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are among the makers of history. We have a
capacity to shape the course of events in front of
us. Wliat the United States does or does not do
in these yeare ahead will make an enormous differ-
ence, not only in the shape of the world in which
we will live but also in the world in which our
children and their children will live.

Inadvertence or inattention on the part of the
American people may make decisions of the most
colossal importance. Everything we are, every-
thing we do, and everything we do not do helps to
shape the history of our times. Should we hesitate
at this stage the consequences will not only be most
serious in the present East- West struggle but
would be equally serious insofar as our partner-
ship in the free world is concerned.

-■ Bulletin of Dec. 25. 1961, p. 1039.


Department of State Bulletin

Developing a Common Western Strategy

The overriding free-world interest is, of course,
to maintain the closest possible unity. NATO is
predicated on the assumption that the most effec-
tive way to meet the Soviet military threat is
through a common "Western strategy. In the
economic sphere, for the United States to fail to
work out common policies with the Common
Market would lend credence to the Communist
claim that the West is unable to construct a com-
mon policy and that the Leninist thesis of ii-rec-
oncilable conflict exists within the "capitalist
camp." It is therefore urgent that we be able to
work toward a coordinated free-world trade

President Kennedy, in his speech to the AFL-
CIO,^ pointed out that the United States has a
surplus of $5 billion a year in its balance of trade,
but $3 billion of these funds go to support our
armed forces abroad. Any decrease in our ex-
ports would have serious repercussions in the
United States. The balance-of -payments position
of the United States requires that we improve our
export trade. To accomplish this we must have
the necessary authority to negotiate for the open-
ing up of greater trade opportunities.

The President has also pointed out that Ameri-
can farmers have a great stake in trade with
Western Europe. It is one of the most important
markets for our agricultural products. With the
accession of the United Kingdom and possibly
other countries, this market will become even more

The European Economic Community, or EEC,
is now in the process of developing a common
agricultural policy. This policy will have an im-
portant bearing on our possibilities for export to
the Common IMarket. Now is the time, before
patterns are set and lines hardened, that we can
negotiate with greatest effectiveness to protect and
advance our interests. This will become increas-
ingly difficult if it is put off to the future.

There is another political factor which impels
us to actions of leadership now. The United
States has been the leader in the Western alliance
politically, economically, and militarily. But
political power and economic power go hand in
hand. It is important that we, who have helped
and earnestly want a strong and unified Europe,

'IUd.,1,. 1(M7.

take measures which will enable us to work to-
gether with the Common Market. Strong, with a
vital interest in international trade, Western
Europe is ready to join with the United States in
the further liberalization of the free world's com-
merce. We must be able to work together in
harnessing the free world's economic strength for
our common purpose.

There is tremendous momentum in Europe be-
hind the Common Market idea. It is the visible
benefits of economic integration which sustain
this political momentum. The time is ripe, psycho-
logically, for the United States to sustain this
momentum by entering into negotiations with
these countries for a comprehensive reduction in
our tariffs for similar reductions in the Common
Market external tariff. If we wait even a year,
we will allow the Common Market to make funda-
mental decisions affecting the whole free world's
interest without our voice being effectively heard.

The members of the Common Market are elim-
inating industrial tariffs among themselves in big,
broad strokes. They are also fashioning a com-
mon agricultural policy among themselves, re-
placing their individual f ann programs with what
amounts to a common support program. Impor-
tant potential effects on American exports are
inherent in both these developments. American
industrial exporters will be handicapped by the
competitive advantage which domestic suppliers
in the Common Market will have in supplying the
needs of that market. Our exporters will be out-
side the common external tariff looking in upon
this expanding community. Unless the external
tariffs can be bargained down, more and moi'e
American businesses will turn to investing in Eu-
rope as a way of getting inside. American farm
exports may be similarly handicapped if the new
common agricultural policy leads to programs of
self-sufficiency. If we are to insure the prospects
for our agricultural exports, we must be prepared
to bargain hard and soon.

