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Department of State bulletin (Volume v. 22, Apr- Jun 1950) online

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the vote.

Nia^ 1, 1950



General Policy Page

U.S.S.R. Fires on U.S. Navy Plane— U.S.
Asks Thorough Investigation and Appro-
priate Indemnity:

Exchange of Notes 667

Statement by Secretary Acheson .... 668
Statement by Michael J. McDermott,

Chief Press Officer 668

Going Forward With a Campaign of Truth.

Address by President Truman .... 669

Threats to Democracy and Its Way of Life.

By Secretary Acheson 673

The Proposed European Payments Union . . 681

House Resolution on Return of Greek Chil-
dren Praised. Letter From the President
to the Speaker of the House 687

U.S. Praised for Work in Repatriating Greek

Children 688

The Quality of American Patriotism. Re-
marks by Secretary Acheson 696

President Gonzalez Videla of Chile Visits
Washington :

Remarks by President Truman 699

Statement by Secretary Acheson .... 699

Soviet Note on Trieste Awaited. Statement

by Secretary Acheson 701

Department Officers Confer With British and

French Officials 701

Treaty Information

Developments in Proposed Revision of the
Montreux Convention. Statement by
Secretary Acheson 687

The Ito Charter — A Code of Fair Trade
Practices. Statement by Secretary
Acheson 689

Treaty Information — Continued Page
Provisions in Trade Agreement With Costa

Rica Waived 694

U.S.-Dominican Tariff Concessions .... 695

Technical Assistance

Making the Point 4 Program Work. By Leslie
A. Wheeler, Director, Interim Office for
Technical Assistance 678

The United Nations and
Specialized Agencies

The United States in the United Nations . . 702

Economic Affairs

Filing for Settlement of Property Claims in

Germany 686

Canadian-U.S. Weather Stations To Be

Resupplied 695

U.S. and Belgium Make Surplus Property

Available to Nac Countries 699

international Information and
Cultural Affairs

U.S. Closes Information Libraries in Czecho-
slovakia — U.S. Asks Czechoslovakia To
Close Chicago Consulate:-
Statement by Secretary Acheson .... 684

U.S.Notes to Czechoslovakia 684

Affidavit of Katherine Kosmak 685

Visit of Paraguayan Lawyer. 688

Visit of Honduran Publisher 698

The Challenge of Education. By Rowland
H. Sargeant, Deputy Assistant Secretary
for Public Affairs 700

The Congress

Legislation 672

International Organizations and Conferences

The calendar for international organizations and conferences
as well as items on such activities and developments, which
usually appears in the Bulletin, will appear in the next issue.


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For complete contents see back cover

May 8, 195U

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Vol. XXII, No. 566 • Pubucation 3840
May 8, 1950

For Bale b; the Superintendent of Documents

0.8. aovemment Printing OflSce

Washington 26, D.C.


62 issues, domestic $6, foreign $8.60
Single copy, 20 cents

The printing of this publication has
been approved by the Director of the
Bureau of the Budget (February 18,

Note: Contents of this publication are not
copyrighted and items contained herein may
be reprinted. Citation of the Department
or State Bulletin as the source will be

The Department of State BULLETIN,
a weekly publication compiled and
edited in the Division of Publications,
Office of Public Affairs, provides the
public and interested agencies of
the Government tcith infornuition on
developments in the field of foreign
relations and on the work of the De-
partment of State and the Foreign
Service. The BULLETIN includes
press releases on foreign policy issued
by the White House and the Depart-
ment, and statements and addresses
made by the President and by the
Secretary of State and other officers
of the Department, as ujell as special
articles on various phases of inter-
national affairs and the functions of
the Department. Information is in-
cluded concerning treaties and in-
ternational agreements to which the
United States is or may become a
party and treaties of general inter'
national interest.

Publications of the Department, as
well as legislative material in the field
of internatioruil relations, are listed

New Aspects of American Foreign Policy

hy John Foster Dulles ^

Foreign policy is, for the United States, some-
thing very different from what it used to be.

