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' For text, see ibid., Jan. 2, 1961, p. 27.

January 22, 7962


The fii-st fact is that if Goa and its dependencies
are a colony or a non-self-governing territory of
Portugal, they are not under the sovereignty of
India. In fact the Assembly last year decided just
that in Resolution 1542. It affirmed that Goa is a
non-self-governing territory of Portugal on which
Portugal was required to report. And those who
have taken other positions this afternoon sup-
ported that resolution at that time. It is not a
question of whether Goa should or should not be
under Portuguese authority. As a matter of ob-
vious fact and of international law, it is under
Portuguese authority. This being the case, India
cannot lawfully use force against Goa, especially
when the peaceful means in the charter have not
been exhausted.

And the claim that Portugal is the aggressor and
not India because it has not followed the recom-
mendation of Resolution 1514 requires an even
greater exertion of the imagination. We support
that resolution, and we hope that it will be intel-
ligently carried out. The Assembly has again
acted with our support to the same end tlus year.
But Resolution 1514 does not authorize the use of
force for its implementation. It does not, and it
should not, and it cannot under the charter. If it
did, the resolution would lead to international
chaos, not to national progress. Resolution 1514
does not and cannot overrule the charter injmic-
tions against the use of armed force. It would not
have been adopted if it had attempted to do so.
It gives no license to violate the charter's funda-
mental principle: that all members shall settle
their international disputes by peaceful means,
that all members shall refrain from the threat or
use of force against any other state.

As I have said, I do not propose at this time to
express judgment on the merits of the territorial
disputes between India and Portugal. They seem
to me irrelevant. However, even if the United
States were supporting entirely the Indian posi-
tion on the merits, we should nevertheless be firmly
opposed to the use of force to settle the question.
The charter in its categorical prohibition of the
use of force in the settlement of intei-national dis-
putes makes no exceptions, no reservations. The
charter does not say all members shall settle their
international disputes by peaceful means except in
cases of colonial areas. It says again and again
throughout its text that the basic principle of the
United Nations is the maintenance of peace, not

only peace in Europe or peace in America but
peace in Africa, peace in Asia, peace everywhere.

We know that it is the doctrine of the Soviet
Union, as the Soviet delegate made clear again
today, that while war in general may be repre-
hensible, what they call "wars of liberation" and
Coiimiunist revolutions to overthrow existing gov-
erimients are quite another breed and permissible,
even desirable. Now there have in the past been
many wars of liberation, of territorial conquest,
depending on your choice of words. But our
charter was drafted in the recognition of the grim
fact that in our times war is indivisible, that a
war of liberation from colonialism is as likely as
any other to lead to a world conflagration and
that the only way to insure that mankind is spared
that catastrophe is strictly, firmly, and consistently
to oppose the use of force in international dis-
putes, wherever it may occur and however it may
be justified.

I therefore submit the following resolution ®
and urge the Council to adopt it promptly. In
collaboration with the United Kingdom, with
France, and with Turkey, it reads as follows :

The Sccuritp Council,

Recalling that in Article 2 of the Charter all mem-
bers are obligated to settle their disputes by jieaceful
means and to refrain from the threat or use of force in
a manner inconsistent with the purposes of the United

Deploring the use of force by India in Goa, Damao and

Recalling that Article 1(2) of the Charter specifies as
one of the purposes of the United Nations to develop
friendly relations among nations based on respect for
the principle of equal rights and self-determination of

1. Calls for an immediate cessation of hostilities ;

2. Calls upon the Government of India to withdraw its
forces immediately to positions prevailing before 17 De-
cember 1961 ;

3. Urges the parties to work out a permanent solution
of their differences by peaceful means in accordance with
the principles embodied in the charter ;

4. Requests the Secretary-General to provide such as-
sistance as may be appropriate.

I hope very much that the Security Council can
proceed this evening to vote on this and such other
resolutions as may be before it.

[In a further Intervention. Ambassador Stevenson stated:]

Mr. President, I see no need whatsoever for any
further delay in reachmg a vote. This is an

" S/5033.


