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I have said that Viet-Nam is at war. War means many
things, but most of all it means the death of brave people
for a cause they believe in. Viet-Nam has suffered many
wars, and through the centuries we have always had
patriots and heroes who were willing to shed their blood
for Viet-Nam. We will keep faith with them.

When Communism has long ebbed away into the past,
my people will still be here, a free united nation growing
from the deep roots of our Vietnamese heritage. They
will remember your help in our time of need. This
struggle will then be a part of our common history. And
your help, your friendship, and the strong bonds between
our two peoples will be a part of Viet-Nam, then as now.

Ngo Dinh Diem

The President
The White House
Washington, D.C.


Department of State Bulletin

/^ " /


The Challenge to Government, the Media, and Educational Institutions

by Roger W. Tubby

Assistant Secretary for Public Affairs '

Letters coming into the Department of State,
to newspapers, magazines, TV and radio stations
indicate that many Americans are puzzled by
much of what is said by the extremists of the right
and left, puzzled and yet aware that today's per-
plexities give all of us grounds for concern,
whether over Commimist designs or the possibili-
ties of nuclear destruction.

The extremists would make it seem as if there
are clear and easy solutions. Unfortunately
there are none. "We hear calls for a man on horse-
back, or demands that the State Department be
cleaned out "from top to bottom." We hear sug-
gestions that this country unilaterally give up
atomic weapons. We hear it said that it would
be "better to be Eed than dead."

To counter these oversimplifications, to provide
better insight into the nature of our problems,
more needs to be done in the information field.

We in the executive departments of Govern-
ment, in Congress, in the mass media, in educa-
tion, in civic organizations, may be well behind
the public demand for guidance and understand-
ing. There may be apathy, too much of it, but it
may exist at least in part because we've not been
doing our jobs nearly well enough. We can ill
afford apathy on the one hand or confused and
hysterical outbursts on the other on the part of
those who are uninformed or misinformed.

Debate we must have in a healthy democratic
society. But it should be based on as sound a
judgment as possible of the complexities, frustra-
tions, and opportunities confronting us. We need
to know our strengths and our weaknesses, what
we can and cannot do, how best we can work with

^ Address made before the Foreign Policy Association
of Pittsburgh at Pittsburgh, Pa., on Dec. 8 (press release
SeOdatedDec. 7).

our allies and others, how we can best maintain
our independence and enhance our well-being, how
and why we must be prepared even to risk war to
check those who would dominate the free world.

How do we deal with Soviet Russia's efforts to
commmiize the world through terror, subversion,
and economic, political, and military pressures?
How do we deal with activities of other Com-
mimist nations ? How do we best meet the insist-
ent pressure of millions for more food, better hous-
ing, education, jobs, and health? How can we
most effectively use our resources, our scientific
and educational skills ?

There can and should be differences of opinion
as to how to deal with these and other problems.
There are differences amongst members of the
FPA in Pittsburgh as to the wisest courses to
follow ; between this and other organizations ; be-
tween Congressmen, editors, farmers, and all of us
generally, although surely there is general agree-
ment amongst most of us that the free world must
not succumb to the world of coercion. Mostly our
differences are expressed in traditional ways of
democratic discourse, founded on information that
is reasonably held.

However, creating fear, suspicion, and hatred
amongst Americans on unsupportable allegations
is not only mischievous and irresponsible, but it
is not the tradition of our democracy. Such tac-
tics, tried by Father Couglilin, by William Dudley
Pelley and the Silver Shirts, and Joe McCarthy,
have been repudiated by the great majority of our
people in the past^-but not before doing grave

Indeed, the Communists would be hard put to
plot and carry out campaigns more divisive and
harmful to our society and our position in the
world than some of those launched in the name of

ianuary 7, 1962


anticommunism. This is so especially with re-
gard to tlie irresponsible campaigns operating to-
day which have been scored by President Ken-
nedy = and former President Eisenhower.

