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Department of State bulletin (Volume v. 22, Apr- Jun 1950) online

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cooperating with other nations to solve world prob-
lems, have sought by obstructive tactics to inten-
sify them. Each of the other obstacles to peace
I have cited has been manipulated and intensified
by the Soviet leaders to further their aims.

Soviet imperialism challenges us in two ways.
First, there is the danger posed for the world
by the vast expansion of Soviet armed forces and
military capacity. Soviet military preparations
have gone far beyond the reasonable requirements
of defense.

Second, there is the international Communist
movement, which seeks by subversion to destroy
the capacity and the will of non-Soviet nations to
resist Soviet ambitions.

I do not believe this creates an immediate danger
of war. But, it is being used as a poised bludgeon
to intimidate the weak, and it does confront
the world with the possibility that the Soviet
leaders, whenever they feel that they are strong
enough, may be tempted to make use of military
force as an instrument of their policy. They may
do this either generally or in specific local
situations.

Now, what do we need to do about the problems
presented by the Soviet Union, and these other
olistacles to a peaceful world?



Well, there are several ways we could go about
meeting these problems.

One way would be to pull down the blinds and
sit in the parlor with a loaded shotgun, waiting.
I think, however, that most of us have learned that
isolationism is not a realistic course of action. It
does not work, and it is not cheap.

There are some who argue that isolationism
would offer us a bargain-basement security. But,
in the long run, it would, in fact, cost us much
more to keep up that level of armament which
would be required if we were to try — and it would
be a vain attempt — to remain an island of se-
curity in a Soviet-dominated world.

I think the best short answer to this line of
thinking was given last week by Gen. George Mar-
shall, whose monumental service to his country is
an inspiration to us all. In his testimony before
the House Foreign Affairs Committee, General
Marshall said that such a policy as this would be
"psychologically wrong, militarily wrong, and just
wrong generally."

The policy of appeasement of Soviet ambitions,
which might conceivably be another course of
action open to us, is in fact an alternative form of
isolationism. The result of such a policy would
be to encourage Soviet aggression. It would lead
to a final struggle for survival in which both our
moral position and our military position would
have been seriously weakened.

There is a third course of action which might
be considered in earlier times and by another type
of government and people than ours. That is
that we should drop some atomic bombs on the
Soviet Union. This course is sometimes called by
the euphemistic phrase of "preventive war." All
responsible men must agree that such a course is
unthinkable for us. It would violate every moral
principle of our people. Such a war would neces-
sarily be incredibly destructive. It would not
solve problems, it would multiply them.

War is not inevitable. It is our responsibility
to find ways of solving our problems without re-
sort to war and to exhaust every possibility in that
effort. This is what we intend to do.

Fortunately, there is a fourth way of dealing
with these problems and that is to work on them in
cooperation with other nations and, by means of
peaceful negotiation, to resolve our differences.
This has been and is our policy. It has been the
consistent policy of President Truman, through



1038



Department of State Bulletin



four Secretaries of State, that the United States
should direct its eflorts to this purpose.

In the 5 years that have passed since the end
of the war, we have made, I think, remarkable
progress in the development of joint international
action and in the constructive work of the United
Nations. This work is important. But, it has
not brought an abatement of the tensions between
the Soviet Union and the rest of the world. We
have sought, by all means at our command, to en-
courage Soviet participation in cooperative efforts
to resolve our mutual problems. In this, we have
not been successful.

The fundamental obstacle to success in nego-
tiation with the Soviet Union about our common
problems is the expectation, which Soviet leaders
hold, of the collapse of the non-Soviet world and
their desire to enlarge the sphere of their control.
The one difference which is just about impossible
to negotiate is someone's desire to eliminate your
existence altogether.

Our experience has convinced us that, so long
as the leaders of the Soviet Union can entertain
hopes for early expansion into areas of weakness
in the world, there is no likelihood of their enter-
ing into genuine agreements for the resolution of
our common problems or of honoring those agree-
ments which we now have.

There is a prior condition which we must ful-
fill in order to have successful and meaningful
negotiation with the Soviet Union. That con-
dition is for the Soviet leaders to be convinced
that they cannot profit from a policy of expan-
sionism — that their own self-interest as well as
that of the rest of the world would be advanced
by a settlement of some, at least, of our outstand-
ing differences.

