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JV9* 935 3. Ir30


> 1962




United States
Government Printing Office


Washington 25, D.C.









Participation of the United States Government



July 1, 1959-June 30, 1960

This volume is designed to serve as a reference guide to the
official participation of the U.S. Government in multilateral inter-
national conferences and meetings of international organizations
during the period July 1, 1959-June 30, 1960. The United States
participated officially in 352 international conferences and
meetings during the 12-month period covered.

In addition to a complete list, the volume presents detailed data
on many of the conferences, including the composition of the
U.S. delegation, principal officers, participation by other countries
and organizations, and brief statements of the actions taken.

Publication 7043

Price: 65 cents

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Please send me copies of Participation of ttie United States Govern-
ment in International Conferences, July 1, 1959-June 30, 1960.


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:ekly record


^^^ 5 1962
B' P. L.

AprU 2, 1962

MENT • Statement by Secretary Rusk 531


of the President to the Congress 550


PROGRESS • Remarks by President Kennedy .... 539


AMERICA • by Assistant Secretary Williams 544


ments by Adlai E. Stevenson and Francis T. P. Plimpton . . 553


For index see inside back cover


Vol. XLVI, No. 1188 • Publication 7358
April 2, 1962

For sale by the Superintendent of Documents

U.S. Government Printing Olllce

Washington 26, D.O.


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Note: Contents o( this put>llcatlon are not
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be reprinted. Citation ol the Deiautment
0» State Bi'LLETIN as the si«iree will bo
appreciated. The Bi'LLKTIN Is Indexed In the
Readers' Guide to Periodical Literature.

The Department of State BULLETIN,
a weekly publication issued by the
Office of Public Services, Bureau of
Public Affairs, provides the public
and interested agencies of the
Government tvith information on
developments in the field of foreign
relations and on the work of the
Department of State and the Foreign
Service. The BULLETIN includes se-
lected press releases on foreign policy,
issued by the tFhite House and t/if
Department, and statements and ad-
dresses made by the President and by
the Secretary of State and other
officers of the Department, as well as
special articles on various phases of
interruitional affairs and the func-
tions of the Department. Informa-
tion is included concerning treaties
and international agreements to
which the United States is or may
become a party and treaties of gen-
eral international interest.

Publications of tlie Department,
United Nations documents, and legis-
lative material in the field of inter-
national relations are listed currently.

U.S. Outlines Initial Proposals of Program
for General and Complete Disarmament


I am happy to have the opportunity to meet in
this hall with the foreign ministers and principal
delegates of the coimtries participating in tliis
conference. I bring you greetmgs from the Presi-
dent of the United States and the most sincere
good wishes of the American people for the suc-
cess of our work. I should like to open my re-
marks by reading a letter ^ which the President
has sent to me :

As you and your colleagues from every quarter of the
globe enter upon the work of the Geneva Disarmament
Conference, it may seem unnecessary to state again that
the hopes and indeed the very prospects of mankind are
involved in the undertaking in which you are engaged.
And yet the fact that the immediate and practical sig-
nificance of the task that has brought you together has
come to be so fully realized by the peoples of the world
is one of the crucial developments of our time. For men
now know that amassing of destructive power does not
beget security ; they know that polemics do not bring
peace. Men's minds, men's hearts, and men's spiritual
aspirations alike demand no less than a reversal of the
course of recent history — a replacement of ever-growing
stockpiles of destruction by ever-growing opportunities
for human achievement. It is your task as representative
of the United States to join with your colleagues in a
supreme effort toward that end.

This task, the foremost item on the agenda of humanity,
is not a quick or easy one. It must be aijproached both
boldly and responsibly. It is a task whose magnitude and
urgency justifies our bringing to bear upon it the highest
resources of creative statesmanship the international com-
munity has to offer, for It is the future of the community
of mankind that is involved. We must pledge ourselves
at the outset to an unceasing effort to continue until the
job is done. We must not be discouraged by initial dis-
agreements nor weakened in our resolve by the tensions
that surround us and add difficulties to our task. For

' Made at the second plenary meeting of the confer-
ence of the IS-nation Disarmament Committee at Geneva
on Mar. 15 (press release 172 (revised) dated Mar. 17).

' Also released as a White House press release dated
Mar. 14.

verifiable disarmament arrangements are not a fair
weather phenomenon. A sea wall is not needed when the
seas are calm. Sound disarmament agreements, deeply
rooted in mankind's mutual interest in survival, must
serve as a bulwark against the tidal waves of war and
its destructiveness. Let no one, then, say that we can-
not arrive at such agreements in troubled times, for it
is then their need is greatest.

My earnest hope is that no effort will be spared to de-
fine areas of agreement on all of the three important
levels to which Prime Minister Macmillan and' I referred
in our joint letter of February 7 to Premier Khrushchev.^
Building upon the principles already agreed, I hope that
you will quickly be able to report agreement on an out-
line defining the overall shape of a program for general
and complete disarmament in a peaceful world. I have
submitted such an outline on behalf of the U.S. to the
U.N. General Assembly last September.' But an outline
is not enough. Ton should seek as well, as areas of agree-
ment emerge, a definition in siiccific terms of measures
set forth in the outline. The objective should be to define
in treaty terms the widest area of agreement that can
be implemented at the earliest x>ossible time while still
continuing your maximum efforts to achieve agreement
on those other aspects which present more difficulty. As
a third specific objective you should seek to isolate and
identify initial measures of disarmament which could,
if put into effect without delay, materially improve inter-
national security and the prospects for further disarma-
ment progress. In this category you should seek as a
matter of highest priority agreement on a safeguarded
nuclear test ban. At this juncture in history no single
measure in the field of disarmament would be more pro-
ductive of concrete benefit in the alleviation of tensions
and the enhancement of prospects for greater progress.

