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thought about. But I would not wish to empha-
size that particular action in terms of its being
considered as an immediate step apart from every
other contingency that was thought about. East
Berlin and East Germany have been firmly in
Communist control since the war. The events of
the last 15 years gave them, in effect, control over
those areas. Now, they've put up the wall. I
think without any question, not against the West —
that is, not to keep the West out —

Q. Yes.

A. — but to keep their own people in.

Q. — to keep their oion people in.

A. Even within the last 10 days Mr. [Walter]
Ulbricht has made that very clear — that they put
up the wall to stop the outflow of East Germans
and East Berliners wlio wanted to come to tlie
West. Now, let's not be under any illusions about
this. Just as some international agreements can
confer benefits upon both sides, so can certain epi-
sodes or situations prove a disadvantage to both
sides. I think both sides have lost because of tlie
wall. I think the Communists have lost. Here
is the gretvt .symbol of the type of concentration

Department of State Bulletin



camp which they have to erect in order to prevent
their own people from seeking freedom. East
Berlin is a very dull place these days — its opera,
its showplaces, its restaurants are only partially
filled, and the life of that part of the city has
suffered a setback. But nevertheless it would be
better for West Berlin and the West had that
wall not been there. I think we must find ways
to restore the circulation of people, if we can pos-
sibly do it, so that these Germans in Berlin will
once again be able to recapture some of the life
of the city as a whole.

Q. In othe^ words, then, sir —

A. — primarily to be reunited.

Q. — ii^s an objective of American policy today?

A. That is correct.

Q. — rcould ie to open sotn-e doors — so7ne gates
in the toall?

A. Tliat is correct.

Q. — rather than to tear it down completely?

A. If you talk about shooting your way into
East Berlin, then you have got to follow on and
be prepared to answer the questions which come
tomorrow or the next day and the next week about
whether that is a basis of policy.

U.S. Negotiating Position

Q. Right. Mr. Secretary, some of us have been
puzzled — / have myself — about the nature of our
sort of prenegotiating position on Berlin.
Haven't xoe stacked the cards against real nego-
tiation by insisting that the scope of whatever
negotiation there may be, may be narrowed to Ber-
lin? If negotiation assumes a certain give and
take, what is there that we can give in Berlin that
would not underTuine the city^s future?

A. Well, I wouldn't, Mr. Abel, want to charac-
terize the narrowness or the breadth of the dis-
cussions which are now going on. The talks
which Ambassador [Llewellyn E.] Thompson is
having in Moscow are to find out whether a basis
for negotiation exists, and we presume they will
go on somewhat further to explore that point.
There are not, quite frankly, major concessions
that are available in this situation. Again, over
the last 15 yeai-s, the margins of adjustment and



compromise have been worn pretty thin. "Wliat
we see in Berlin is a confrontation of the vital in-
terests of the West, with pressures from the East.
And this is not an easy and normal trading situ-
ation where by adjustment here and there you
reach a quick agreement. This is much more dif-
ficult than that and has to be handled much more
carefully.

Q. That's precisely v>hy I asked the question.
I had wondered, myself, whether, in a wider ne-
gotiation, where xoe woidd not be dealing with
Berlin alone, we might not be in a stronger posi-
tion?

A. Well, there are broader questions which do
have a bearing upon the relations between the
Sino-Soviet bloc and the Western World but
which we've already tried to explore. For ex-
ample, one of the real setbacks, I think, not for us
but for the human race in past years, was the
failure to obtain a treaty on nuclear testing, which
we presented in March to the Soviet Union.'
That was a great disappointment to us. And we
hope very much that that can be followed up on,
in some way.

American Diplomatic Achievements

Q. Mr. Secretary, Pd like to give you a break at
this point. We^ve been talking a great deal about
setbacks and disasters and so forth. Looking back
on this first year of the Kennedy administration,
is there some single achievement of American di-
plomacy — some job particularly well done — that
gives you, as Secretary of State, particular satis-
faction?