Yet most people supporting such campaigns
have been sincerely and deeply concerned about
the welfare of our country, or at least about their
personal welfare in it. Too often, though, they
have a narrow and prejudiced view of what's
wrong, based on lack of balanced imderstanding of
our society. They may blame the country's
troubles, and their own, on labor, Negroes, teach-
ers, ministers, liberals, foreigners. Some believe
even our Presidents and Justices of the Supreme
Court have been or are Conmiunist dupes.

The confused and well-publicized clamor made
in public rallies by some of the more extreme ad-
vocates of irresponsibility gives peoples in other
lands a distorted view of our society.

Need for Public Understanding

We need not only to straighten out misconcep-
tions but win support for new programs. We
need support, for instance, for the new and revo-
lutionary foreign trade proposals^ that can
enormously strengthen the economies of the free

One month before Congress authorized the
Marshall plan, after months of congressional de-
bate and public discussions, only 16 of 100 voters
had heard of it. Yet the plan was largely respon-
sible for saving Western Europe from communism
and led to the astonishing economic recovery
of the free-world parts of that war-devastated

Failure to understand the even gi-eater oppor-
tunities now opening up to us in international
trade could jolt our economy and jeopardize our
security and freedom. Because the economic is-
sues are even more complex than in the days when
the Marshall plan was being voted, we need still
greater understanding if we are to have the sup-
port needed for these new programs.

But we need greater understanding also on a
host of other matters: on the innumerable vital
operations of the U.N. ; on the culture, history,
economic policies of many other countries; on dis-

' RULi.ETiN of Dec. 4, mr.l, I). 01.^.

' For bat-ksround, see ibid., Nov. 20, 1961, p. 831, and
Dee. 25, 1961, p. 1039.

armament possibilities; on the nature of commu-
nism ; on tlie overall situation in tlie world.

Are we losing time after time, in place after
place, to the Communists, as some allege? Then
what of Communist failui-e to seize all of Korea,
their losses in Malaya, the Philippines, in Greece,
in France, and Italy, in Scandinavia? "\Yliat of
failure of Communist agricultural production in
Red China? What of their desperate efforts to
wall in the people of East Germany? Is the
Soviet zone there a "workers' paradise"?

Fifteen years ago, in the chaotic postwar world,
Communist Party strength, Communist subver-
sion, Communist hopes were higher in many coun-
tries than they are today. Their failures, their
frustrations are worth noting in our stocktaking,
together witli acknowledgment of Communist suc-
cesses in mainland China, North Viet-Nam, Cuba,
and those coimtries of central Europe seized and
held by force. For we need understanding and
balance if we are to avoid either euphoria or

Improving Information Operations

Improvements in information operations ? Let-
ters to the Department of State have nearly
doubled in the last couple of years, and most of
these have sought information about our policies
and those of other coimtries. Editors, TV and
radio people report a similar rising tide of mail
along similar lines. Our Department has had a
sharp rise in demand for speakers and pamphlets.
Tliis year we started holding briefing conferences
for media representatives in Washington and for
media and nongovernmental organization leaders
around the country. The response has been good.
We have been asked to do many more of these.

Wliile TV has presented many imaginative and
highly informative shows on world affairs, while
some of the press has been outstanding in its pro-
vision of news and guidance in the same field,
while a few universities and colleges provide
courses on world affaii-s, more can and should be
done, by Government — botli tlio executive and con-
gressional branches — by press, magazines, TV and
radio, by universities and colleges, by schools, by
book publisliers, by citizen groups, by business, by
the movie industry, by individual citizens. More
should be done if we are to act with wiser judg-
ment on our own behalf.


Department of Sfofe Bulletin

Some of the things we could do would be of
nearly immediate effect; some, in the field of
school and college education, of long-range bene-
fit. I suggest a few :

1. Sights should be raised on Government in-
formation programs covering international af-
fairs — on tlie quality and variety thereof. Tlie
President and the Secretary of State carry the
main task of announcing and explaining our for-
eign policy, and persuading us to support it. Con-
gress focuses very considerable attention on for-
eign affairs in committee hearings, in debates on
the floor, and in speeches by individual Members.
The State Department engages in normal informa-
tion activities. Nevertheless its efforts in this
field should be greater, but this requires a larger
commitment of resources.