Strengthening the Free World

In order to do this — in order to preserve the
peace of the world against either direct or in-
direct aggression — it is essential that our policy
of international cooperation be supplemented by
a program for strengthening the free world.

A great deal of the talk about this program has
concerned military strength. Wliile this is an
essential element, it is not by itself sufficient. The
military strength of the free world must be ade-
quate to deter Soviet leaders from any rash ad-
ventures. But, this effort must be accompanied
by other elements of strength — economic, politi-



cal, and moral. Only in this way will the free
world be able to resist the external threat of So-
viet military power and the internal threat of
subversion by the international Communist
movement.

This, then, is the course we have chosen — to
preserve the peace and our essential values in the
only realistic way it can be done, by strengthening
the free world to prevent aggression and by
cooperating with all friendly nations in advancing
our common welfare.

Now, the needs of this program for strengthen-
ing the free world are different in various parts
of the world.

I should like to talk tonight chiefly about one
of these areas — the part of the world which we
have come to call the North Atlantic community.

The 12 nations that compose the North Atlantic
community include some .337 million people, about
one-sixth of the earth's population. Within this
area is the world's greatest concentration of in-
dustrial and technical skills. This community of
nations is also brought together by a common
political experience, the growth of the idea of
freedom and the rights of man.

So geography, political experience, and indus-
trial capacity join to make the North Atlantic
community a natural and a critically important
grouping of states. By common action on their
mutual problems of defense, economic develop-
ment, and political cooperation, the North At-
lantic states can achieve a substantial increase of
their combined strength. In so doing, they in-
crease the strength of the entire free world.

Our support for the strengthening of the North
Atlantic community does not imply any lessening
of our interest in, or our commitments toward,
other parts of the world. Rather, it reflects the
keystone role which this c-^mbination of states
must play in strengthening the security and the
welfare of the entire free world.



Tripartite Statement on Berlin

[Released to the press at London May IS]

The three Western Occupation Powers will con-
tinue to uphold their rights in Berlin. They are
resolved now as in the past to protect the democratic
rigiits of the inhabitants and will cooperate with
the German authorities to improve to the utmost
the economic position of the three Western sectors.
Meanwhile the three Governments will continue to
seeli the reunification of the city in free elections in
order that Berlin may take its due place in a free
and united Germany.



June 26, 1950



1039



Tlie meetings of the North Atlantic Council at
London, from which I have just returned, marked
an important stage in the development of the
North Atlantic community. It constituted a step
forward in our program to preserve the peace.

When I reported to the President, on my return,
I spoke to him of two clear impressions which,
more than anything else, stood out as a result of
those meetings. The first of these is that the
North Atlantic community is emerging as a politi-
cal reality of the greatest importance.

The other impression, which I carried away
from these discussions, was the new vigor in Eu-
ropean life and in European leadership. There
was a sense of confidence and of vitality. There
was a firm determination to join with us in exer-
cising initiative to secure the peace. I returned
from Europe with a renewed sense of confidence
that we shall be able to establish the conditions of
peace.

One of the steps we agreed to take was to set
up a full-time Council of Deputies. We found
that the two or three meetings a year of the For-
eign Ministers Council did not give enough con-
tinuity or control to the North Atlantic Treaty
Organization. The Council of Deputies will be
able to function on a day-to-day basis. One of
the deputies will be chosen to act as a permanent
chairman for the Organization, and he will be
responsible for directing the Coimcil's work.

Having in mind the gi'eat importance of the
Council of Deputies, we hope to send as our Ameri-
can representative to this body, a man of the high-
est calibre and to give him the full support of our
Government and our people.

Several points in connection with the defense
arrangements and the economic plans which were
made at the London meetings should be mentioned.

Our European friends are understandably not
interested in a defense plan which would let their
countries be overrun, to be liberated at a later date.
So it is necessary for the North Atlantic com-
munity to develop a defense force sufBcient to
meet successfully any initial attack and to carry
through to a successful conclusion any war that
is forced upon us. Only if this is true will the
force be strong enough to be a deterrent against
aggression.

This force, since it will be armed with the most
modern defensive weapons capable of mass pro-
duction, will not have to match any potential ag-

1040



gressor in size man for man. Nevertheless, it will
require a very great effort.