A. Well, I think there are a number of those,
Mr. Abel. Some of them won't be known, I sus-
pect, until the papers are published some 25 years
from now, because part of our business is pre-
venting crises — and we don't put them on the
public record as we go along. I would think that
perhaps there are two things that come to mind
in connection with your question. One was the
recent session of the General Assembly, where
some very important forward steps were taken,
where the effort to unseat the Republic of China
was decisively defeated,' where a Secretary-Gen-
eral was appointed without limiting his authority



' For text, see iUd., June 5, 1961, p. 870.

■ For background, see ihid., Jan. 15, 1962, p. 108.



January 29, 1962



167



along the lines of troika. I also would point to
the remarkable work done by our consul general —
a professional Foreign Service officer — in the Do-
minican Eepublic, Mr. Jolm C. Hill, in helping
that country find its way out of the agonies in
which it had fallen.

Q. And that, incidentally, was one situation in
which we did use American national power sym-
holically, didn't loe?



A. Yes.



Yes, we did.



Q. Mr. Secretary, I have one final question.
You are going off to Punta del Este in about 10
days. What is the least that you would expect to
come out of that conference with regard to action
against C astro'' s Cuba by the other hemisphere
countries?

A. Well, Mr. Abel, a question about what we
expect to have occur in a conference Mliich is about
10 days off, I think, is just a little untimely, be-
cause we're, of course, negotiating and discussing
very closely with other governments, right now,
exactly what those results might be. I am quite
sure that there will be registered there, in closer
terms, the deep concern of this hemisphere about
the penetration of the Americas by these forces
from the outside. The exact steps which we —
which may come from that — we'll have to wait the
event. But we're in close consultation with the
other governments right now.

Q. Well, thank you very much, sir.



President Reviews Berlin Situation
Witli General Clay

Statement by President Kennedy

White House press release dated January 7

General Clay ^ and I have had a most useful and
satisfactory review of the current situation in
Berlin and Germany. I have been very glad to get
his report of the continued stanchness of the free
people of West Berlin, and we have talked at
length about the ways and means of sustaining
and strengthening the life of their great city in
the future as in the past.

We liavc also reviewed the general problem of

" Lucius D. Clay, the President's personal representa-
tive In Berlin.



effective handling of possible crisis situations, and
we have reached full agreement on the policy to
be followed during these months.

This meeting is one more way in which Mr.
Rusk, General Clay, and I can keep in the closest
touch, and we continue to be fortunate in having
him as the senior American in Berlin.



U.S.-Canada Economic Committee
Concludes Seventh Meeting

The seventh meeting of the Joint United States-
Canadian Committee on Trade and Economic Af-
fairs was held at Ottaioa January 12-13. Follow-
ing is the text of a communique released at Ottawa
at the conclusion of the meeting.

The seventh meeting of the Joint Canada-
United States Committee on Trade and Economic
Affairs was held in Ottawa, January 12 and 13,
1962, under the Chairmanship of the Honourable
Donald M. Fleming, Minister of Finance.

2. The United States was represented at the
meeting by the Honorable C. Douglas Dillon, Sec-
retary of the Treasury; the Honorable Stewart
Udall, Secretary of the Interior; the Honorable
Orville L. Freeman, Secretary of Agriculture; the
Honorable Luther H. Hodges, Secretary of Com-
merce ; and the Honorable George W. Ball, Under-
Secretary of State. The United States Delegation
also included Mr. Livmgston T. Merchant, United
States Ambassador to Canada.

3. Canada was represented by the Honourable
Howard Green, Secretary of State for External
Affairs; the Honourable Donald M. Fleming, Min- i
ister of Finance; the Honourable George Hees,
Minister of Trade and Commerce; and tlie Hon-
ourable Alvin Hamilton, Minister of Agriculture.
The Canadian Delegation included the Canadian
Ambassador to the United States, Mr. A. D. P.
Heeney. |

4. The Committee noted tlie improvement in the
level of economic activity in botli countries since
the previous meeting in Washington in INIarch, ^
1961.^ They agreed on the importance of achiev-
ine; sustained economic growth in accordance with
the resolution adopted at the first Ministerial
meeting of the OECD on November 17.= Meas-



' Bui.LKTiN of Apr. 3, 1961. p. 487.

