United States. Dept. of State. Office of Public Co.

Department of State bulletin (Volume v. 22, Apr- Jun 1950) online

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and troubled state of our world. It is a good
thing that people are thinking about these prob-
lems and suggesting ways to meet them. The
only point I want to make about these proposals
is that, while some of them are practical and
others are not, no single proposal is the whole an-
swer to our problems. No one of them is the
answer because there is no one answer. There is
no one solution to the problems I have described
to you. There is no quick or easy way to subdue
an evil force. There is no miracle that will make
it disappear from the earth.

Having recognized this truth, we need not for
a moment be discouraged or downhearted. We
luive open to us, and we are now pursuing, many
lines of action that will meet the challenge con-
fronting us. May I mention six lines of action.

Our first line of action — and this seems to me
the basis of all the others I shall discuss — is to
demonstrate that our own faith in freedom is a


Deparfmenf of Sfate Bullel'm

buniinfr and a fighting faith. We are ohiUlien
of freedom. We cannot be safe except in an en-
vironment of freedom. We believe in freedom as
finulamentally as we believe anything in this
world. We believe in it for everyone in our coun-
try. And, we don't restrict this belief to freedom
for ourselves. We believe that all people in the
world are entitled to as much freedom, to develop
in their own way, as we want ourselves.

If we are clear about this, if we are full of
passion about this, then we have in our hearts and
minds the most dynamic and revolutionary con-
cept in human history, and one which properly
strikes terror to every dictator, to every tyrant
who would attempt to regiment and depress men

TVliy do I put a strong belief in freedom first
in the order of an American program of action?
Because it is fundamental, because the second line
of action flows from it. As tlie President said
to you so forcefully on Thursday, the United
States must, with a thousand voices and with all
the resources of modern science, preach this doc-
trine throughout the world. The world must hear
what America is about, what America believes,
what freedom is, what it has done for many, what
it can do for all.

We must use every means we know to com-
municate the value of freedom to the four corners
of the earth. Our message must go out through
leaflets, through our free press, radio programs,
and films, through exchange of students and
teachers with other countries, and through a hun-
dred other ways. And, this doctrine of freedom
will carry conviction, because it comes not out of
the Government alone but also out of the hearts
and souls of the people of the United States.
Because it is the authentic voice of America, free-
dom will ring around the world. President Tru-
man has told you of his plans for an expanded
information program — a campaign of truth. I
know we can count on your help in this, because
the turning point in the whole information pro-
gram dates from the action of this very Association
just 3 years ago.

Thirdly, it is not enough that one should have
a faith and should make that faith articulate. It
is also essential that we, and those who think like
us, should have the power to make safe the area in
which we carry that faith into action. This means
that we must look to our defenses. It means that
we must organize our defenses wisely and pru-

dently, with all the ingenuity and all the methods
in which we are best versetl to make ourselves

Eveiy element of promise is present in our
situation. We have tiie ingenuity; we have the
productive power; we have the determination; we
have the resources. But, this is not a subject on
which I am competent to dwell at length. The
President's chief advisers in this field are our
Secretary of Defense and our service secretaries,
in whom we can have complete faith and

Fourthly, beyond faith and preachment and
defense there lies the necessity of translating all
of these into terms of the daily lives of hundreds
of millions of peoples who live in this free world
of ours. I am talking about the effort we are
now making to help create a better material life
for ourselves and for other people in many parts
of the world.

One part of this effort has to do with setting
in operation again the great workshops of the
free world. Since the end of the war, we have
worked steadily at this problem and we have had
a vast measure of success. The chimneys of these
factories are smoking again ; raw materials are
moving into them; finished goods are moving out.
Hundreds of millions of people .see the specter
of insecurity in their daily lives being pushed
further back.

Another part of this effort to develop the eco-
nomic conditions for freedom is to help create
new workshops, new crops, new wealth in places
where they have not existed before. That is the
purpose of the President's program of technical
assistance for underdeveloped areas, now before
the Congress.

As you know, there are great areas of the world
where people are living in a state of extreme
poverty that is almost impossible for us to
imagine. Millions of these people are not content
any more to accept these conditions of poverty for
themselves or their children. They are looking
for a way out. That is a good thing. The will to
change is half the battle. But, the question is
whether these people will choose a way out that
leads to freedom. The question is whether they
will move ahead in the free world with us. If we
want them to move in the direction of freedom,
we must help them.

It is as simple as that — but it is tremendously
important to the United States, to our security

May h 1950


and well-being. And so, we must put a great
effort behind this program.

Now while we are helping to get workshops
going — old and new — and to get people produc-
ing in Europe and other parts of the world, we
have to do still another thing. And that is to
develop a sensible system of trade to exchange the
goods which are being and will be produced. This
free world of ours can't operate if people are
cooped up within narrow national limits, if they
are not able to move about freely and exchange
their goods, their services, and their ideas and
knowledge. Building up an orderly and free sys-
tem of exchange is what we mean when we talk
about expanding world trade. To develop a sen-
sible system of exchange, we must push ahead
with such things as the International Trade
Organization, and reciprocal trade agreements.