We cannot expect the Common Market countries
to slow down their internal tariff reductions or to
change their bargaining methods to slower, more
selective ones. We can expect that the Common
Market, however, wiU negotiate with us across-
the-board tariff cuts covering entire categories of
goods, if we have the authority to make similar
offers on their goods coming into the United

February 5, 1962


U.S. Needs Bargaining Authority

At the present time the United States has little
remaining bargaining authority with which to
make its voice heard in the councils of the Com-
mon Market. We need to be able to say to the
Europeans that we are willing to offer concessions
in our tariff schedules over the next 5 years. We
must have the autliority to matcli the general re-
ductions wliich they are making in (heir internal
tariffs. We must be able to say that we are will-
ing to reduce boldly duties on industrial products
important to our two common markets. We need
authority, broad authority, to make tariff conces-
sions in favor of our agricultural exports. And
■we need this authority now before the seeds of
protectionism have a chance to sprout in the Com-
mon Market.

However, President Kennedy's request for trade
authority is not focused exclusively on negotia-
tions with the Common Market. Through exten-
sion of most-favored-nation treatment, the results
of these negotiations would be extended to our
friends in Canada, Japan. Latin America, Africa,
and the Middle and Far East. Furthermore, we
contemplate direct negotiations with these coun-
tries as well.

While we are an Atlantic nation, we are also
a Pacific nation. We are also a nation in the
Western Hemisphere, with the very closest ties
with the American states. We are also the rich-
est and most powerful nation in the free world.
By virtue of our wealth and power we have re-
sponsibilities toward every other nation of the
free world.

Therefore, in defining our relationship with the
Atlantic nations, we must do so in a manner con-
sistent with our role as a world leader. Our rela-
tionship with the Common Market must be out-
ward-looking. It must be dedicated not only to
the achievement of the parochial interests of the
members of the Atlantic community but dedicated
to the increase and expansion of trade with the
rest of the free world. The President, in his state
of the Union message, propounded this thought
most eloquently.* He stated :

. . . together we face a common challenge : to enlarge
the prosperity of free men everywhere, to build in part-
nership a new trading community in which all free na-
tions may gain from the productive energy of free com-
petitive effort.

' Ibid., Jan. 29, 1962, p. 159.

These various elements in our foreign policy lead, as
I have said, to a single goal — the goal of a peaceful world
of free and independent states. This is our guide for the
present and our vision for the future : a free community
of nations, independent but interdependent, uniting north
and south, east and west, in one great family of man,
outgrowing and transcending the hates and fears that
rend our age.

None would deny that in attempting to achieve
this objective we must work closely with the bur-
geoning Common Market. We must have the
authority to work with tlie Common Market so
that the two great Atlantic markets, growing to-
gether, can utilize their resources and skill, share
the burdens of defense and foreign aid, and thus
meet the free world's security and economic

Demonstrating Advantages of Economic Freedom

We have also to take up the challenge which
Khrushchev made to the Western World for an
economic and social race. I am confident that we
will win. Not only is our economic potential far
greater than that of the Communist bloc, but our
system of economic freedom is more efficient than
the coercive system of the East.

With the development of European integration
and with the economic strength of the United
States working in unison with that of Western
Europe, we can develop so dynamic an economy
in the free world that its political, economic, and
social repercussions will be great in the Commu-
nist bloc itself. We will thus demonstrate to the
entire world the advantages of our system based
on freedom.

What the President Seeks

Wliat is this authority that the President is
seeking? In brief, he is asking Congress to pro-
vide him with the authority to negotiate on a
reciprocal basis a reduction in existing duties by
50 percent. He is asking that in negotiations with
the EEC he be authorized to reduce tariffs even
further on those products of which the United
States and the EEC are the main suppliers to the
world. He seeks authority to assist the expansion
of trade of the less developed countries. He is
asking authority of Congre.ss to eliminate com-
pletely duties on tropical agricultural and for-
estry products which are not produced in the
United States, provided that the EEC agrees to
make similar reductions. And, in order to assist