' For a statement made by Under Secretary of State
George W. Ball at the OECD moetins and text of a com-
munique, see ibid.. Dee. IS, liHJl. p. 1014.



168



Department of State Bulletin,.



ures for the expansion of world trade would be
essential to the achievement of these aims.

5. Canadian Ministers reiterated their support
for the expansion of world trade on a multilatei'al,
nondiscriminatory basis, and Canada's readiness to
play a constructive role in the promotion of f I'eer
world trade. United States members welcomed
this statement and pointed out that the United
States had consistently supported these objectives
for many years. The Committee recognized the
importance of the recent decision at the GATT
Ministerial Meeting to explore new arrangements
for the multilateral reduction of trade barriers and
for moving toward freer trade.'' The United
States members emphasized that the new trade
legislation being sought at this Session of Con-
gress is intended to contribute substantially to this
objective.

6. The United States members explained the
general nature and purposes of the trade expan-
sion programme which the United States Admin-
istration will be submitting to Congress, which,
if approved, would enable the United States to
make a greater contribution to the growth of in-
ternational trade on a multilateral basis, and in
this way contribute substantially to the strength
and prosperity of the free world.

7. The Committee examined the problems in-
hibiting international trade in agricultural com-
modities and underlined the importance of
securing international agreement on measures
which would provide adequate access to world
markets for agricultural producers. They agreed
that such measures should take full account of the
comparative advantage of production in agricul-
tural commodities among different countries.
United States and Canadian Ministers expressed
the hope that coming international discussions
would effectively contribute to the freeing and
expansion of international trade in agricultural
products.

8. The Committee noted the current negotia-
tions between Britain and the European Economic
Community and the widespread consequences
which British entry into the EEC would have for
the rest of the world. The Committee recognized



^ For statements made by Under Secretary Ball and
Under Secretary of Commerce Edward Gudeman, a re-
port of the U.S. delegation to the 19th session of GATT,
and text of a declaration on promotion of trade of less
developed countries, see iMd., Jan. 1, 1962, p. 3.



the great importance of the Commonwealth as a
unique association of free nations bridging five
continents and the constructive contribution which
it was making to world peace and stability.

9. Canadian Ministers emphasized that the Com-
monwealth trade links, including the exchange
of preferences and the historic right of free entry
into the United Kingdom market, were an essen-
tial cohesive element in the Commonwealth asso-
ciation. They stressed the importance the Ca-
nadian Government attached to Britain's efforts
in their negotiations with the EEC to safeguard
the trade interests of Canada and other Common-
wealth countries.

10. The Committee recalled the constructive
conclusions reached at the recent Ministerial meet-
ing of the GATT concerning the trade of the
less-developed countries. They reaffirmed that it
was the continuing policy of both coimtries to
assist the efforts of those countries to expand their
trade and improve their standards of living.

11. The Committee recognized that direct ex-
changes of views at the Cabinet level are useful in
helping to maintain soundly based and effective
economic co-operation between Canada and the
United States. Such understanding and co-opera-
tion will be all the more necessary in the years
ahead if each coimtry is to play its part in a chang-
ing world with a full recognition of the essential
interests and aspirations of the other.



Letters of Credence

Eciiador

The newly appointed Ambassador of Ecuador,
Neftali Ponce Miranda, presented his credentials
to President Kennedy on January 10. For texts
of the Ambassador's remarks and the President's
reply, see Department of State press release 22
dated January 10.

Republic of Gabon

The newly appointed Ambassador of the Repub-
lic of Gabon, Jules Mbah, presented his creden-
tials to President Kennedy on January 10. For
texts of the Ambassador's remarks and the Presi-
dent's reply, see Department of State press release
23 dated January 10.



January 29, 7962



169



Rule and Exception in Africa



by G. Mennen Williams

Assistant Secretary for African Affairs '



It gives me gi-eat pleasure to join you today at
a time when the new year is still young and full
of promise. At this season we feel our energies
revive and we take a new look at the possibilities
which life offers — the stubborn problems we face
and the opportunities we all have in the pursuit of
happiness, in working for a more abundant life
in our communities, and in strengthening the
leadership of our country in the great causes of
justice, liberty, and peace.