Department of State Bulletin

urgent and pressing matter. This is war. People
are being killed. My delegation's proposal at
least is for a cease-fire, for the restoration of nor-
mal conditions in this territory and a resumption
of negotiations. It would seem to me that it is
clear from what has been said here that we are
all ready in fact to take a decision on these two
resolutions tonight, and I would urge that we
proceed to do so.'


U.S. /O.N. press release 3900

Mr. President, I am the only delegate, I think,
at this table who was present at the birth of this
Organization. Tonight we are witnessing the
first act in a drama which could end witli its
death. The League of Nations died, I remind
you, when its members no longer resisted the use
of aggressive force. So it is, sir, with a most
heavy heart that I must add a word of epilog
to this fateful discussion, by far the most im-
portant in which I have participated since this
Organization was founded 16 years ago. The
failure of the Security Council to call for a cease-
fire tonight in these simple circumstances is a fail-
ure of the United Nations. The veto of the
Soviet Union is consistent with its long role of
obstruction. But I find the attitude of some other
members of the Coimcil profoundly disturbing
and ominous because we have witnessed tonight
an effort to rewrite the charter, to sanction the
use of force in international relations when it
suits one's own purposes. This approach can
only lead to chaos and to the disintegration of the
United Nations.

The United States appeals again to the Gov-
ernment of India to abandon its use of force, to
withdraw its forces. We appeal to both parties
again to negotiate their differences. This is the
course prescribed by the charter. It is the course

' On Dec. 18 the Security Council voted on two draft
resolutions. A draft resolution (S/o032), cosponsored by
Ceylon, Liberia, and tile U.A.R., calling for the rejection
of the Portuguese complaint of aggression against India
and calling upon Portugal "to terminate hostile actions
and to co-operate with India in the liquidation of her
colonial possessions in India," was rejected by a vote of
4 in favor and 7 against (U.S.). A draft resolution
(S/.5033), cosponsored by France, Turkey, the U.K., and
the U.S., received 7 votes in favor and 4 against and was
not adopted because one of the negative votes cast was
by a permanent member of the Council (U.S.S.R.).

of wisdom. The inability of the Council to act
because of a Soviet veto does not alter this fact.
We will consult overnight with other members
of the Coimcil about further steps which the
United Nations might take, and we reserve the
right to seek a further meeting at any time.

Current U.N. Documents:
A Selected Bibliography

Mimeographed or processed documents (such as those
listed below) may he consulted at depository libraries in
the United States. D.N. printed publications may be
purchased from the Sales Section of the United Nations,
United Nations Plaza, N.Y.

Security Council

Reports, note verbale, and communication on the situa-
tion in the Congo. S/4940/Add. 12 and Corr. 1, Novem-
ber 2, 1961, 10 pp.; S/497.5, November 8, 1961, 1 p.;
S/4976, November 11, 1961, 101 pp.; S/4940/Add. 13,
November 16, 1961, 11 pp. ; S/4988, November 17, 1961,
2 pp.

General Assembly

Executive Committee of the High Commissioner's Pro-
gramme. Movements to Canada of refugees with tuber-
culosis. A/AC.96/INF.4. October 16, 1961. 12 pp.

Executive Committee of the High Commissioner's Pro-
gramme. Note on the Convention on the Reduction of
Statelessness. A/AC.96/INP.5. October 26, 1961. 16

Cable dated November 1 from the Emperor of Ethiopia
to the President of the General Assembly concerning
events in the Congo. A/4951. November 1, 1961. 1 p.

Letter dated November 1 from the permanent representa-
tive of the United Kingdom ft) the President of the
General Assembly concerning the Geneva Conference
on the Discontinuance of Nuclear Weapon Tests.
A/4772/Add. 1. November 2, 1961. 22 pp.

Letter dated November 2 from the permanent representa-
tive of the Netherlands to the President of the General
Assembly concerning the situation with regard to the
implementation of the declaration on granting independ-
ence to colonial countries and peoples. A/4954. Nov-
ember 4, 1961. 14 pp.

Assistance of the specialized agencies and of the United
Nations Children's Fund in the economic, social, and
educational development of South West AJfrica.
A/4956. November 6, 1961. 4 pp.