That is demonstrable by statistics. The State
Department started out with a total personnel of
six, of whom one was on part time. The total
foreign service pei'sonnel was 17. By the begin-
ning of this century the State Department staff
had grown to about 750 and the foreign service
personnel to about 1,000. Today there are over
6,000 people in the State Department and over
15,000 persons in the foreign service. Last month,
the Department handled approximately 25,000
telegrams and 250,000 official written communi-

Growth of United States Power

The change illustrated by these figures is easily
explained. Until the turn of this century, the
United States was one of the "small" powei's.
We were principally concerned with preserving
independence at home and gaining trading op-
portunities abroad as against the ambitions of the
"great" military powers such as Spain, Russia,
France, England, and Germany. We had the
Monroe Doctrine to meet the menace of Russian
encroachment along the Pacific Coast and the pos-
sible expansion of the Holy Alliance to this hemi-
sphere. Later, we developed China policies de-
signed to provide an "open door" for our mer-
chants and traders in the East. In the main, we
asked only to be let alone and to be free from en-
tanglement in great power politics.

Tliat is still what we should like. But it is no
longer possible. United States power has stead-
ily grown; that of others has declined so that
today, the United States has predominant power
in much of the world. That power comes at a
time when there is loose in the world a gi-eat

' An address made before the American Society of Inter-
national law at Washington, D. C, on Apr. 27, 1950, and
released to tiie press on the same date. Mr. Dulles is
Consultant to Secretary Acheson.

May 8, 1950

terror — the black plague of Soviet communism.
It is an aggressive force, operating ruthlessly in
accordance with a carefully prepared and su-
perbly implemented program which, in a single
generation, has brought a small Communist group
into control over one-third of the world's popula-
tion. That offensive is still in full swing. The
fate of the 800 million peoples now captive and
of the hundreds of millions more who are men-
aced depends almost wholly upon what the United
States does. Also, unless we do something effec-
tive to preserve and restore liberty for others, we
shall surely lose it ourselves. Those who would
have the United States pursue isolationist poli-
cies are, whatever they say, the de facto accom-
plices of Soviet communism in its announced pro-
gram of encircling and isolating the United States
so that it can be strangled into submission. We
can save freedom for ourselves only as we engage
in the greater effort of saving human freedom

Change in Behavior Since World War II

The American people and their representatives
in Government have generally accepted their pres-
ent-world responsibilities. The contrast between
the present postwar period and that following the
First World War is little short of amazing.

Then, the American people were soft, undis-
ciplined, and unrealistic. We virtually ceased to
maintain a military establishment, not as a matter
of principle, but because we found it inconveni-
ently expensive. We adopted an attitude of il-
lusory aloofness. We failed to join the League of
Nations, and we sought to enclose our economy and
be an oasis of prosperity in a world of misery.
Many were fascinated by the peaceful prospect
that could be painted with words, such as those
in the Kellogg-Briand Pact, and thought that
great results could be accomplished quickly, with-
out hard work.

The American people have behaved differently
since World War II. AVe have not elapsed into a


state of supineness. We are maintaining a power-
ful military establishment, even though that in-
volves substantial sacrifices. We have achieved a
high level of peacetime productivity and have
shown a willingness to share it with others. We
have greatly lowered tariff barriers. Since hos-
tilities ended, we have made available to other
countries about 30 billion dollars through grants
or loans and have thereby provided many nations
with the economic margin for the survival of
their people. We took the lead in creating the
United Nations and in building security pacts for
the Americas and the North Atlantic countries.
We have, in all three of these efforts, abated some
of our sovereignty in the interest of collective

That is a record of which we can be proud. It
must, however, in all frankness, be recognized that
much more remains to be done if our policies are
to be adequate. We have made a good beginning.
But events have moved so rapidly that policies,
which seemed adequate when they were launched,
no longer serve the present need.