Deparfmenf of State Bulletin

any firms or workers affected by the increased
import competition, lie is asking for a trade ad-
justment assistance program. Tlie assistance
would not be subsidies but would be measures to
help those affected to better meet t\i& forces of
competition. It would provide the means of per-
mitting traditional American forces of adapta-
bility and initiative to substitute progress for

Tlie legislation we are seeking is an essential
element of United States strategy to build
stronger economic and political cohesion in the
free world. Witliin this broader framework tlie
legislation will provide authority to negotiate with
the European Common Market to insure access
for American exports in a potential market of
300 million people. It will permit the United
States, in conjunction with the industrial coun-
tries of the free world, to open increasingly the
markets of the developed countries for the prod-
ucts of the less developed. It will enable the
United States to bring about a lowering of trade
barriers, which will assist the United States in
improving its balance-of -payments position. It
will facilitate the best utilization of the free
world's resources in order to accelerate the eco-
nomic growth of the non-Communist world.

We have already taken the first steps toward

closer economic cooperation in "Western Europe
through support of the Common Market and the
establishment of the Organization for Economic
Cooperation and Development. I^eadership in
trade policy by the United States is necessary if
these efforts are to succeed. Through concerted
action in trade policy we can assure an accelera-
tion of the economic growth of the members of the
Atlantic community, increase United States ex-
ports, create export markets for the less developed
countries, and develop a constructive response to
the economic offensive of the Communist bloc.

With this authority from Congress and its suc-
cessful use in negotiating to lower Common Mar-
ket restrictions against our goods, every .segment
of the American economy will benefit. The
trade bill that the President will submit to Con-
gress shortly will not only serve the domestic in-
terests of the United States but also its foreign
policy interests as well. The Department of State
has as its responsibility the protection of United
States interests globally. It seeks to promote
peace, to strengthen our security, and to maintain
friendly relations with other countries. It is also
responsible for protecting the interests of Ameri-
can business, labor, and agriculture abroad. The
trade bill proposed by the President will promote
all of these interests.

Secretary Rusk's News Conference of January 18

Press release 43 dated January 19

Secretary Rusk: Since you have a very full
docket today, as I can tell from the tickers already
beginning to flow, and since my own schedule is
very pressed, I will not take time for any lengthy
opening statements.

I perhaps could incorporate into this session the
statement that I made this morning on the Congo,
which I understand has been released by the sub-
committee of the Senate Foreign Relations Com-
mittee under Senator [Albert] Gore.* But I
could not mention the Congo without expressing
a deep personal sense of shock and dismay at the
news which has come in in the last few days about
the murder of missionaries in north Katanga.

"■ See p. 216.

This tragedy, a tragedy in every sense, under-
lines in the most urgent way the need for a
prompt reconciliation among the leaders of the
Congo to erect there a workable constitutional and
administrative system with responsible internal
security and police forces, so that law and order
can be restored in that country.

You are getting from the Organization of
American States the report of the [Inter-Ameri-
can] Peace Committee. That has been released by
them, and we have attempted to speed up the re-
lease in English by translation of tliat portion re-
ferring to Cuba. At the conclusion of that section
on Cuba, I would invite your attention to the por-
tion which reads :

As regards the Intense subversive activity in which the
countries of the Sino-Soviet bloc are engaged in America

February 5, 7962


and the activities of the Cuban Government that are
pointed out in this report, it is evident that they would
constitute acts that, within the system for the "political
defense" of the hemisphere, have been classed as acts of
"political aggression" or "aggression of a nonmilitary
character." Such acts represent attacks upon inter-
American peace and security as well as on the sover-
eignty and political independence of the American states,
and therefore a serious violation of fundamental prin-
ciples of the inter-American system, as has been re-
peatedly and explicitly declared at previous Inter-
American Conferences and Meetings of Consultation.

