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of 1954, as amended (68 Stat. 455; 7 U.S.C. 1701-1709),
with exchanges of notes. Signed at Manila Novem-
ber 24, 1961. Entered into force November 24, 1961.


Agricultural commodities agreement under title I of the
Agricultural Trade Development and Assistance Act of
1954, as amended (68 Stat. 455; 7 U.S.C. 1701-1709),
with exchanges of notes. Signed at Washington Decem-
ber 15, 1961. Entered into force December 15, 1961.


Agricultural commodities agreement under title I of the
Agricultural Trade Development and Assistance Act
of 1954, as amended (68 St«t. 455; 7 U.S.C. 1701-1709),
with exchange of notes. Signed at Saigon December

27, 1961. Entered into force December 27, 1961.


Agricultural commodities agreement under title I of the
Agricultural Trade Development and Assistance Act
of 1954, as amended (68 Stat. 455; 7 U.S.C. 1701-1709).
with exchanges of notes. Signed at Belgrade December

28, 1961. Entered into force December 28, 1961.


Department of State Bulletin


Calendar of International Conferences and Meetings^

Adjourned During December 1961

GATT Contracting Parties: 19th Session Geneva Nov. 13-Dec. 9

ICAO South American-South Atlantic Rules of the Air and Air Lima Nov. 14- Dec. 2

Traffic Services/Communications Meeting.

ICAO Limited European-Mediterranean Frequency Assignment Paris Nov. 14-Dec. 5

Planning Meeting.

U.N. EC AFE Regional Training Seminar on Trade Promotion . .. New Delhi Nov. 20-Dec. 22

U.N. ECE Committee on Agricultural Problems: 2d Meeting of Geneva Nov. 27-Dec. 1

Study Group for Projections on Agricultural Problems.

Inter-American Consultative Group on Narcotics Control Rio de Janeiro Nov. 27-Dec. 8

U.N. ECAFE Conference of Asian Statisticians: 4th Session . . . . Tokvo Nov. 27-Dec. 8

2d U.N. ECAFE/WMO International Seminar on Field Methods Bangkok Nov. 27-Deo. II

and Equipment Used in Hydrology and Hydrometeorology.

U.N. ECE Working Party on Gas Problems Geneva Nov. 29-Dec. 1

ITU Roundtable Discussions on Revisions of Radio Regulations Geneva Nov. 30-Dec. 2

and Schedule of Conferences.

U.N. ECE Committee on Agricultural Problems: 13th Session. . . Geneva Dec. 4-8

FAO Group on Coconut and Coconut Products: 4th Session. . . . Trivandrum, India Dec. 4-9

ILO Committee on Work on Plantations: 4th Session Geneva Dec. 4-15

OECD Economic Policy Committee: Working Party II (Economic Paris Dec. 5-7


U.N. Consultative Group on Prevention of Crime and Treatment Geneva Dec. 5-15

of Offenders.

U.N. ECAFE Regional Seminar on Energy Resources and Electric Bangkok Dec. 6-16

Power Development.

OECD Group of Experts on Restrictive Business Practices .... Paris Dec. 7-9

United Nations Sugar Conference (resumed session) Geneva Dec. 7-14

Four-Power Foreign Ministers Meeting Paris Dec. 11-12

NATO Civil Aviation Planning Committee Paris Dec. 11-12

OECD Meeting of Experts on Sanitary Regulations Affecting Inter- Paris Dec. 11-14

national Trade in Fish and Fish Products.

IMCO Maritime Safety Committee: 2d Session of Subcommittee on London Dec. 11-15

Tonnage Measurement.

FAO International Rice Commission: 9th Meeting of Working New Delhi Dec. 11-16

Party on Rice Production and Protection.

FAO International Rice Commission: 8th Meeting of Working New Delhi Dec. 11-16

Party on Rice, Soil, Water, and Fertilizer Practices.

GATT Cotton Textile Committee: Technical Subcommittee . . . Geneva Dec. 11-22

OECD Economic Pohcy Committee: Working Party III (Balance Paris Dec. 12-13

of Payments).

OECD Fisheries Committee Paris Dec. 13-14

NATO Ministerial Council Paris Dec. 13-15

U.N. ECE Housing Committee: 22d Session Geneva Dec. 18-19

UNICEF Program Committee New York Dec. 18-19

U.N. Scientific Advisory Committee Geneva Dec. 18-19

U.N. ECAFE Committee on Industry and Natural Resources: Sub- Bangkok Dec. 18-22

committee on Electric Power.

