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Department of State bulletin (Volume v. 46, Jan- Mar 1962) online

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government est.ablislied by Belgium in cooperation
with the Congolese leadership.

Our decision to promote and support a U.N.
operation to help unite the Congo was not under-
taken lightly. There were only two other possible
choices : either to withdraw and leave the future
of central Africa to chaos and communism or to
move in American troops and teclmicians on a vast

We are still a long way from a final solution.
However, the recent agreement at Kitona ^ between
[Cyrille] Adoula and [Moise] Tshombe may well
be the beginning of a more hopeful era in the
history of this tormented land.

Inadequacy of Government Information Programs

Another reason for the gap of understanding
among Americans is the gross inadequacy of
United States Government information programs
dealing with foreign affairs. The excellent cover-
age of current events provided by the U.S. In-
formation Agency all over the world cannot, by
statute, be made available to our own citizens.
The State Department, which conducts this coun-
try's domestic information program on foreign
affairs, has less money each year to explain foreign
policy to the American people than is spent ad-
vertising a third-rate chewing gum. The total
is only $1,400,000 a year. With this limitation on
funds we have been able to do little more than pub-
lish official policy documents.

We are now planning, however, to continue the
series of all-day foreign policy briefings to which
we invite representatives of all newspapers, TV,
and radio stations. Two important briefings will
be convened next month in Chicago and Min-
neapolis.^ This is a beginning wluch I hope we
may be able to expand.

Limitations in Educational System

A long-range and in many ways more funda-
mental reason for the present dangerous gap in
public understanding lies in certam built-in limi-
tations in our educational system. Here I knock
firmly at your doors.

Our collective failure to give the American
people an adequate understanding and background

' For bac-kground, see Btji-letin of Jan. 1, 1902, p. 10,
and .Ian. S, 1902, p. 49.
'For an announcement, see ibicl., Jan. 15, 1962, p. 101.

in such disciplines as history, economics, and in-
ternational relations has left tens of millions un-
prepared even to ask the right questions about our
world relationships. This failure in our educa-
tional process was costly enough in the unsophis-
ticated and relatively simple era between the wars.
It can become disastrous as we attempt to grapple
with the mounting challenge of the complex and
nuclear-ridden world of tomorrow.

Let me hasten to say that I recognize the ex-
traordinary improvements that have occurred in
our school and college curricula since the end of
World War II. In many of our academic in-
stitutions there have been great strides toward a
world-oriented approach. Most of you have been
in the forefront of the battle to deepen and broaden
our sense of history and our understanding of the
forces that move mankind. But few will deny
that we have much further to go.

The extraordinary response to the Peace Corps
dramatizes the willingness of young Americans
to tackle new challenges. This concept has caught
the imaginations not only of our young people
but of many adults who see in it a channel for
their own unfulfilled aspirations for service.

Indeed, wherever I go I find young people
eagerly searching for a better basis for under-
standing the problems faced by the world today.
To what extent do these frustrations reflect a fail-
ure of our educational system to provide inspira-
tion and incentive? Certainly many of our most
promising young men and women remain properly
skeptical about the outmoded dogmas and doc-
trines of the past that are often still imparted
to prepare them for the future.

A particularly tragic result is that so many have
become willing to settle for security and medi-
ocrity in large organizations where the decisions
are made by others, while others retreat into re-
actionary groupings which appear determined to
recapture the outworn political and economic con-
cepts which were scarcely relevant to the 19th
century, much less the 21st.

Need To Expand Teaching of Economics and History

Although we can take heart in the manj' out-
standing improvements in education that have
taken place in the last 10 to 15 years, we have much
further to go and a frank examination of old
curricula is now in order.

For instance, how can we bring fresh vitality


Department of State Bulletin

into economics teaching ? How can we transform
it from the "dismal science" to provide exciting
new ways to stir students' imaginations and spark
their appreciation for the dynamics of growth and
productivity? How can we expand the teaching
of modern economic theory and practice?

Our new times also challenge our universities
and colleges to provide more adequate background
and depth in the considei'ation of world affairs.
History is the very basis of a liberal education —
the tool by which we can measure the past and
form an estimate of the future. Yet who will
argue that students today generally have an ade-
quate knowledge of these historical forces which
will shape their world ?

Even well-educated Americans still think of
world history largely in terms of the history of
the "West. As students they were exposed only to
the civilizations of Egypt and the Middle East
and the spread of those civilizations to Greece,
Western Europe, and ultimately to the United
States. The exciting story of China, India, Japan,
Southeast Asia, Africa, and Latin America was
largely ignored, although these areas are crucially
important to an imderstanding of today's world.