I shall be leaving with my colleagues on Satur-
day evening for the meeting of the foreign min-
isters of the Organization of American States in
Punta del Este. It is not possible, I think, for any
of the foreign ministers to state witli precision
ahead of the meeting exactly what will be the re-
sult of that meeting. If that were possil^le it
would not be necessary to hold the meeting. But
we do believe that without any doubt the confer-
ence at Punta del Este and the Organ of Consulta-
tion will reaffinn tlie basic principles of the
charters of the hemisphere system, that they will
point with no equivocation whatever to the events
which have occurred in Cuba as being in violation
of the obligations of tliose basic charters, and that
events in Cuba represent an unacceptable pene-
tration of this hemisphere by forces from outside
the hemisphere.^

As to the details of what action or what resolu-
tions or what arrangements will be reached in
Punta del Este, it would not be possible to say
today because the ministers and govermnents are
not only considering their own points of view but
are in intensive consultation witli each otlier on
this matter.

Now, gentlemen, I will take your questions.

The Thompson-Gromyko Talks on Berlin

Q. Mr. Secretary, to go to the Berlin situation,
in view of the quieting down of developments
there, and particularly the withdrawal of tanks
from ioth sides of the Frledrlchstrasse Gate, do
you consider that there is a significant easing of
tensions in Berlin?

A. I would not wish to characterize the situa-

' For a Department announcement concerning release
of a document entitled "The Castro Regime iu Cuba" aud
text of the summary section of the document, see Bul-
letin of Jan. 22, 1062, p. 129.

tion in those terms. It remains a dangerous situa-
tion. The removal of the tanks occurred on a
military basis, on the basis of decisions taken
locally, as announced in Berlin itself. The most
recent conversation between Mr. Thompson
[Llewellyn E. Thompson, U.S. Ambassador to the
U.S.S.R.] and Mr. Gromyko [Andrei A. Gro-
myko, Soviet Foreign Minister] was the occasion
for a reaffirmation of the longstanding Soviet
position. We expect those talks to continue fur-
ther, to find out whether there is any real change
in the situation or basis for negotiation.

Q. Mr. Secretary, the reports from London and
Bonn, which have heen somewhat more extensive
than the ones here on the Gromyho-Thompson
talks, indicate that the Russians, in addition to
not changing their position, have hecome possibly
even more rigid in their position than they tcere
when you were talking with Mr. Gromyko last
autwnn. Do you get that impression?

A. No, I would not think so. I think that
the talks reflected the standard position of the
Soviets, which has been known for some time, and
that tliere were no surprises in these talks from
that point of view, that there was no perceptible
hardening of their position but a repetition of it.
And on the other hand, there was no significant
forward movement.

Q. Mr. Secretary, do toe noio have a clearer
picture of exactly tohat is happening in Santo

A. We have had some reports during the day.
As I indicated yesterday, we have been disap-
pointed by what seems to be a backward step in
the development of that situation toward demo-
cratic and constitutional government. We do
think that it is of the utmost importance that the
moderate elements among the leadership in the
Dommican Republic find a basis on which they
can work together. After so many distressing
years, one can understand the suspicions and the
animosities which might have been a residue of
that troublesome period. But, nevertheless, a free
society depends upon a measure of good faith in
one's associates, and confidence, and an exchange
of confidence, if constitutional democratic proc-
esses are to work. We hope that these leaders
will bo able to get together and extend to each
other that measure of confidence in the interest


Department of State Bulletin

of the Dominican people and the future of that

Q. Mr. Secretary, could you give us your evalu-
ation of IV hat seems to be going on in the Kremlin?

A. I would not wish to speculate on that at the
present time nor even whether there is something
going on in the Kremlin. These are matters, I
think, in which you gentlemen could have more
fim than I am permitted to have. We, of course,
are interested in such news as we get, but from
long experience I would suppose that speculation
by a Secretary of State on that particular subject
•would be fruitless.

Q. Mr. Secretary., do you anticipate a rather
lengthy series of future meetings between Mr.
Thoinpson and Mr. Gromyho?

A. There has been no understanding about the
length of such conversations. They are on a
meeting-to-meeting basis. We expect there will
be another meeting or so, in any event, and what
would follow would depend upon what happens
at those meetings.