Particularly, it will be important that waste and
duplication be avoided, in order that this great
task will not interfere with the provision of ade-
quate standards of living to the people of the
North Atlantic community.

To this end, the Ministers endorsed the prin-
ciple of balanced collective forces. This is what
would be known in Texas as an all-star team. It
simply means that each member nation contributes
the kind of forces to the common defense that he
can best make available, in accordance with an
over-all plan.

In this way, each nation does not have to dupli-
cate all the expensive components of a modern
armed force. The integi'ated strength of this
team will be stronger than that which any of us
could achieve alone, and the savings in the avoid-
ance of duplication will reduce the burden on our
economies.

U.S. Role in the Defense System

The United States has, necessarily, a leading
role in setting up this defense team. These agree-
ments will not mean anything unless we follow
them up with action.

One step which is essential to the success of this
effort is the renewal of the Mutual Defense As-
sistance Program for another year, with an ap-
projiriation of approximately a billion and a quar-
ter dollars, as asked by the President. This pro-
gram is essential to the establishment of conditions
of peace and stability.

It is also necessary to the fulfillment of our part
in this defense system, that we shall maintain our
own defense forces at an adequate level. "Ade-
quate" here means that it shall be sufBcient for
our defense purposes, since we have no aggressive
intentions.

Another point which should be emphasized is
that we cannot allow ourselves, in building the
necessary defense force, to put an undue burden
on living standards. The economic aspects of our
program of strengthening the free world are of
equal importance with the military aspects.

As I said a moment ago, the military part of our
program has received the most attention, perhaps
because the military threat is most easily drama-
tized and understood. But a continued improve-
ment in living standards, and continued progress

Department of State Bulletin



in social gains in the free world, is no less a part
of our purpose.

This must be so, first, because it is central to
our objective of building a peaceful world; and,
second, because it is essential to the defense against
subversion by the international Communist move-
ment.

In many ways, the job we face in the economic
field is the more difficult.

Dislocations resulting from the war, from the
Soviet beliavior, and from the shifting patterns of
power in the world have destroyed the old eco-
nomic balance and relationships. It is necessary
that new economic relationships be established.

The states of Western Europe and the North
Atlantic community must have the economic
strength required to fulfill their security commit-
ments and to provide a proper standard of living
for their people. To have this they will have to
increase their productivity, open new trade chan-
nels and markets, provide for the conversion and
balancing of their currencies, provide for addi-
tional sources of capital investment and for as-
sistance to underdeveloped areas.

To help meet all these difficult problems, a net-
work of organizations has been and is being
developed.

Many of these organizations sound remote and
complicated, but tliey are of vital concern not only
to the prosperity of Europeans but also to the
well-being of all of us in this auditorium tonight.

The progress that was made at London toward
setting up a European Payments Union was an
important step forward. The Payments Union
will operate in somewhat the same fashion as a
clearing house, so that people living in different
currency areas will be able to trade with one an-
other. This will help to develop a European mass
market.

We hope that this step toward breaking down
barriers in the European trading area will help
to raise productivity, and standards of living.

Another major advance was made during the
three-power talks we held with the United King-
dom and France, before the meetings of the North
Atlantic Council began. This was the proposal
put forward by Mr. Schuman for the joint utili-
zation of the coal and steel resources of France
and Germany as well as those of other European
countries who wished to participate.

This proposal represents a courageous and im-
aginative step forward in dealing with ancient

June 26, 7950

891367—50 3



rivalries and prejudices. Six countries will, with-
in a few days, begin their efforts to perfect the
details of this plan. If they are successful, it
will open the possibility of the solution of many
old and dangerous problems.

These two steps alone, the Schuman proposal
and the European Payments Union, if they ma-
terialize along constructive lines, hold the prom-
ise of a great new era in Europe.

The vitality and the initiative reflected in Mr.
Schuman's proposal, and the energy with which
it is being developed, are manifestations of the
new tone in Europe of which I have spoken. This
spirit indicates a European determination to work
hard toward its own recovery and security.

The birth of this spirit has been materially as-
sisted by American aid, chiefly through the Euro-
pean Recovery Program, which most of us know
as the Marshall Plan. To cooperate with us in
this recovery effort, 18 European nations have set
up the Organization for European Economic Co-
operation, or the Oeec. This organization has
shown a great usefulness, and the wisdom of its
continuation bevond 1952 has become evident to
all.