Even today many students learn of China's ex-
istence as a phenomenon revealed by the intrusion
of Marco Polo ; Japan's history is thought to have
begun with Commodore Perry's visit in 1853 ; In-
dia appears to have become important through the
expeditions of Alexander the Great and Vasco da
Gama; and the Philippines are best known as the
final resting place of Magellan. Wlien .students
are asked to explain the role of the Chinese in
Southeast Asia or that of Indians in Africa, only
a limited few can give more than a cursory reply.

In the past decade we have seen 25 new nations
come into being in Africa alone. Each is com-
posed of people whose hopes and aspirations for
themselves and their children are just as real and
tangible as those we cherish for ourselves and our

Is our educational process preparing our young
people to cope with these fundamentals of human
relations? It is of little use to help people of
other lands build the finest roads, the largest in-
dustrial plants, and the biggest dams unless they
are also assured of easier credit, more adequate
homes, health facilities, and schools, and, above all,
opportunities for creative participation in their
own national life.

Contacts With Foreign Students

This brings me to another point : How can the
foreign students who come to study in our col-
leges and universities assist us in the effort to cre-
ate a deeper imderstanding among our own young
people ? There are now nearly 60,000 of them in
America enrolled in 1,666 institutions in all 50
States and the District of Columbia. There are
few communities in the United States which are
not within easy traveling distance from a group
of foreign students at some college or university.

It is a relatively simple matter to bring these
students to talk to us at our service clubs, women's
clubs, or other local gatherings. Even those who
have little experience in speaking are able effec-
tively to describe their own country, its culture,
the way their families live, and the perspective
they bring to international relations.

Some com)nunities have even developed a sys-
tem whereby college students speak to public
school classes through a series of weekly lectures.
This has proved to be a stimulating way of awak-
ening our own precollege boys and girls not only
to the complexities of our modem world but to the
extraordinary bond of understanding and common
interest which exists between young people of dif-
ferent races, religions, and national origins.

We can also help fill the gap of understanding
by maintaining closer relations with foreign stu-
dents after they have returned to their countries.
For the most part, our foreign missions are able
to keep contact only with those students who have
participated in Government-sponsored exchange
programs. Our colleges and imiversities can
greatly expand and deepen this effort. Large div-
idends of good will can be reaped from close
personal contacts with "overseas alumni."

Hope for Closing Gap in Understanding

Few thoughtful people will question the state-
ment that the human race has reached a most
critical periwl in its long development. Scientific
technology, exploding in an unprecedented man-
ner, has multiplied our capacity to destroy each
other while opening up new visions of prosperity
and opportunity.

Observers never tire of describing the various
"gaps" that plague our modem society: for in-
stance, the gap between our tremendous capacity
to build modem housing and lingering slums in

February 5, 1962

625849—62 3


most American cities; the gap between the need
for faster and more convenient travel and the
antiquation of our transportation system; the gap
between rich and poor in many of our rural areas.

Yet when the history of our time is written, I
believe it will be said that the most important gap
of all is the gap between the harsh realities of
world affaii-s, with which our policymakers in
Washington must deal on a daily basis, and the
lack of understanding of tliese realities among
major segments of our population.

Can tliis gap be closed in the coming years so
that we may proceed with the kind of construc-
tive worldwide policies which are essential to
avoid a nuclear war and to build a partnership
of non-Commmiist peoples which will enable man-
kind to live at peace with an increasing measure
of prosperity and dignity ?

Much of the problem, as I have suggested, is
inherent in the situation itself. Never has the
pace been so rapid, and never have the problems
been so complex.

Yet this does not excuse our failure to take the
necessary actions. Our Govenmient, for instance,
has a major responsibility greatly to improve its
informational techniques, to free itself from in-
grown attitudes that have led so many public offi-
cials to underestimate our national intelligence,
and to establish closer contacts with the people
in the 50 States. Congress has the power to pro-
vide the funds which are needed for this task.

Our newspapers, radios, and television have a
responsibility, on occasion at least, to brush aside
the trivia, to forgo the superdramatic headlines,
and to bring to their readers and listeners a deeper
and more balanced miderstanding of the world in
which we live and the forces with which we must
somehow contend.

Our educational system from the earliest grades
through our universities has a responsibility bet-
ter to prepare our yomig men and women to com-
prehend not only the scientific possibilities of to-
morrow's world but also the human needs of its
inhabitants so that we may remain masters of
science rather than becoming its servants.

Although the magnitude of the challenge is
hard to exaggerate, I believe there is encouraging
evidence of our ability to meet this test. I see this
hope in the enormous response to the Peace Corps,
in the increasing ferment on college campuses, in
the opening of an increasing number of homes to

foreign students, in the expanded public services
offered by some newspapers and an even more
significant nmnber of television stations, in the in-
creased awareness of Govermuent officials in
Wasliington of their responsibility not only to
formulate wise decisions but also to explain them.
In one way or another the next few years may
determine whether the ideals and principles on
which our country was created are a meaningful
basis for world partnership or a brief, brilliant
interlude in the long and savage history of man.
It is our responsibility to see that the answer is
both positive and enduring.