We are going to have to make a great national
effort, also, to get our own trade with the rest of
the world into balance, to get out of the situation
where we are selling abroad much more than we
are buying and making up the difference out of
the pockets of American taxpayers. Nobody here
or abroad wants that situation to continue in-
definitely. As part of the remedy, we shall have
to buy more from abroad, and that will demand a
concerted national effort.

The fifth line of action is in the political field.
In this political field, we have so far only
scratched Qie surface of what can be done to bring
the free world closer together, to make it stronger
and more secure and more effective.

There are many ways of organizing the free
world for common action and many different
opinions on how it should be done. But, I think
it is important in this hour of danger to concen-
trate our minds and our energies on using the
machinery we have at hand, on expanding it, and
making it work. When you look over the field,
you will see that we now have created a great deal
of good machinery.

There is the whole machinery of the United
Nations which we are continually learning to use
more effectively. Within the framework of the
United Nations, we have other machinery, like
the North Atlantic Treaty, and the Organization
of American States.

The free nations of Europe have banded to-
gether in the Council of Europe, in the Marshall
Plan organization, and in a smaller group known
as Western Union. We can work with all of

these organizations. We can use whichever is
best suited to accomplish a particular purpose.
What we need to do is to expand the machinery
we have, to improve it, to use it with boldness and
imagination, and, where necessary, to supplement
it with new machinery.

Now, our program of action would not be com-
plete if I did not go on to a sixth field, and that
is the area of our relations with the Soviet Union
and the countries that have fallen under Commu-
nist control. In this field, as in our relations with
the free nations, we have the machinery of nego-
tiation at hand. In the United Nations we have
a dozen or more conference tables, at which our
differences could be thrashed out, where unfor-
tunately the Soviet chair stands empty at the pres-
ent time. We shall go on trying to find a common
ground for agreement, not perfect or eternal agree-
ment, but, at least, a better arrangement for living
together in greater safety.

But, one thing is clear. There can be no agree-
ment, there can be no approach to agreement unless
one idea is done away with, and that is the idea
of aggression. And that word "aggression" in-
cludes not only military attack, but propaganda
warfare and the secret undermining of free coun-
tries from within.

We do not propose to subvert the Soviet Union.
We shall not attempt to undermine Soviet inde-
pendence. And, we are just as determined that
communism shall not by hook or crook or trickery
undermine our country or any other free country
that desires to maintain its freedom. That real
and present threat of aggression stands in the way
of every attempt at understanding with the Soviet
Union. For it has been wisely said that there can
be no greater disagreement than when someone
wants to eliminate your existence altogether.

If, as, and when that idea of aggression, by one
means or another, can be ruled out of our relations
with the Soviet Union, then the greatest single
obstacle to agreement will be out of the way. As
the results of our actions become clear and the free
world becomes stronger, it will, I believe, become
progressively easier to get agi'eements with the
Soviet Union.

These, then, are the main lines of action by the
Government and people of the United States in
dealing with their present danger. Now, you may
be thinking, "Well, that's the story." But that is
only the beginning of the story.

On several occasions lately, I have used the


Department of Stale Bulletin

phrase "total diplomacy" to describe a method of
dealing with our problems. Let me explain again
what I mean by "total diplomacy."

I mean, first, that there is no longer any differ-
ence between foreign questions and domestic ques-
tions. They are all parts of the same question.
When we consider any matter, whether it is the
size of the budget or the amount of taxes we pay,
or the regulation of our commerce, or the regula-
tion of immigration, or military policy, or foreign
aid. it is all part of the same thing.

Every one of these things is a part of the prob-
lem of our national safety, and every part of the
problem is serious.

All the problems of the United States are related
to the problem of preserving its existence as the
kind of a country which we know and love.

When we understand this fact of the wholeness
of our problem then we nmst go further and act on
our understanding.

In the last few years, the President has devel-
oped methods by which all parts of the executive
branch of the Government can be pulled together
on all questions in the light of this total problem.
Under the President's leadership — the State De-
partment, the Treasury Department, the Defense
Establishment, Agriculture, Labor, and all the
others — have been brought into focus on the great
problem of our national security.

There must also be a close working together not
only between the Congress and the Executive but
also between both parties in the Congress and the

That does not mean that a strong opposition is
not essential. It is. Our two-party system is in-
herent in our form of government. There is
plenty of room for difference of opinion as to
how this or that should be done. There is room
for views strongly held and wisely debated. There
is room for criticism. But, there is also room for
a final consensus of opinion. We must work to-
ward consensus of opinion; we must broaden the
area of agreement so that the Congress and the
Executive — both parties of the Congress and the
Executive — will view every problem and deal with
every problem as part of the total problem.