Letter dated November 6 from the permanent representa-
tive of Cameroun to the Secretary-General concerning
the continuation of suspension of nuclear tests. A/4962.
November 9. 1961. 2 pp.

Twenty-third report of the Advisory Committee on Admin-
istrative and Budgetary Questions to the General As-
sembly on budget estimates of the Technical Assistance
Board secretariat for 1962. A/4966. November 14,
1901. 10 pp.

Letter dated November 13 from the permanent represent-
ative of the United Kingdom to the President of the
General Assembly concerning resumption of the Geneva
test ban talks. A/4967. November 13, 1961. 2 pp.

Letter dated November 13 from the permanent represent-
ative of the United States to the President of the
General Assembly concerning resumption of the Geneva
test ban talks. A/4969. November 15, 1961. 2 pp.

January 22, 1962


World Food Program: A New Opportunity for the United Nations

Statement hy Richard N. Gardner

Dejyaty Assistant Secretary for IntemationaZ Organization Affairs ^

Today, December 8, 1961, will surely be recorded
in the annals of the United Nations as a day of
historic paradox.

In another chamber of this house distinguished
delegates have been debating how to cope with the
newest challenge to mankind — the conquest of
outer space. In this chamber we begin considera-
tion of the oldest challenge to mankind^ — the con-
quest of hunger.

In another chamber of this house eloquent words
have been heard about the most sophisticated of
man's instincts — the desire to explore the imknown.
In this chamber we confront the most elemental
of man's instincts — the desire for food.

In another chamber our colleagues have been
considering questions of orbiting weather satel-
lites and what the earth must look like at an alti-
tude of several hundred miles. In this chamber
we are taking a closer look at our imhappy planet,
and we are finding its true face of suffering, of old
scars and new wounds — a world of famine, disease,
and neglect.

The simultaneous occurrence of these debates
confirms a fact of which we are all tragically
aware — that man's capacity for social invention
has lagged ever further behind his capacity for
scientific advance.

For years now the international community has
struggled in vain to develop acceptable interna-
tional procedures to deal with an age-old problem
of coexistence — the coexistence of food abundance
and food deficiency, of surpluses and starvation.
Time and again our governments have seemed on
the point of reaching international solutions, only
to fall back in disappointment.

Today, despite this history of frustration, we
find ourselves on the threshold of an historic op-

portunity, an opportunity to launch the first in-
ternational program of food aid for himgry

The extraordinary progress which we have re-
cently witnessed in a venture wliich has hitherto
defied all efforts of collaboration has been nour-
ished from several sources. The Prime Minister of
Canada took a major initiative when he laid a
proposal for a "World Food Bank before the 14th
General Assembly. At the following Assembly the
United States introduced the resolution - which
called for recommendations on a multilateral food
I^rogram by FAO [Food and Agriculture Organi-
zation]. President Kennedy declared in a memo-
randum accompanying his second Executive order
after assuming office : ' "We must narrow the gap
between abundance at home and near starvation
abroad. Humanity and prudence, alike, counsel a
major effort on our part." Shortly thereafter the
United States offered $40 million in connnodities
toward a $100-million program of multilateral
food aid.

Both the United Nations and the FAO supplied
essential inspiration and energy. We salute the
Secretary-General and his associates in the United
Nations. We salute also the Director General and
his colleagues in FAO. Their report. Develop-
ment Through Food — A Strategy for Surplus
Utilization* will long stand as a landmark in the
history of this subject.

Acknowledgment of this extraordinary leader-
ship should not distract our attention, however,
from fundamental developments without which we
would not be where we are today. AVe stanil, as it
were, at the confiuence of three historic forces
which we should recognize if we are to take full
advantage of the opi)ortunities aliead.

'Made in Committee II (Economic and Finand.al) on
Dec. 8 (U.S. delegation press release SHSO) .

' For text, see Bulletin of Nov. 21, 1960, p. S(X).
' Ibid., Feb. 13, 1961, p. 216.
' U.N. doc. E/3402.