The Winds of Freedom

Remarks hy Adlai E. Stevenson

U.S. Representative to the United Nations ^

On a grander scale than ever before, the world
in our generation is being swept by forces which
express the fierce determination of men to be free.
This liberating force is felt with particular effect
in the colonial empires which Western nations
have created in Africa and Asia in the centuries
since the age of discovery began.

Some 40 new nations, embracing about a billion
people, have emerged into the family of nations
in the past 15 years. The colonial empires of the
West have been reduced to a fraction of their
former size. Tlie age of imperialism and colonial-
ism is in its twilight.

The colonial age was neither all good nor all
bad. It developed material resources previously
unknown. It kept peace and order and taught
warring groups to live in peace. It educated
leaders and technicians. At its best it implanted
liberal political and social institutions.

But by its very nature this colonial system, if
carried on at all humanely, was destined to work
itself out of a job. It was dominated by aliens
from abroad, and this basic fact was found to
clash with the growing education and political
awareness which colonialism itself made possible
among the subject peoples. Inevitably these peo-
ple demanded the right to the same free institu-

' Made on the CBS Armstrong Circle Theater television
broadcast on Jan. 3 (U.S./U.N. press release 3908 dated
Jan. 8).


Department of State Bulletin

tions of wliich they learned from their conquerors.
The American Colonies walked this same path in
the 18th century. Our turn came first, perhaps,
because the American colonists were of the same
race and culture as the ministers in London who
oppressed them. But in our time it has turned out
that the thirst for freedom is imiversal and has
nothing to do with racial similarities or differ-
ences. Government by consent of the governed —
that is the root principle. And we are living to-
day in the era in which that principle is marcliing
in triumph across the old colonial world.

The Communist Empires

Now, in this same era we see a tragically con-
trastuig fact — the huge fact of the Communist
empires of Soviet Russia and Communist China,
which together operate the largest and most popu-
lous colonial empires in the history of the world.

According to their own rulers, the peoples of
the Soviet Union enjoy the right of self-determi-
nation. The Soviet regime, at its founding over
40 years ago, proclaimed "the right of the nations
of Russia to free self-determination, including the
right to secede and form independent states."

Unfortunately, this turned out to be more

During and after the Second World War, as we
all know, whole nations and peoples were swal-
lowed up behind the Iron Curtain in violation of
agreements and without a free vote of the peoples
concerned. These included Latvia, Lithuania,
Estonia, Poland, Hungary, Rumania, Bulgaria,
Albania, and Czechoslovakia. East Germany was
made a satellite. In Asia a similar fate overtook
North Korea, North Viet-Nam, and most recently

Chairman Khrushchev has called Western
colonialism "disgraceful, barbarous, and savage."
But So\'iet imperial rule has not been sweet, gen-
tle, and kmd. One proof of this is the fact that
more than 12 million persons have escaped since
the Second World War from the Soviet Union,
Communist China, and the areas they control.
Since the end of the Second World War, more than
3 million Germans have fled from the Soviet-
controlled Eastern Zone and East Berlin. Even
the famous wall has not stopped them altogether.
Nor can we forget, 5 years later, that nearly 200,-
000 Himgarians fled after the revolt of October
1956 was crushed by Soviet troops.

The urge to express one's national identity is a
potent force indeed. Even the Soviet Commu-
nist Party program, newly adopted this fall, ad-
mits what a tough task is "the obliteration of
national features, particularly of the language
differences." And Mr. Khiiishchev felt con-
strained to warn only 2 months ago that "even
the slightest vestiges of nationalism should
be eradicated with uncompromising Bolshevik

Thus, although the Soviet state has possessed
nearly total control of mass propaganda and edu-
cation for two generations, it is still struggling to
wipe out the national characteristics that differen-
tiate the Uzbek from the Ukrainian, the Kazakh
from the Armenian, the non-Russian from the

Now there are perfectly clear historical reasons
for this contrast. The nations of the West wliich
established colonial empires between the age of
Columbus and the age of Cecil Rhodes were most
of them children of the Renaissance, of the En-
lightenment, and of the doctrines of human free-
dom on which the United States itself was
founded. But these liberating winds did not blow
very much across the Russian steppes, except very
briefly and feebly in the 18th and 19th cen-
turies — and even then they were followed by
periods of bloody reaction under the czars.

And today, although we may have some reason
to hope that the evolution of the Soviet Union is
moving in liberal directions, we know that there
is a very long road ahead.