Emerging of New National Forces

Our first great postwar policy was reliance upon
the United Nations. That, it was often said, was
to be a cornerstone of United States foreign policy.
Exaggerated hopes that attended the launching
of the United Nations have not been realized. The
American people feel disillusioned, and even
within the United Nations itself there has been a
creeping sense of frustration.

Those who know the United Nations best have
not lost the faith and hope that they had at San
Francisco. But they know that these hopes cannot
be realized unless the United Nations is invig-
orated. The fact is that the Charter and member-
ship of the United Nations are already dated.
They are dated 1945. That is only 5 years ago,
but it is 5 years during which much has happened.
Many new national forces have emerged. An
atomic age has dawned. Since the world has not
stood still, so the United Nations should not stand
still. It is time to start planning a General Con-
ference to review the Charter.

Regional Security of the Americas

Our second great postwar policy related to this
American hemisphere. We wanted to join with
other American states to replace the unilateral
Monroe Doctrine with an association of equals, co-
operating in the great task of maintaining regional
order and security. The Rio pact was concluded
on September 2, 1947. It was then hailed as a
great development, which indeed it was. But of
the 21 nations which have signed the Rio pact,
five, namely, Argentina, Bolivia, Ecuador, Guate-
mala, and Peru, have failed to ratify their

Because two-thirds of the signatories have rati-

fied the treaty, it is in effect. Indeed, it has al-
ready been put to work and has shown that it is
well-devised to promote security and order as be-
tween the parties. But the treaty can never real-
ize its large possibilities if important American
states fail to become parties.

We are loathe to believe that there are nations
of this hemisphere which are uninterested in the
Rio pact pledge of "one for all and all for one"
and which do not want ties that will bind all the
American nations into a vigorous, fraternal asso-
ciation. But if that really be the fact, it is better
to learn it now rather than later so that we may,
in time, devise new policies which will take ac-
count of the realities of this hemisphere.

Policies With Western Europe

We developed a series of vitally important pol-
icies dealing with Western Europe. The loan to
Britain, made in 1946, was shortly followed by the
European Recovery Plan, by the North Atlantic
Treaty, and by the Military Assistance Program.
These have prevented a postwar collapse which
would have brought Soviet communism to the
shores of the North Atlantic. Our aid, economic
and now military, has been like an oxygen tent.
It has preserved the life of the free institutions of
the West. That is a great thing, for while there
is life, there is hope. But that hope has not yet
been transfoi-med into a clear-cut program for re-
storing permanent health and vigor to peoples
who collectively possess enormous human and ma-
terial resources but who are prevented, by divi-
sions and separations, from translating these great
potentialities into realities. Neither have we
found the way to provide the German people with
security and opportunity in peaceful association
with the other free peoples of the West.

These are among the tasks that will confront
the Foreign Ministers who will meet next month
in London.

Postwar Policies With Asia

As regards Asia, we have still to define and de-
velop our postwar policies. In no other area
have events been so disconcerting. United States
policy in the East has traditionally rested on the
foundation of friendly relations with China.
Throughout the Second World War, the United
States Government took it for granted that vic-
tory would mean a friendly China free from dom-
ination by any alien, unfriendly despotism. On
that assumption, we did much to build up the pres-
tige of China and to insure it "great power" status
in the United Nations and the Council of Foreign
Ministers. After the war, the policy collapsed.
]\fost of China is under a Communist government
which today spearheads the Soviet Communist
policy of inciting peoples of Soviet Asia and the
Pacific to violent revolution against their existing


Department of State Bulletin

governments on the theory that these governments
are merely the ''hickies" of the West.

Nearly ;") years have gone bj' since tlie Japanese
surrendered, anil there is increasin

Online LibraryUnited States. Dept. of State. Office of Public CoDepartment of State bulletin (Volume v. 22, Apr- Jun 1950) → online text (page 40 of 116)