What makes this possible is a common loyalty
to our democratic institutions. We cannot use
position or influence for the purpose of getting
some personal or some partisan advantage with-
out being disloyal to the institution of democratic

But, more than the institution of democratic
government is at stake. The threat, as I have
said, is to our civilization, and each of us is a
bearer of that civilization. And, therefore, each
of us lias a part to play in this total diplomacy.

Today, the whole United States is acting before
the world as its own representative. In the old
days, relations between countries were carried on
by diplomats. In the old days, a man who held
my office used to write out in beautiful script in-
structions to a minister who represented the
United States abroad in London, or Paris, or,
Brussels, or Peking. And, those instructions
where put on a sailing ship, and they took weeks
to cross the ocean. And, the American Minister
who received them put on his black knee breeches,
and he walked to the palace or the foreign office,
and he read what his Secretary of State in Wash-
ington had written, and tliat was the United States
speaking to some government in Europe or Asia.

Now, all that is changed. Today, we all repre-
sent the United States. Everything that hap-
pens in this country can be flashed in a second to
the uttermost reaches of the world. Today, in a
very real sense, the United States represents itself
to the world. The world hears speeches which are
made in the Congress. The world hears what is
said over our radio. The world reads what is
said in our press. If there are acts or words of
violence, discrimination, and irresponsibility, the
world sees and hears them. If there are acts or
words of justice, understanding, and sober deter-
mination, the woi'ld sees and hears them also.

America speaks with a thousand voices. All
the views of our labor leaders, our business leaders,
our church leaders, our educational leaders, our
leaders of women's and men's groups and clubs —
all the things they do and say flash around the
world. Everything that we do or say enters into
the picture of America which is seen abroad. For-
eign nations are continually watching to see
whether the United States is cool, whether it is
determined, whether it is strong, w-hether it will
go through with its intentions. To make up their
minds, they look at everything which is happening
in the whole country.

What will the world see ? The thought that I
want to leave with you is that each of us bears a
measure of responsibility for the answer. Each
one of us can make our countiy seen as it truly
is — determined to do its part to carry the free
world forward to strength and security.

May I, 1950


Making the Point 4 Program Work

hy Leslie A. Wheeler

Director, Interim Ofice for Technical Assistance ^

Considerably more than a year has elapsed since
President Truman, in his inaugural address, enun-
ciated his now famous Point 4. While the neces-
sary legislative authorization and appropriations
have not yet been approved by the Congi'ess, a
great deal of constructive planning has been done
in the Department of State in consultation with
other agencies of the Government and with interna-
tional organizations which should make it possible
to get the program jDromptly underway on July 1.

House and Senate Versions

I should like to indicate some of the problems
that will have to be overcome in the successful
implementation of Point 4 and also to give some
idea of the results that may be expected. Before
doing this, however, I think it will be useful to
indicate briefly the present legislative situation.
The House of Representatives has passed as a part
of an omnibus foreign aid bill an authorization
for Point 4, and the Senate Foreign Relations
Committee reported favorably and unanimously
another version of such an authorization. It is
important to note the main differences and similar-
ities in these two versions.


Tlie main differences between the two bills may
be listed as follows :

1. The House bill provides an authorization fot
the first year's operations of 25 million dollars.

The Senate bill authorizes 45 million dollars,
which was the amount recommended by the Ad-

2. The House bill lays down certain policies and
makes certain findings of fact in regard to the

' Address made before tlie Conference on Point 4 of the
Institute for Iiiter-Anieriean Affairs of the University
of Delaware, Newark, Del. ou Apr. 10, 1950, and released
to the press on the same date.

stimulation of private capital investment in under-
developed countries.

The Senate bill omits all reference to private
investment and is confined strictly to authoriza-
tion for the transfer of technical knowledge and
skills to underdeveloped countries.

3. The House bill provides for a public advisory
board to advise the President on the operations of
the progi-am.

The Senate bill contains no reference to such a

4. The House bill contains no stipulation as to
termination of the legislation.

The Senate bill limits the authorization to 5
yeai's unless specifically renewed by the Congi-ess.


These are the principal differences. There are,
however, important similarities :

1. Both bills declare it to be the policy of the
United States to aid the people of economically
underdeveloped countries to develop their re-
sources and improve their living conditions by an
exchange of technical knowledge and skills.

2. Both bills provide that the United Nations
and its specialized agencies and the Organization
of American States may be used in achieving the
purposes of the legislation.

3. Both bills authorize bilateral technical coop-
eration programs between the United States and
individual foreign countries to be carried out un-
der the auspices of appropriate United States Gov-
ernment agencies and with the participation of
private agencies and persons.

4. Both bills stipulate certain criteria to be con-
sidered by the President in making assistance
available to individual countries through bilateral
programs sucli as, for instance, the payment by
tlic other countries of fair shares of the cost, and
the provision of necessary information and pub-

5. Both bills provide for the appointment by the


Department of Stale Bulletin

President of nn ivdministnitor to be responsible
for phinnin

Online LibraryUnited States. Dept. of State. Office of Public CoDepartment of State bulletin (Volume v. 22, Apr- Jun 1950) → online text (page 34 of 116)