Please conve.v, on my behalf and on behalf of the people
of the United States to the representatives of the nations
assembled, our deep and abiding support of the delibera-
tions on which you are about to embark. I pledge anew
my personal and continuing interest in this work.

All of US will agree, I am sure, that this confer-
ence faces one of the most perplexing and urgent
tasks on the agenda of man. In this endeavor we
welcome our association with delegates from coim-

' For text, see Bulletin of Mar. 5, 1962, p. 355.
* For text, see ibid., Oct. 16, 1961, p. 650.

April 2, J 962


tries which have not previously been intimately
involved with earlier negotiations on disarma-
ment. The dreary history of such negotiations
shows that we need their help and fresh points of
view. The presence of these delegations reminds
us, too, that arms races are not the exclusive con-
cern of the great powers. Countries situated in
every region of the world are confronted with
their own conflicts and tensions, and some are en-
gaged in amis competition.

Disarmament a Worldwide Responsibility

We are not here dealing solely with a single
struggle in which a few large states are engaged,
with the rest of the world as spectators. Every
state has a contribution to make in establishing
the conditions for general disarmament in its own
way. Every state has a responsibility to strive
for a reduction of tension, and of armaments, in
its own neighborhood.

This means that each of us will bear personal
responsibility for what we do here. Every speech
and every act must move us toward our common
objective. At the same time, every one of us brings
to the search for disarmament a separate fund of
experience relevant to our problem. The United
States, for example, has established a major new
agency of government to mobilize its skills and
resources to seek out and study every useful ap-
proach to anns reduction.

^Vliat is needed is immediate reduction and
eventual elimination of all the national armaments
and armed forces required for making war. \Vliat
is required most urgently is to stop the nuclear
arms race. All of us recognize that this moment
is critical. We are here because we share the con-
viction that the arms race is dangerous and that
every tool of statecraft must be used to end it. As
the President stated on March 2,° the United
States is convinced that, "in the long run, the only
real security in this age of nuclear peril rests not
in armaments but in disarmament."

Modern weapons have a quality new to history.
A single thermonuclear weapon today can carry
(he explosive power of all the weapons of the last
war. In the last war they M-ere delivered at 300
miles per hour; today they travel at almost 300
miles per minute. Economic cost slryrockets
through sophistication of design and b}^ acceler-
ating rates of obsolescence.

' Ihid., Mar. 19, 1962, p. 443.

Our objective, therefore, is clear enough. We
must eliminate the instruments of destruction.
We must prevent the outbreak of war by accident
or by design. We must create the conditions for
a secui-e and peaceful world. In so doing we can
turn the momentum of science exclusively to peace-
ful purposes and we can lift the burden of the
arms race and thus increase our capacity to raise
living standards everj-where.

A group of experts meeting at the United Na-
tions has just issued an impressive report * on the
economic and social consequences of disarmament
which should stimulate us in our work. The ex-
perts, drawn from covmtries with the most divei-se
jDolitical systems, were unanimously of the opinion
that the problems of transition connected with dis-
armament could be solved to the benefit of all
countries and that disarmament would lead to the
improvement of world economic and social condi-
tions. They characterized the achievement of gen-
eral and complete disannament as an luiqualified
blessing to all mankind.

This is the spirit in which we in the United
States would deal with the economic readjustments
required if we should achieve broad and deep cuts
in the level of armaments. The United States is
a nation with vast unfinished business. Disarma-
ment would permit lis to get on with the job of
building a better America and, through expanded
economic development activities, of building a bet-
ter world. The great promise of man's capacity
should not be frustrated by his inability to deal
with war and implements of war. Man is an in-
ventive being; surely we can turn our hands and
minds at long last to the task of the political in-
vention we need to repeal the law of the jungle.

Laying Basis for Disarmament

IIow can we move toward such disarmament?

The American people bear arms through neces-
sity, not. by choice. Emerging from World War
II in a imiquely powerful militai-y position, the
United Stat as demobilized its armed strength and
made pei-sistent efforts to place under international
control the use of atomic energ\', then an Ameri-
can monopoly. The fact that the story of the post-
war period has forced increased defense efforts
upon us is a most grievous disappointment. Tins
disappointment teaches us that reduction of ten-
sions must go hand in hand with real pi-ogress in

" U.N. doc. E/3.")93 and Corr. 1.

Department of Slate Bulletin

(lisaiinament. We must, I belie\e, simultaneously
work at both.

On the one hand, it is idle to expect that we can
move very far down the road toward disarmament
if those who claim to want it do not seek, as well,
to relax tensions and create conditions of trust.
Confidence cannot be built on a footing of threats,
polemics, and disturbed relations. On the other
hand, by reducing and finally eliminating means
of military intimidation we might render our
political crises less acutely dangerous and provide
greater scope for tlieir settlement by peaceful

Online LibraryUnited States. Dept. of State. Office of Public CoDepartment of State bulletin (Volume v. 46, Apr- Jun 1962) → online text (page 1 of 90)