U.N. ECE Housing Committee: Working Party on Housing and Geneva Dec. 19-22

Building Statistics.

UNICEF Executive Board New York Dec. 20-21

U.N. Economic and Social Council: 32d Session (resumed) .... New York Dec. 20-22

In Session as of December 31, 1961

5th Round of GATT Tariff Negotiations Geneva Sept. 1, 1960-

International Conference for the Settlement of the Laotian Question. Geneva May 16-
United Nations Gener.al Assembly: 16th Session (inrecess December New York Sept. 19-

20, 1961-Jauuary 15, 1962).

Conference on Discontinuance of Nuclear Weapon Tests (resumed Geneva Nov. 28-


' Prepared in the Office of International Conferences, Dec. 29, 1961. Following is a list of abbreviations: ECAFE,
Economic Commission for Asia and the Far East; ECE, Economic Commission for Europe; FAO, Food and Agriculture
Organization; GATT, General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade; ICAO, International Civil Aviation Organization; ILO,
International Labor Organization; IMCO, Intergovernmental Maritime Consultative Organization; ITU, International
Telecommunication Union; NATO, North Atlantic Treaty Organization; OECD, Organization for Economic Cooperation
and Development; U.N., United Nations; UNICEF, United Nations Children's Fund; WMO, World Meteorological

January 75, 1962 107

United Nations Rules Out Change in Representation of China

Followi.ng are statements made in plenary hy
Ambassador Adlai E. Stevenson, U.S. Representa-
tive to the General Assembly, on the question of
the representation of China in the United Nations,
together with texts of a resolution adopted on
Deceniber 15 and a Soviet draft resolution which
was rejected.


U.S. delegation press release 3872

The question confronting the Assembly of the
representation of China in the United Nations is
of worldwide importance.

"We live in an age when the ever-expanding
family of nations is striving anew to realize the
vision of the United Nations Charter: a world
community, freed from the overhanging menace
of war, acting together in equal dignity and
mutual tolerance to create a better life for human-
ity. This very Assembly, in its majestic diver-
sity, is both the physical symbol and the practical
embodiment — however imperfect — of that tran-
scendent vision.

In striving toward that vision, what we decide
about the representation of China will have mo-
mentous consequences. For more is at stake than
the status of certain delegations. More is at stake
than the registering or reflecting of existing facts
of power. Indeed, the underlying question is how
the great people of China, who by a tragedy of
history have been forcibly cut off from their own
traditions and even led into war against the com-
munity of nations, can be enabled to achieve their
own desires to live with themselves and with the
rest of the world in peace and tolerance.

This question has a long history. For 12 years
past, ever since the Communist armies conquered
the Chinese mainland and the Republic of China
relocated its Government in Taipei, the commu-
nity of nations has been confronted with a whole


set of profoundly vexing problems. Most of them
have arisen from aggressive military actions by
the Chinese Communists — against Korea, against
the Government of the Republic of China on its
island refuge, against Tibet, and against south and
southeast Asia.

The problem before us today, in its simplest
terms, is this: The authorities who have carried
out those aggressive actions, who have for 12 years
been in continuous and violent defiance of the
principles of the United Nations and of the reso-
lutions of the General Assembly, and deaf to the
restraining pleas of law-abiding members, these
same warlike authorities claim the right to occupy
the seat of China here and demand that we eject
from the United Nations the representatives of the
Republic of China.

The gravity of this problem is heightened in its
worldwide political and moral significance by the
fact that the Republic of China's place in the
United Nations, since its founding in 1945, has
been filled by its representatives with distinction —
filled by representatives of a law-abiding govern-
ment which, under most difficult circumstances,
has done its duty well and faithfully in the United
Nations and against which there is no ground for
serious complaint, let alone expulsion.

The United States believes, as we have believed
from the beginning, that the United Nations
would make a tragic and perhaps irreparable mis-
take if it yielded to the claim of an aggressive and
unregenerate "People's Republic of China'' to re-
place the Republic of China in the United Nations.
I realize that we have sometimes been charged with
"unrealism" — and even with "ignoring the exist-
ence of GOO million people."