It is also clear to us that our own well-being is
intimately related to European economic develop-
ment and that this will not change in 1952. At the
London meetings, the continuing interest of the
United States in European affairs was made plain
to the other governments. We discussed a new
working relationship between Canada, the United
States, and the Oeec, as a means of working out
solutions of our common economic problems.

In many other ways, we are moving forward
vigorously to deal with these economic problems.
The need to balance our exports and our imports
at a high and stable level — the so-called "dollar
gap" problem — is now being studied by a group
under Gordon Gray, at the direction of the Presi-
dent. The International Trade Organization, now
before Congi-ess, can also play an important role
in the solution of this problem.

In dealing with the problems of underdeveloped
areas, new sources of raw materials, new markets,
and the stimulation of investment, the Point 4 Pro-
gram, which has just been signed by the President,
can, in conjunction with the United Nations pro-
gram of technical assistance, help to give men
hope for a better future.

This review, since it has been focused on the most
{Continued on page 1056)

1041



President Truman Signs Omnibus Foreign Assistance Bill



STATEMENT BY THE PRESIDENT

[li(liiis((I t(i the iiicsn III! tlif WIdtc House June 5]

I li:i\'(' today sIh'ihmI tlio Foivig'n Econouiic As-
sistance Act of I!*.')!).' This act is a major con-
triliiilion to peace and freedom in the workh

This memorable act is a tri})nte to tlie wisdom
and viiror of tlie forward-loolvinj; Members of the
("onirress of botli political parties, of both Houses,
and particularly to the hard work of the re-
sponsible Congressional committees.

The Foreitrii Economic Assistance Act contains
within it the authority to tro forward with live
pi-oiii-ams of foreign ;iid.

it authorizes, first, continuation of the European
Kecinery l'ro;;-ram foi- a thii'd year.

It authorizes, sei'ond, continued aid to the free
pcoj)les of Koi-ea, Southeast Asia, and non-
('ommunist ( 'hina.

It niak'es possible, tliird, a proiri'ani of relief
anil public works foi- the Arab refugees from
I'alestiiie.

Foui'tli, it ])ro\ides legislative authority for
going ahead willi the program of technical as-
sistance to help build u]) economically nnderde-
veloi)ed areas, a protiiani which has become known
as "Point 4."

And, tinally. if authorizes continuing support
foi' United Nations ])i-ogranis on behalf of
children.

I''acl: of the live ))rograms autlK)rized in this act
will cout ribute loour ])urpose of si reiigt hening the
cause of freedom, through economic measures
which will demoustrate the effect iveness of free
instUutions in meeting hiuiian needs.

'i aken togetluu'. tlK\\' add up to a broad, en-
lightened, and typically Ameiican entei-pi-ise in
llie building (d' a safe and |)rospei'ous world.

Four of these five pi'ograms ai-e alivady under
way.

In llie lii-sl •_! years of llie Fuiiipeail Recoverv
rrogram. willi our esseiuial aid. I he peo])les of
I'hirope have made great si rides in rebuilding their
economies. 'I'his has enabled them to ])reserve and
slreiiiTlhen their fice institutions and to deal suc-
ccssfidly with the ihi'eal of conuuunism on their
own sr)d. 'I'liey are diawiiig closer (oirether in

' I'iiIpUc- I,:i\v .".Ti. MsI Cniit;.. L'll scss.



connnon purpose and in common defense. I am
confident that this third year of our assistance
will give impetus to increasing cooperation by
these countries, will add greatly to their collec-
tive strengtli, and will bring closer the day when
they can contribute on a self-sustaining basis to
the economic growth of all free nations.

The beTiefits of American support to independ-
ent Korea, non-Communist China, and certain new
countries in Southeast Asia have been consider-
able. Millions of people in Asia have recently
become independent. They see in that independ-
ence a chance to work foi' a bettei- life. We have
supported their independence. The economic aid
authorized in this act will give them tangilile evi-
dence of our continuing friendship and support.

I am especially glad that the Congress has taken
action with respect to the )iroblem of the Ai'ab
refugees from Palestine. The program author-
ize



Online LibraryUnited States. Dept. of State. Office of Public CoDepartment of State bulletin (Volume v. 22, Apr- Jun 1950) → online text (page 105 of 116)