Department of State Bulletin

Urgency of Economic Development

The first of these forces is the growing under-
standing of the urgency of economic development
and of tl\e task that lies ahead for both the de-
veloped and the developing countries.

The heightened awareness of the responsibilities
of the industrialized countries finds eloquent testi-
mony in many quarters and many forums. For
example, our new foreign aid legislation, the Act
for International Development, declares it to be a
"primary necessity, opportimity, and responsi-
bility of the United States, and consistent with its
traditions and ideals, ... to help make a historic
demonstration that economic growth and political
democracy can go hand in liand to the end that an
enlarged community of free, stable, and self-
reliant countries can reduce world tensions and

This increased awareness of the stake which
the advanced countries have in the economic de-
velopment of the less developed areas has been
matched by the increase in the resources which
they have been prepared to make available. The
annual flow of public capital to less developed
countries has now passed the $5-bilIion mark and
can be expected to grow further in the years ahead.

The advances in the policies of developed coim-
tries have not been unrequited. In recent years
there has been increasing understanding of the
fact that the primary responsibility for economic
development rests with the developing countries
themselves — indeed, that the principal obstacle to
sound and rapid economic growth is no longer the
lack of external resources.

Developing countries have come increasingly to
appreciate — and to act upon — the truism that
sound development cannot take place without
thoroughgoing domestic reforms in such matters
as public administration, taxation, finance, and
land tenure, and without a wider sharing in the
political process.

"When we contemplate the dimension of the prob-
lem before us, however, we cannot be satisfied with
past efforts. It is therefore appropriate that this
committee should have unanimously adopted a
resolution = a fortnight ago [November 28] desig-
nating tlie current decade as the United Nations
Development Decade — a decade "in which Member

'U.N. doc. A/C. 2/L. 599; for a statement made by
Philip M. Klutznick in Committee II on Oct. 6, see Bul-
letin- of Dec. 4, 19G1, p. 939.

States and their peoples will intensify their efforts
to mobilize and to sustain support for the measures
required on the part of both developed and de-
veloping countries to accelerate progress towards
self-sustaining growth."

Contribution of Food Abundance to Development

The second fundamental trend on which our
recent progress is based is the growing recognition
of the contribution which food abundance can
make to economic development.

As economic development proceeds, the demand
for food tends to grow faster than the growth in
agricultural production. The resulting food de-
ficiency cannot always be filled through commer-
cial imports, due to the shortage of foreign ex-
change. Food aid, by filling this deficiency with-
out draining scarce foreign exchange resources,
can forestall an inflation of agricultural prices,
avoid a diversion of resources from other uses, and
sustain at a saving in human suffering a faster
pace of development.

More specifically, food aid can :

— permit increases of employment to occur more
rapidly than the capacity of the country to produce
food for the newly employed ;

— improve both the quantity and quality of
diets and thus increase productivity ;

— provide relief in famine and other emergen-

— develop, through school and preschool feeding
programs, the "human capital" of the future;

—facilitate desirable land reform by compensat-
ing for the temporary fall in agricultural produc-
tion sometimes attendant upon redistribution of

Food aid is not a substitute for financial aid.
But in these ways food can stretch the limited
supply of finance that is available.

It is in recognition of this fact that the food
aid program of the United States has steadily
gathered momentiun. In the last 7 years the
United States has provided over $9 billion in agri-
cultural commodities on special terms to other
countries. In the years ahead we will be provid-
ing food aid at a rate of some $2 billion a year.

As our Food-for-Peace Program proceeds, we
are devoting increasing attention to promoting
economic and social development. In Tmiisia, for
example, food has been used as a partial wage

January 22, J 962


payment with spectacular results. As a result of
food aid, over half of the normally unemployed
labor force of some 300,000 men have been working
on some 6,000 projects including reforestation,
land clearing, well drilling, sanitation, and hous-
ing. In 3 years this program has generated 70
million man-days of work.

In all these activities we have given careful at-
tention to protecting established and developing
patterns of commercial trade in which we also have
a substantial interest. With this in mind we have
participated actively in the FAO Consultative
Subcommittee on Surplus Disposal and have met
i-egularly with representatives of commercial ex-
porting countries.