That is a strange charge. My country's soldiers
fought with other soldiers of the United Nations
in Korea for nearly 3 years against a huge invad-
ing army from the mainland of China. My coun-
try's negotiators have done tlieir best, for nearly 10

Deparfmenf of Sfafe Bulletin

years, at Panmunjom, at Geneva, at Warsaw, to
negotiate with the emissaries of Peiping.

No country is more aware of their existence. I
thirdc it could be said with more justice that it
would Ix; dangerously unrealistic if this Assembly
were to bow to the demands of Peiping to expel and
replace the Eepublic of China in the United Na-
tions; it would be ignoring the warlike character
and aggressive beliavior of the rulers who domi-
nate 600 million people and who talk of the inevi-
tability of war as an article of faith and refuse to
renounce the use of force.

An Era of Revolutionary Changes

To consider this subject in its proper light, Mr.
President, we must see it against the background
of the era in wliich we live. It is an era of sweep-
ing revolutionary changes. We cannot clearly see
the end. With dramatic swiftness the classic age
of empire is drawing to a close. More than one-
third of the member states of the United Nations
have won their independence since the United Na-
tions itself was founded. Today, together with all
other free and aspiring nations, they are working
to perfect their independence by developing their
economies and training their peoples. Already
they play a vital part in the community of nations
and in the work of this Organization.

Thus, for the first time in histoiy on this grand
scale, we have seen an imperial system end, not in
violent convulsions and the succession of still an-
other empire but in the largely peaceful rise of new
independent states — equal members of a world-
wide community.

So diverse is that commimity in traditions and
attitudes, so small and closely knit together is our
modern world, so much do we have need of one
another — and so frightful are the consequences of
war — that all of us whose representatives gather
in this General Assembly hall must more than ever
be determined, as the charter says, "to practice
tolerance and live together in peace with one an-
other as good neighbors." For there can be no in-
dependence any more except in a community, and
there can be no community without tolerance.

Such is one of the great revolutionary changes
of our time: a spectacular revolution of emancipa-
tion and hope. But this centuiy has also bred
more sinister revolutions bom out of reaction to
old injustices and out of the chaos of world war.
These movements have brought into being a plague

of warrior states — the scourge of our age. Tliese
regimes have been characterized not by democracy
but by dictatorship ; they have been concerned not
with people but with power, not with the consent
of the people but with control of the people, not
with tolerance and conciliation but with hatred,
falsehood, and permanent struggle. They have
varied in their names and their ideologies, but that
has been their essential character.

Nowhere have these qualities been carried to a
greater extreme, or on a grander scale, than on the
mainland of Cliina under Commimist rule. The
regime has attempted through intimidation,
hunger, and ceaseless agitation — and through a
so-called "commune" system which even allied
Communist states view with distaste — to reduce a
brilliant and spirited civilization to a culture of
military uniformity and iron discipline. Day and
night, by poster and loudspeaker and public ha-
rangue, the people are reminded of their duty to
hate the foreign enemy.

International Activities of Chinese Communists

Into the international sphere the Chinese Com-
munists have carried the same qualities of arro-
gance, regimentation, and aggression. Many
people hoped, after their invasion of Korea ended,
that they would thereupon give up the idea of
foreign conquest. Instead they sponsored and
supplied the communizing of North Viet-Nam;
they resumed their warlike threats against Tai-
wan ; they launched a campaign of armed conquest
to end the autonomy of Tibet ; and all along their
southern borders they have pressed forward into
new territory. To this day, in a fashion recalling
the early authoritarian emperors of China, they
pursue all these policies and in addition seek to use
the millions of Cliinese residing abroad as agents
of their political designs.

In fact these modern Chinese imperialists have
gone further than their imperial ancestors ever
dreamed of going. There are at this time, in
Communist China training centers for guerrilla
warfare, young men from Asia, Africa, and Latin
America being trained in sabotage and guerrilla
tactics for eventual use in their own countries.
Thus the strategy of Mao Tse-tung, of "protracted
revolutionary war in the rural areas," has become
one of the principal world exports— and no longer
an "invisible export"— of Communist Cliina.

January 75, J 962


We have exact information about some of these
activities. For example, we have the testimony
of six young men from the Republic of Cameroon
who traveled clandestinely from their country to
the mainland of China last year. They arrived in
China on June 9 and left on August 30. During
that period they had a 10-week course from
French-speaking instructors in a military academy
outside Peiping. The curriculum of this educa-
tional institution, taken from the syllabus those
men brought home, included such items as these:

Correct use of explosives and grenades.