2. The press should be encouraged to give wider
coverage to world affairs ; too many papers around
the country still print too little about what is go-
ing on overseas.

-S. TV has a tremendous opportunity to bring
into our liomes far broader understanding of the
world around us. There are indications that more
is being planned along this line.

4. It is suggested that courses on world affairs
become part of the curricula in many more schools
and colleges. Training young people in the cul-
tures, history, economics, and politics of other
countries should be of value to them as citizens.

5. Much more on world affairs could be done in
adult education through nongovernmental organi-
zations, through institutional courses in commimi-
ties large and small, such as the programs in
Aspen, Colorado.

6. Paperback book publishers may find a sur-
prisingly good market for more books on many
different aspects of world affairs.

These suggestions are obvious enougli. Yet the
other day I heard one educator, for instance, say
that, while many college presidents and deans
recognize the need for courses in world affairs,
little is done to provide them, due to inertia, to
opposition from established disciplines, to short-
age of qualified teachers and textbooks. But a
vigorous begimiing should be made and I tliink
will be made if the recommendations of the Com-
mittee on the University and World Affairs are

State legislators and community school boards
might themselves consider moving to broaden sec-

January 1, 7962

622556— «2 3

ondary school curricula, recognizing that a large
proportion of youngsters still do not go on to col-
lege. If they are to have a basic understanding of
our contemporary world, they should get it in
school. For those going on to college, more infor-
mation can be made available.

Many publishers have resisted suggestions that
news and background coverage be broadened in
their papers. Many apparently do not realize that
there is more need for, more place for, and a larger
public for good newspapers than ever before, as
the New York Times, for one, has shown.

TV leaders talk in an inhibited way of low
ratings for public-service programs (even 10 mil-
lion viewers is considered low), yet at the same
time express concern over loss of "opinionmakers"
amongst their audiences.

A wise precept for those of us in informational
or educational work in or out of Government is
Secretary Rusk's statement : *

"I deeply believe that the public should be fully
informed about the world situation and our
courses of action to deal with it. In no other way
can we mobilize both the necessaiy effort of a
people who act througli consent and the unity
which is critically necessary in hazardous times."

Kalmyk People Observe
10th Anniversary in U.S.

The Department of State announced on Decem-
ber 14 (press release 881) that Assistant Secretary
Harriman would meet with representatives of the
Committee for Commemoration of the lOtli Asi-
niversary of tlie Kalmyk People in the United
States in the Depaitment on December 15. The
meeting was arranged to mark the anniversary
in December of the arrival in the United States
of 700 Kalmyks from refugee camps in Germany.
The Kalmyks are celebrating their arrival and
settlement in this country after their long and
arduous search for freedom.

Mr. Harriman, who has participated in a pre-
vious observance of the resettlement of the Kal-
myk refugees in the United States, accepted a
plaque from the Kalmyk people on behalf of the
President of the United States.

' Ibid., July 31, 1961, p. 175.


International Economic and Social Development

Following are extemporaneous remarJcs made
hy Secretary Rush before the National Conference
on International Economic and Social Develop-
ment at Wa.shingfo'n, D.C., on December 1, to-
gether with an address mad.e by 'William T.
Nunley^ Special Assistant to Under Secretary
Ball, before tlie conference on November 30.


Press release 832 dated December 1

It's a very great pleasure indeed for me to have
this opportunity to meet briefly with the National
Conference on International Economic and Social
Development. I am particularly flattered that
you have asked me to one of your working ses-
sions, because as I look at my schedule I find
myself often resenting the fact that the working
level in the Department of State is supposed to
exclude the Secretary of State. (Laughter.)

As President Kennedy's message implied, we
look upon you in this National Conference as our
principal allies in our determined efl'ort to help
build a more decent world order. Indeed, as we
move day bj' day and week by week in some of
the eye-catching and turbulent problems through
which we have to live, it is a matter of the great-
est possible encouragement and confidence for us
to know about the work of the organizations that
are represented here, all over the country, in get-
ting on with the central tasks which confront us
in tliis climactic period of history.

