid programs
are reduced.

Many of those changes can be expected to occur

As our own economy grows, we will naturally
import more goods than we now do ; this will add
to our own standard of living without causing any
substantial dislocation to our domestic producers.
At the same time, increasing our imports will
make more dollars available to other countries
with which to buy our goods.

In addition to this, as economic and political
conditions become more stable in other countries,
we should plan to make larger investments abroad.
This will be good business for us, and also will
make more dollars available for purchases here
by other countries.

We can also expect more Americans to travel
abroad in the years ahead, and the dollars they
spend in other countries will be a considerable
source of purchasing power for our goods.

The Government is now undertaking to deter-
mine the extent to which we can count on such
natural adjustments as these and the extent and
character of the other actions we should plan to
take in order to achieve a sound and healthy flow
of international trade and investment. This
whole problem is being studied under the leader-
ship of Mr. Gordon Gray. Later this year, I ex-
pect him to submit recommendations concerning
the actions, both public and private, we should
take toward this goal.

In this process, the advice of interested private
citizens and groups will be actively sought. We
shall need the wisest and most mature thought
on this subject we can obtain, for world economic
prosperity is vital to the success of our efforts for

We know already some of the things we must
do. Wo know, first of all, that we must continue

to reduce our tariff and other import barriers in
return for similar reductions by other countries.
Furthermore, we must develop international prin-
ciples for fair trade, such as those which would be
established by the International Trade Organiza-
tion, the charter of which is now before the Con-
gress for approval.

We also need what has become known as the
Point 4 Program if we are to build a healthy world
trade and investment. Under this program we
will help to raise the standards of health, educa-
tion, and production in the underdeveloped areas
of the world. We need to do this in our own in-
terest as well as theirs.

Some people seem to think that if we help the
underdeveloped areas produce more, our sales
abroad will be cut down. Those people just do ,
not understand how such things work out. ]

When various parts of our own country, such
as the Middle West and the Far West, were de-
veloped, there were a lot of people who thought
that would be bad for the East. But it didn't
work out that way. Instead, the development of
our West meant more prosperity for our whole
country, the East included. And the same thing
will happen with industrial and agricultural
growth in the underdeveloped areas of Asia and
Africa and Latin America. As they grow in eco-
nomic strength and prosperity, they will increase
the economic strength and prosperity of the whole i
world. '

This Point 4 Program is a constructive, creative
enterprise, full of promise for a better future.
We, in our country, can understand that sort of
enterprise, for we are a strong, youthful Nation,
with the enthusiasm and vigor that characterize
free men.

Need for Responsible, New Leadership

The world into which this college class is grad-
uating today needs that sort of constructive, cre-
ative leadership in foreign economic affairs.
I hope some members of this class will go into
that field of endeavor.

If you do so, you can be confident that you are
working for peace. For the peace we seek is
essentially a condition in which man's creative
abilities can be exercised, freely and in cooperation
with his fellows, toward a better world for all.

You know that if we are to have that kind of
peace we must be willing to work hard and long
for it. We must be willing to bear the temporary
costs of defensive armaments as well as those of
constructive economic development. But those
costs of defense do not express our true purpose —
we assume them so that we can achieve our true
purpose, which is to work constructively for hu-
man advancement in a free society.

That purpose is worthy of your devoted efforts,
and I am sure that you will make them. For the
young and the free can look beyond the immediate
difficulty to the promise of the future.


Department of State Bulletin


Address by Secretary Acheson ^

I should like to discuss ■with you some of the
principal problems we have faced since the war,
the choices of action which were open to us, and
why we have chosen the course we are on. It is
useful to do this because our responsibilities in the
world are so complex that the day-to-day head-
lines sometimes leave a confusing impression of
what is happening.

If we can see the flow of events in perspective,
we can focus attention on those lines of effort
which I believe it is necessary for us to prosecute
witli the utmost vigor in order that our foreign
IJolicy may accomplish its proper objective.

Now, what is the objective of our foreign pol-
icy? I think it can be stated vei-y simply. We
want a peaceful world. Our conception of peace,
however, is not a negative one. It does not mean
merely the absence of war. It does not mean a
peace which is the still and terrifying center of a
hurricane. It does not mean peace at any price,
for we know that peace cannot be bought at the
price of freedom.

Our conception of peace is that it should be a
condition of fruitful and harmonious relationship
among the people of this earth. The objective of
our foreign policy, therefore, is to help establish
the conditions necessary to this kind of a peaceful
world. Only in this kind of a world can you and
I and our fellow-citizens fulfill in our lives the
highest values of our democratic society.

There are, however, some obstacles to be over-
come. Not all of them are attributable to the So-
viets. It is good to remind ourselves that we
would still have enough problems left to keep us

well-occupied, even if the Soviet Union were to be,
as we hope it will some day become, our good


Obstacles to Peace

' Made before the Civil Federation of Dallas and tire
Community Course of Southern Methodist University,
Dallas, Tex., on June 13, 1950, and released to the press
on the same date.

We have, first of all, a great host of problems
left on our doorstep as a consequence of the war.
A great deal has been done to rebuild the shat-
tered buildings, although many still remain in
ruins. But, even when they have been replaced,
the wounds of peoples and societies will still not
be healed.

We have reaped in the war a harvest of prob-
lems. The old patterns of life — the economic,
the political, and the social patterns — have for
many millions of people been destroyed. New
forms are developing.

A second obstacle to the realization of the kind
of a world in which we can live in peace is that
great areas of the world are breeding grounds of
conflict, because their people lack the means of
a tolerable existence.

It has often been said, but too little appreciated,
that two out of three people who inhabit this
globe are underfed by our minimum standards.
We cannot have the kind of peace we want while
there are vast areas where people are in rebellion
against hunger, poverty, and illiteracy. The
world is too small a place.

A third set of problems that must be dealt with
in attaining a peaceful world are those which are
created by emergent nationalism. In great areas
of the world — chiefly in Asia and Africa — an
awakening national self -consciousness among
groups of people is seeking expression. This force
of nationalism can be constructive, like a flow
of adrenalin, and enable a people to accomplish

June 26, 1950


great feats in the betterment of their society. Or,
it can be destructive and lead people to fanatic

In any case, this rising nationalism, where it ex-
ists, sets up new dynamics, new sources of power
in the world, which must find an adjustment to
the existing pattern of power. It is essential
to the peace of the world that ways be found of
achieving these transitions peacefully, of direct-
ing these forces to constructive and creative

Finally — and this series is not, as you see, com-
piled in a descending order of importance — there
is the challenge presented to us by the Soviet form
of imperialism. Soviet behavior appears to be
based upon an expectation, if not an anticipation,
of tlie collapse of the non-Soviet world — a process
which Soviet leaders are not hesitant to assist
where they can. They do so, apparently, in the
belief that the collapse of the non-Soviet world
is essential to the continuance and the consolida-
tion of their leadership system.

It is easy to see, once this pattern of motiva-
tion is understood, why Soviet leaders, instead of

Online LibraryUnited States. Dept. of State. Office of Public CoDepartment of State bulletin (Volume v. 22, Apr- Jun 1950) → online text (page 104 of 116)