Planning a sabotage operation.

How to use explosives against houses, rails,
bridges, tanks, guns, trucks, tractors, et cetera.

Manufacture of explosives from easily obtained

Manufacture and use of mines and grenades.

Use of semiautomatic rifles and carbines.

Theory and practice of guerrilla warfare, am-
bushes, attacks on communications.

Political lectures with such titles as "The People's
War," "The Party," "The United Front," and—
of course ! — "The Imperialists Are Only Paper

This, incidentally, was the fourth in a series of
courses to train Cameroonians to fight for the
overthrow not of European colonial rulers (for
their rule had already ended) but of their own
sovereign African government.

Such an aiEnity for aggressive violence, and for
subversive interference in other coimtries, is
against all the rules of the civilized world ; but it
accords with the outlook and objective of the
Peiping rulers. It was the supreme leader of
Chinese communism, Mao Tse-tung, who summed
up his world outlook over 20 years ago in these
words: "Everything can be made to grow out of
the barrel of a gun." And again: "The central
dutj' and highest fonn of revolution is armed sei-
zure of political power, the settling of problems by
means of war. This Marxist-Leninist principle is
universally correct, whether in China or in f oreigia
countries; it is always true."

President Tito of Yugoslavia knows to what ex-
tremes tliis dogma of violence has l)een carried.
In a speech to his people in 1958, he quoted the
"Chinese leaders" as saying with apparent com-
placency that "in any possible war . . . there
would still be 300 million left : that is to say, 300

million would get killed and 300 million would be
leftbehmd. . . ."

In an age when reasonable men throughout the
world fear and detest the thought of nuclear war,
from the Chinese Communist thinkers there comes
the singular boast that, after such a war, "on the
debris of a dead imperialism the victorious people
would create with extreme rapidity a civilization
thousands of times higher than the capitalist sys-
tem and a truly beautiful future for themselves."

In fact, only 3 months ago it was these same
Chinese Commimist leaders who officially ac-
claimed the resimiption of nuclear tests by the
Soviet Union as "a powerful inspiration to all
peoples striving for world peace." What a queer
idea of world i>eace they seem to have !

With such a record and such a philosophy of
violence and fanaticism, no wonder this regime,
after 12 years, still has no diplomatic relations
with almost two-thirds of the governments of the
world. One cannot help wondering what the
representatives of such a predatory regime would
contribute in our United Nations couiicils to the
solution of the many dangerous questions which
confront us.

I believe these facts are enough, Mr. President,
to show how markedly Commimist Cliina has
deviated from the pattern of progress and peace
embodied in our charter and toward which the
community of nations is striving. In its present
mood it is a massive and brutal threat to man's
struggle to better his lot in his own way — and
even, perhaps, to man's very survival. Its gigan-
tic power, its reckless ambition, and its imcon-
cem for human values make it the major world

What Can Be Done About the Red China Problem?

Now, what is to be done about tliis problem?
And what in particular c^n the United Nations

The problem is, in reality, age-old. How can
those who prize tolerance and humility, those
whose faith commands them to "love those that
hate you" — how can they make a just reply to the
arrogant and the rapacious and the bitterly intol-
erant? To answer with equal intolerance woidd
be to betray our own humane values. But to
answer with meek submission or with a con-
venient pretense that wrong is not really wrong —


Department of State Bulletin

this would betray the institutions on which the
future of a 2:)eaceful world depend.

There are some who acknowledge the illegal and
aggressive conduct of the Chinese Communists
but who believe that the United Nations can some-
how accommodate this imbridled power and bring
it in some measure under the control, or at least
the influence, of the community of nations. They
maintain that this can be accomplislied by bring-
ing Communist China into participation in the
United Nations. By this step, so we are told, the
interplay of ideas and interests in the United
Nations would sooner or later cause these latter-
day empire-builders to abandon their warlike ways
and accommodate themselves to the rule of law
and the comity of nations.

Tliis is a serious view, and I intend to discuss
it seriously. Certainly we must never abandon
hope of winning over even the most stubborn
antagonist. But reasons born of sober experience
oblige us to restrain our wishful thoughts. There
are four principal reasons which I think are of
overriding importance, and I most earnestly urge
the Assembly to consider them with great care,
for the whole future of the United Nations may
be at stake.