Let me say in the other direction that I think
that we have not been able to get before you the
breadth, the deptli, the extent of the efl'ort which
in fact is going into this matter of building a
decent world order. For example, we liave 600
to 800 U.S. mailbags a day going out of the De-
partment of State. I suppose 90 percent of that
traffic is concerned with wliat you yourselves are
concerned about.

Today, for example, you will be aware of the
fact that there is a sharp debate going on in the
Political Committee of the United Nations on
the issue of Chinese representation. But I dare
say what you will not hear about will be the im-
poitant, far-reaching, consti-uctive discussions
going on in Committees II and III of the United
Nations General Assembly, or about the dozen
other important international meetings going on
somewhere in the world today, to get the world's
work done on a practical and peaceful basis.

We are deeply committed to this task. And
we are working at it and gnawing at it all the
time. These matters go on beneath the surface
of controversial politics. These are matters
which tie people together, despite political
differences, despite race, despite alliances, and are
helping to spin those threads which may in due
course, God willing, help us to bind the peace

If you were to ask me in these brief remarks
to indicate what foreign aid is all about, let me
say quite briefly that if you want a sharp defini-
tion of what it's all about, compare two docu-
ments, the one, those portions of the proceedings
of the recent party congress in Moscow which
have to do with the kind of world which they not
only see come into being under their doctrine but
to which they are committing themselves as a
matter of national policy. And. on the other
side, study — don't just brush aside, but study — the
charter of the United Nations, which outlines with
nnich sophistication, much practical wisdom, the
kind of world comnuniity whicli most of the world
is trying to bring into being.

Now, foreign aid fits into that issue. Foreign
aid is a part of our contribution to that struggle.
But it is not that foreign aid was invented because
following World War II tlie Communists came
forward with a far-reaching and basic challenge
to our society and to the kind of world we liope to


Depariment of Sfafe Bulletin

achieve. Indeed, these same purposes preceded
that challenge. These same purposes preceded
that charter. These same purposes indeed, for
men in most parts of the earth, preceded the found-
ing of this Kepuhlic.

These are basic commitments of most peoples,
and our foreign aid is our contribution to the
kind of world in which these basic commitments
can take on shape and practical meaning.

I might also say that we are this next year
going to bo involved in another great debate about
foreign policy, this time on the subject of our
trade policy. Now, foreign aid is almost a junior
partner of our trade policy, in moving toward
a growing, expanding, developing world. It
would make no sense whatever for us to ask our
taxpayers to come up with substantial amounts
of money for foreign aid if we and other principal
trading nations were to adopt trade policies which
would frustrate and imdermine the possibilities
of development.

The drop of a few cents in a primary com-
modity can, for example, in a particular country,
wipe out by several times any effect of American
aid to that particular country.

The amount of American aid being applied is
a very small fraction, indeed, to the productive
systems upon which development must depend.
Our contribution is marginal in quantity. We
hope that it can be critical in quality. But trad-
ing opportimities will determine in fact the prac-
tical possibilities of moving into a new decade
of development throughout the world.

And so as we talk about foreign aid today, we,
I think, must have in the back of our minds that
these matters are related to our tariff and the
quota-cutting negotiations in the GATT and the
critical need in this coming year to adjust our own
trade policies to the new patterns of world trade,
which are emerging in such negotiations as those
for a Common Market in Europe, and are related
to a search for increased markets for the exports
of the developing countries, and for the coopera-
tive efforts to stabilize commodity prices, and for
the highly complex, technical, and difficult negotia-
tions to adjust problems with regard to specific
products, say, for example, textiles.

These are all of the most far-reaching impor-
tance in terms of whether peoples of other lands —
and indeed our own — can move into a new world
of expanding opportunity in the economic and
social field.

Multilateral vs. Bilateral Aid

I am sorry that Mr. Paul Iloii'man [Managing
Director, U.N. Special Fund] is unable to be here
today, but I wanted to comment very briefly on
our general approach to multilateral versus bi-
lateral types of aid, in the matters which you are
discussing today.