Advance in International Economic Cooperation

The thii'd fundamental trend on which our
progress has be«n based is the dramatic advance in
international economic cooperation. Such coop-
eration has reached dimensions imdreamt of as
recently as 15 years ago.

The Marshall plan, the Colombo Plan, the Ali-
anza fcira el Progreso^ the OECD [Organization
for Economic Cooperation and Development] are
milestones on the road to the achievement of eco-
nomic progress through mutual aid. Within the
U.N. system of organizations, many of us have
worked together in the creation of the great inter-
national lending agencies such as the International
Bank for Eeconstruction and Development and
the International Development Association. Our
discussions in this, the Economic Committee of the
General Assembly, in the Economic and Social
Council, and in the governing bodies of the spe-
cialized agencies have increasingly been dominated
by our concern with multilateral assistance to help
the developing countries in their struggle for a
better life. And we have created new interna-
tional instruments to this end such as the Special
Fund and the Expanded Program of Technical

The promotion of international cooperation in
economic development is a cardinal point in the
foreign policy of the United States. Our new aid
legislation specifically provides that doveloi^ment
assistance "to newly independent countries shall,
to the maximum extent appropriate in the circum-
stances of each case, be furnished through multi-
lateral organizations or in accordance with multi-
lateral plans, on a fair and equitable basis with due
regard to self-help."


The pattern of economic development assistance
that has been emerging in recent years defies easy
classification. It goes beyond bilateralism but
stops short of complete multilateralism, if that
term is thought to mean the administration of all
aid by international agencies. To be sure, a large
part of teclmical assistance and a small part of
financial aid is now administered by international
organizations. For much of the rest there is grad-
ually emerging a kind of multilateral bilateralism,
or multilateral coordination of bilateral programs,
in which countries supply, on a voluntary basis in
each case, technical, financial, and commodity aid
in support of projects and programs drawn up
under international auspices. This pattern well
reflects the opportunities as well as the limitations
of international cooperation in a divided world.

My Government sees in the program which we
are now discussing another potentially very im-
portant expansion of our efforts at intei-national
cooperation. We see in it a new teclmique in ex-
tending assistance to countries which need external
aid, a new resource to help them meet their needs.

The new program represents a first major initia-
tive as we enter upon the United Nations Decade of
Development. It should be viewed in the context
of our other endeavors to assist the developing
countries. To this end it should be woven in with
the ongoing U.N. programs for economic ad-
vance — at the center through the kind of relation-
ships on the intergovernmental and managerial
level provided for in the resolution * before this
committee, and on the country level by making
use of the resident representatives serving as the
country directors of the Special Fund programs.

In taking this approach we trust that the pro-
gi-am of multilateral food aid will become an im-
portant vehicle in strengthening the trend toward
more effective forms of multilateral assistance for
economic and social development.

U.S. Views on Future Contributions

Tlie distinguished delegate from Canada has
already spoken to the draft resolution now before
us. I should only like to call attention now to the
second part of the resolution. This part looks to
the future.

Its first operative paragraph expresses the hope
that, as soon as experience warrants, the U.N. and
the FAO will proceed with consideration of in-

"U.N. doc. A/C.2/L. fil7.

Department of Sfafe Bu//ef/n

crt'iising the size and scope of the program with a
greater emphasis on economic and social develop-

So far as the United States is concerned, we can
state here and now that we are willing to make
substantial contributions to such an expanding
program with growing emphasis on the use of food
for development purposes.

Naturally, any futm'e decision to commit com-
modities beyond the $40 million we have already
offered will have to take account of the factors
enumerated in the first paragraph of this part of
the resolution — the advantages which the program
has brought to developing countries, the interest
of contributing coimtries, and the overall effective-
ness of the initial program.

Let me emphasize that one of the principal con-
siderations which will influence us in any future
decisions will be the willingness and ability of
other countries to contribute food to the program
and to make contributions in cash and services.

"We should like to see the broadest possible par-

Online LibraryUnited States. Dept. of State. Office of Public CoDepartment of State bulletin (Volume v. 46, Jan- Mar 1962) → online text (page 34 of 101)