My first point is that the step advocated, once
taken, is irreversible. We cannot try it and then
give it up if it fails to work. Given the extraor-
dinarj' and forbidding difficulty of expulsion
imder the charter, we must assume that, once in
our midst, the Peiping representatives would
stay — for better or for worse.

Secondly, there are ample grounds to suspect
that a power given to such bitter words and ruth-
less actions as those of the Peiping regime, far
from being reformed by its experience in the
United Nations, would be encouraged by its suc-
cess in gaining admission to exert, all the more
forcefully, by threats and maneuvers, a most dis-
ruptive and demoralizing influence on the Organ-
ization at this critical moment in its histoiw.

Thirdly, its admission, in circumstances in
which it continues to violate and defy the prin-
ciples of the charter, could seriously shake public
confidence in the United Nations — I can assure
you it would do so among the people of the United
States — and this alone would significantly weaken
the Organization.

Elementary prudence requires the General
Assembly to reflect that there is no sign or record

of any intention by the rulers of Communist China
to pursue a course of action consistent with the
charter. Indeed the signs all point the other way.
The Peiping authorities have shown nothing but
contempt for the United Nations. They go out
of their way to depreciate it and to insult its mem-
bers. They refuse to abandon the use of force in
the Taiwan Straits. They continue to encroach
on the territorial integrity of other states. They
apparently don't even get along very well with
the U.S.S.R. !

Fourth, Mr. President, and with particular em-
phasis, let me recall to the attention of my fellow
delegates the explicit conditions which the Chinese
Commimists themselves demand to be fulfilled be-
fore they will deign to accept a seat in the United
Nations. I quote their Prime Minister, Chou
En-lai :

The United Nations must expel the Chiang Kai-shek
clique and restore China's legitimate rights, otherwise it
would be impossible for China to have anything to do
with the United Nations.

In this short sentence are two impossible de-
mands. The first is that we should expel from the
United Nations the Republic of China. The
second, "to restore China's legitimate rights," in
this context and in the light of Peiping's persistent
demands, can have only one meaning: that the
United Nations should acquiesce in Communist
China's design to conquer Taiwan and the 11 mil-
lion people who live there and thereby to over-
throw and abolish the independent Government of
the Republic of China.

Rights and Actions of Republic of China

The effrontery of these demands is shocking.
The Republic of China, which we are asked to
expel and whose conquest and overtlirow we are
asked to approve, is one of the founding members
of the United Nations. Its rights in tliis Organi-
zation extend in an unbroken line from 1945,
when the charter was framed and went into effect,
to the present.

Mr. President, the Republic of China is a char-
ter member of this Organization. The seat of the
Republic of China is not empty ; it is occupied and
should continue to be occupied by the able dele-
gates of the Government of the Republic of China.

The fact that control over the Chinese mainland
was wrested from the Government of the Republic

January IS, 7962


of Cliina by force of arms, and its area of actual
control was thus greatly reduced, does not in the
least justify expulsion nor alter the legitimate
rights of the Government.

The de jure authority of the Government of the
Republic of China extends throughout the terri-
tory of China. Its effective jurisdiction extends
over an area of over 14,000 square miles, an area
greater than the territory of Albania, Belgium,
Cyprus, El Salvador, Haiti, Israel, Lebanon, or
Luxembourg — all of them member states of the
United Nations. It extends over 11 million
people, that is, over more people than exist in the
territory of 65 United Nations members. Its ef-
fective control, in other words, extends over more
people than the legal jurisdiction of two-thirds of
the governments represented here. The economic
and social standard of living of the people under
its jurisdiction is one of the highest in all Asia
and is incomparably higher than the miserable
standard prevailing on the mainland. The pro-
gressive agrarian policy of the Government of the
Republic of China and its progress in political,
economic, and cultural affairs contrast starkly
with the policies of the rulers in Peiping under
whom the unhappy lot of the mainland people has
been little but oppression, communes, famine, and

All those who have served with the representa-
tives of the Republic of China in the United Na-
tions know their high standards of conduct, their
unfailing dignity and courtesy, their contributions
and their consistent devotion to the principles and
the success of our Organization.

Online LibraryUnited States. Dept. of State. Office of Public CoDepartment of State bulletin (Volume v. 46, Jan- Mar 1962) → online text (page 27 of 101)