The debate between these two methods tends
to be a fruitless and illusory debate, because both
multilateral and bilateral have to be used to their
full cai^acity. Multilateral aid has some impor-
tant advantages. It helps to mobilize t he resources
of many countries — and I am not thinking pri-
marily of financial resources. I am tliinking about
those resources in people, in which we are all in
such short supply.

It eases in some situations the sensitivities, the
political relationships, between those who give aid
and those who receive it.

But there are limits to what the trafRc can bear
in the multilateral field. It would not be wise
or wholesome or even acceptable abroad were the
United States to dominate this field so heavily that
the essential quality of multilateral aid could be
distorted. So we must find a balance. But, by
and large, I think it can be said that the United
States is prepared to support the further develop-
ment of multilateral aid efforts to the maximum
which is accepted and tolerable to the woi-ld com-
miuiity, and that if there are limitations on the
multilateral approach, these wiU not be for lack
of interest or support on the part of the United

This harmony between a bilateral and a multi-
lateral effort, has been illustrated by President
Kennedy's call for a decade of progress, which
is now being backed up by a new AID act, by the
declaration of Punta del Este,^ and by his call for
a United Nations decade of development,^ which
was backed up this week by Committee II of the
United Nations, in which it expressed its ^new that
the economic and social development of the eco-
nomically less developed coimtries is basic to the
attainment of international peace and security.'

Then the resolution * sets forth the general

'■ Bulletin of Sept. 11, 1961, p. 459.

'Ihid., Oct. 16, 1961, p. 619.

' For a statement made in Committee II (Economic and
Social) on Oct. 6 by Ptiilip M. Klutzniek, .see ihid.. Dee. 4,
1961, p. 939; for a statement made by Mr. Klutzniek on
Nov. 29, see U.S. delegation press release 3864.

* U.N. doe. A/C.2,/L.599.

January 1, 7962


target of a minimum annual rate of economic
growth of 5 percent annually, in all underde-
veloped countries, by the end of the decade, and
calls on the Secretary-General to elaborate an am-
bitious, specific program of international activities
to help make a reality of the decade of

I regret that I have not been present here this
morning as you turned your attention to tlie im-
portant subject of the development of human re-
sources, because there is no more realistic, no more
inspiring, no more necessaiy aspect of develop-
ment than this matter of people.

I had the privilege of commenting on that sub-
ject to you earlier in the year, briefly.^ But it is
not just that people are the target of aid pro-
grams. It is that people are the dynamos which
generate the power of development. They are the
sources of development. They provide the aspira-
tion ; they provide the mind, the will, the means
by which development can occur.

This is something I think we in this country
know a good deal about and which we have shared
with people in other parts of the world. For ex-
ample, I suspect that there are many of you in this
room who can remember in rural parts of our
covmtry — as can I — that when tlie time came to
build a house a neighborhood party was thrown,
old-fashioned outdoor picnics — with or without
beer, depending upon wliich part of the country
you lived in. (Laughter.) And the neighbors
got together and helped the particular farmer
build his house.

The same American can travel to a village in
the Punjab and find villagers getting together in
just the same way, first in one village and then in
another, to build a school.

In our own experience one farmer may have a
sorghum mill, in an informal cooperative division
of labor in a niral counti-yside. And we could leap
to a village in Pakistan and find a retired soldier
in the army who used his retirement pay to bring
home a feed chopper to cut, to chop feed for vil-
lages in a considerable area.

And as we pass information out througli our
extension services, from neighbor to neighbor, we
know of the Mexican farmers who are passing
improved seed and improved management from
farm to farm across the countryside in Mexico.

There can be no substitute for the involvement

•Bulletin of July 3, 1961, p. 6.

of people in their own development. This soiuids
like a tiaiism, of course, because people are the
stuif that we are talking about. But the critical

Online LibraryUnited States. Dept. of State. Office of Public CoDepartment of State bulletin (Volume v. 46, Jan- Mar 1962) → online text (page 11 of 101)