This nation has a great deal to say in the shap-
ing of the world community today. Our good for-
tune historically, our good and hardworking peo-
ple, have endowed the United States with miprece-
dented power and material prosperity. These
attributes greatly enhance the effect of all our
actions in the world outside our borders. If we
ourselves are somewhat breathless from our ad-
vance into the atomic age and the new era of space
exploration, we can be certain that to most other
nations and peoples the force of our presence
grows ever stronger.

Yet the great promise of America continues to
spring from our spiritual heritage. When our
forebears proclaimed that governments derive
"their just powers from the consent of the gov-
erned," a profound inspiration flowed out from
these shores to nourish the very roots of civiliza-
tion. The flowering of that inspiration has re-
claimed many national destinies for peoples
throughout the world. As Jefferson foresaw, the
American ideal of freedom would surely reach out
across the world, "to some pai'ts sooner, to some
later, and finally to all."



' Address made before the Woman's National Demo-
cratic Club at Washington, D.C., on .Tan. 8 (press release
16).



In our time, this ferment, this inevitable asser-
tion of the natural rights of man, has been — and
is — at work in Africa.

Evolution to Independence

Above all else the striking thing about Africa
today is the emergence, only yesterday, of so many
new nations. Twenty-five of the 29 sovereign na-
tions of Africa have won their independence in
the last 11 years, 18 of them within the past 2
years alone.

This is a simple reckoning of an enormously
significant transfonnation in our world commu-
nity. The curtain is rapidly falling on act three
of the drama of the old imperial-power relation-
ships, the spectacle of colonialism with its master-
servant relationships. The new play of forces in
Africa may seem pooi-ly rehearsed, and we are
not very well acquainted with many of the actors.
But clearly this drama of change is a text for our
times.

There is no use crying that some way should
have been found to clap the lid on the world the
way it was yesterday. Rather, as realists, we
should welcome this new play of forces because
it offers eloquent, fresh testimony to man's in-
extinguishable desire for freedom.

The colonial powers, with important excep-
tions, have contributed intelligently to this evo-
lution to self-determination and independence of
the African peoples. The colonial experience
generated a great many frictions, but what is re-
markable is that nearly nil the new nations of
the continent have emerged to freedom peacefully.
On (ho one hand, a degree of preparation, some-
times minimal but nevertheless vital, was extended
to these dependent peoples in the field of political



170



Deporfmenf of Sfafe Bulletin



expression and self-government. On the other
hand, African nationalist leaders have generally
used the political choices open to them with great
skill.

This peaceful evolution is the rule. We must
not miss seeing it because of headlines concerning
the one great exception in newly independent
Africa — the fonner Belgian territory which is now
tlie Republic of the Congo.

I do not wish today to go into the situation in
tlie Congo, except to reiterate that American policy
has helped to lay the groundwork there for a
necessary reconciliation among the Congolese
peoples. The tui'bulence in the Congo runs too
deep to expect an overnight solution of all the
problems of that country. But on the basis of
the Kitona agreement,- which President Kennedy
helped to make possible, the goal of a stable Congo,
impervious to subversion or outside domination,
is brought within reach.

Positive Achievements Are Characteristic

What I want to reiterate is that events in the
Congo must not distract us from the broader
truths about the new African states. The Congo
is the exception. We must look to, we must get
to know, the substantial, positive achievements of
the other new states of Africa, which constitute the
great majority.

What I would like to see in headlines is not
that 1 among the 25 newly independent nations
of Africa is rent by secession and civil strife but
that the other 24 are peacefully established under
governments of their own choosing; that law and
order prevails throughout virtually every one of
these countries; that responsible leadership is
widely characteristic; that economic and social
progress is the order of the day ; and that, despite
the blandisliments of the Soviet bloc, no African
country has traded away its independence (nor is
any likely to), while hj far the majority maintain
a friendly and productive orientation toward the
West.