Cease-Fire in Laos

Q. Mr. Secretary, in the event of failure of the
three princes'' conference in Geneva, do you expect
war to resume in Laos? There have been indica-
tions already that it is stepping up its tempo.

A. The cease-fire has on the whole held reason-
ably well during these past several months. The
negotiations which have been going on, or the
contacts — the prenegotiations perhaps — which
have been going on, have taken considerable time.
There has not yet been among the leadership in
Laos, among the three princes, the kind of de-
tailed discussion of portfolios, responsibilities,
and adjustments which can produce any real esti-
mates as to whether an agreement is possible. We
believe that there is a basis for more work at it,
some hard work and some detailed work, but I do
not myself believe that we should assume that, if
there is not a quick solution to this problem, there
would be a fresh outbreak of fighting.

Q. Mr. Secretary, can you tell us what the atti-
tude was the other day when you went before the
Foreign Relations Committee on the U.N. bond
issue, because a number of Senators have indicated

it might be preferable to ask for direct appropria-
tions if the money were needed.

A. Well, I would not wish to break the ground
rules of the executive session by reflecting or at-
tempting to reflect the attitude of a congressional
committee. If you w^ant me to make a speech on
the bond issue,' I will be happy to accommodate,
but I will leave that to you.

Q. Mr. Secretary, is the Navy again being em-
ployed in any way to reinforce our interests in
Dominican affairs?

A. If it were to be so employed, I am sure it
would be known publicly immediately.

Importance of Disarmament Talks

Q. Mr. Secretary, can you see any hope at all
for success in the coming disarmament talks this
spring ivithout first an agreement on the nuclear
test ban?

A. The discussions which are to resume on
March 14 could be discussions of very great im-
portance. We woidd like to believe that they can
make some headway, because during the last ses-
sion of the General Assembly it was possible to
find a statement of agreed principles* with the
Soviet Union on a good many matters that bear
upon the question of disarmament. But there
was one matter on which there was not an agreed
position, and that was on the cracial matter of
inspection or verification or control. This has
been the stumbling block apparently with the nu-
clear test ban discussions, and it is almost certain
to be a very important point in any discussion
of general and complete disarmament. It is im-
portant to most of the world because disarmament
can only proceed if there is assurance at every
stage of the way that no one is going to be a dupe
or a victim of disarmament arrangements.

We expect in the March 14 discussions that the
question of nuclear test bans will come up very
early, because in phase one of the plan put to
the United Nations last autumn,^ it supposed
either that there would have been by then a nu-
clear test ban agreement or that such an agree-
ment would be a matter of high priority in the
discussions of general and complete disarmament.

' For a statpment by Assistant Secretary Cleveland on
the U.N. bond issue, see ibid., Jan. 1.5, 1962, p. 96.
* For text, see iUd., Oct. 9, 1961, p. 589.
= Ibid., Oct. 16, 1961, p. 650.

February 5, J 962


Situation in Dominican Republic

Q. Mr. Secretary, dispatches from Santo
Domingo say that Dr. [Viriato] Fiallo and sev-
eral other leading mern,bers of the opposition po-
litical groups have been thrown into jail. Is it
possible that we can maintain our present diplo-
Tnatic recognition of the Dominican Republic if
they continite in this?

A. Let ine make a distinction between recojjni-
tion of a j=tate and recoijnition of a government.
Tliis is not a question of a withdrawal of a recog-
nition btit the question of wlietlier we, in fact,
recognize a new government if a new government
comes into operation. This is a matter which is,
of course, very much in our minds, as a problem
to consider. Rut our representatives in Santo
Domingo are in close touch with the leaders in
that country at tlie present time. This is a prob-
lem tliat may change on an hour-to-hour basis, and
I would prefer to leave it there for the moment.

(>. Mr. Secretary, do you anticipate that the
DomJnlcan Repxihlic issue loill come tip in the
Punta del Este conference?

A. The Dominican situation is not on the

Online LibraryUnited States. Dept. of State. Office of Public CoDepartment of State bulletin (Volume v. 46, Jan- Mar 1962) → online text (page 42 of 101)