When we recall the rigors of our own country's
early development, we know how much we owe to
tlie courage and foresight of our first leaders and
how much sweaty toil by our people was needed to
bring us round the bend of early uncertainties and



' For background, see Bulletin of Jan. 1, 1962, p. 10,
and Jan. 8, 1962, p. 49.



setbacks. Africa has moved fast, but the excep-
tions only go to prove the rule that the nations
there have begun their careers under foresighted
leadership which is determined to realize flourish-
ing societies and a secure destiny in the free world.
This certainly is not going to be an easy task,
for the needs of the African countries are many.
The needs, in fact, are shaping the kinds of in-
stitutions which are felt to be necessary to mobilize
national resources, including what is sometimes
called human investment, in the drive for economic
and social development. There is an impatience
to move ahead, but it could hardly be otherwise.
African leaders are caught up in a race with time
and the expectations of their peoples. They are
going to make some mistakes, but again we must
see the mainstream, which is already, and will
increasingly become, a forward movement.

Examples of Progress

We are too little aware of the inspired will to
work, to plan, and to sacrifice for a growing
economy that is evident, for example, in Tunisia.
The Tunisians are being reminded over and over
again that "the future belongs to industrious
peoples"; they are taught that " 'God helps them
who help themselves' is the motto of new Tunisia."
The Tunisian people have responded vigorously.

The total school population of Tunisia has
doubled sinc« 1952 and is still growing. The num-
ber of hospital beds has increased from 6,000 to
10,000 in 3 years. Slums are being cleared, and
pure water is being supplied to remote villages.
About 9,000 new housing units are being con-
structed each year, most of them low-cost units
for workers, and plans are being made to build
20,000 annually.

The case of Nigeria is also instructive. Nigeria
has been developing in accordance with a program
based on a survey by the International Bank for
Reconstruction and Development. Some 80 per-
cent of this program has been financed from in-
ternal Nigerian sources. With its help, Nigeria's
rate of economic growth has risen to about 6 per-
cent per annum. Tax withholdings are now being
started to cut down on tax evasion. Efforts are
being made to meet uncertainties of present land
ownership by changes in the tenure arrangements.
New lands are being opened up by well-drilling
and land-resettlement projects, and new conMnuni-
ties are being created.



January 29, J 962



in



Incidentally, traveling in Nigeria and several
other countries of Af i-ica, I was impressed to find
that industrial development agencies have been set
up, quite like those found in many of our own
States.

Partnership and Cooperation

We also need to be reminded of the continuing
partnership between almost every one of the Afri-
can nations and the former metropole powers. In
every instance the new nations have turned first to
these or other countries of the West for aid.
Quite a few have felt obliged to accept aid offers
also from the Soviet bloc, owing to the magni-
tude of their needs and, sometimes, as another
means of signifying their independence. There
are dangers in this, of course, but the present odds,
measured in terms of aid programs, are heavily
weighted on the free- world side.

We ourselves have done much less than the Eu-
ropean countries. Our direct economic aid to
Africa in fiscal year 1961 was $215 million apart
from surplus agricultural commodities, but
France and England together provided well over
$400 million. Germany, Belgium, Italy, and sev-
eral smaller countries have also made substantial
contributions. This pool of Western assistance
is nourishing sound programs of economic and
social development. In addition international
agencies are supporting this general forward ef-
fort. Last year almost one-third of the new loan
commitments of the International Bank for Re-
construction and Development went to Africa.

Moreover, new joint efforts in African assist-
ance are being set in motion by member nations
of the Organization for Economic Cooperation
and Development. And on their own account the
African nations have formed political groupings
which find their first expression in developing ra-
tional economic plans on a cooperative basis. One
example is the work of the Organization for Afri-
can and Malagasy Economic Cooperation, through
which 12 former French territories are forming a
customs union and planning coordinated develop-
ment programs. Twenty nations, including sev-
eral foimerly under British administration, expect
soon to adopt a convention with similar develop-
ment objectives, and still another group of six
nations have agreed to cooperate under the "Casa-
blanca Charter."

These are realities of constructive work and



172



orderly progress in Africa. They do not mean
that the end of the road is in sight, for the prob-
lems are manifold and tenacious. But they do
mean that a very good start has been made on the
sort of development which is consistent not only



Online LibraryUnited States. Dept. of State. Office of Public CoDepartment of State bulletin (Volume v. 46, Jan- Mar 1962) → online text (page 37 of 101)