Soviet Doctrine of Political Strategy

So there are historical reasons for this contrast.
But there is hardly any excuse for the Soviet
Union — let alone the despots of Communist
China — to set themselves up as sponsors or leaders
of the liberation movement in Africa and Asia.
On their own records they are just about the last
whom history would nominate for such an honor.

Yet that is the pretension which Moscow, in
particular, makes today. And it may be well for
us to think for a minute about the Soviet doctrine
of political strategy that underlies this effort.

It is Soviet doctrine that the political develop-
ment of newly independent states is to proceed in
two distinct phases. In the "first phase" — and
now I am quoting Academician Y. E. Zhukov in
Pravda on August 26, 1960— "The majority of the

February 5, 1962


new Asian and African national states are headed
by bourgeois politicians under the banner of na-
tionalism." In other words, they are not under
control either of Moscow or of local Communist

But at the same time local Communists are in-
structed to prepare for the future day of direct
action. In this initial period, Communists are to
concentrate on obtaining key positions in trade-
union and student movements and front organiza-
tions of all types.

As Moscow sees it, most of the African and
Asian countries are now in that first phase. As
Academician Zhukov phrases it: "One cannot,
therefore, term Socialist (which is his jargon for
Communist) those general democratic measures
which to some degree are implemented in India,
Indonesia, the United Arab Eepublic, Iraq and
other independent countries of Asia and Africa."
At the appropriate stage, therefore, the Commu-
nist parties must come forth frankly and openly
with their bid for power. And that is the "second

So the national independence for which patriots
under colonial domination have yearned so long,
and which most of them have now achieved in
vei*y great measure, is for them a tremendous
victory, to be celebrated with rejoicing and bon-
fires and dancing in the streets. And that is what
we have seen all the way across Africa and Asia.
But this same thing called independence, or free-
dom, is in the eyes of Soviet strategy nothing bet-
ter than a way station on the road to the world
Communist system of the future, in which all
peoples will take their orders from Moscow — or
will it perhaps be Peiping?

Some of the African and Asian patriots have
perhaps been slow to learn these bitter truths.
Many of them are understandably impatient and
are tempted from time to time, in their quarrels
with the European ruler, to fall for that ancient
fallacy, "The enemy of my enemy is my friend."
Any who still think that way, however, would do
well to study Soviet strategy as it applies to them
and also to study the Soviet and Chinese Com-
munist empires as they really are.

The Communist empires are the only imperial
systems which are not liquidating themselves, as
other empires have done, but are still trying ener-
getically to expand in all directions. By the ruth-
less use of police control, by systematic falsehood.

and by the erection of artificial barriers to com-
munication, these regimes have suppressed all
movements in the direction of freedom. They
have labored to eradicate all national identity in
the people, as well as all religious loyalties, and
have held their peoples in virtual isolation from
the outside world.

Finally, the Soviet colonial empire is the only
modem empire in which no subject people have
ever been offered any choice concerning their fu-
ture and their destiny. That destiny was
"decided" once and for all — at gunpoint. Until
Moscow and Peiping change their basic outlook,
no chance will be given to any of their subject
peoples to reconsider this so-called "choice.''

America's Purpose in tiie World

The United States is against colonialism — ■
wherever and whenever it occurs. We believe
that the promise of our Declaration of Independ-
ence that "all men are created equal" literally
means what it says — not Americans only, or
Westerners only, but "all men."

We shall never join with any nation for the pur-
pose of planning, financing, or waging colonial
wars. The military alliances we have formed with
others have no such aims; they are defensive al-
liances created as a shield for free men and free
nations. But the key to our policy is not arms;
it is freedom.

As a nation we believe that man — a physical,
intellectual, and spiritual being, not an economic
animal — has individual rights, di^nnely bestowed,
limited only by the obligation to avoid infringe-
ment upon the equal rights of others.

We do not claim perfection in our own society
and in our own lives. But we do maintain that
the direction we take is always that of greater

We believe that justice, decency, and liberty,
in an orderly society, are concepts which have
raised man above the beasts of the field. To deny
any person the opportimity to live imder their
shelter is an offense against all humanity.

Our Republic is the product of the first success-
ful revolution against colonialism in modem
times. Our people, drawn from all the nations
of the world, liave come to these shores in the
search for freedom and opportunity in a progres-
sive society. We have never forgotten either our
origins or the natui-e of the world wo live in.


Department of Sfafe Bulletin

And that is why we Americans do not fear the
winds of change and the winds of freedom which
are blowing across so much of the world. To us
they make a wonderful sound. And as the seeds
which they carry take root and grow, we will feel
that America's great purpose in this world is being

Industry Communications Programs
in Support of U.S. Foreign Policy

hy Roger W. Tuhby

Assistant Secretary for Public Affairs ^

I am delighted to be here today, to attend your
workshop, to join in your discussions and profit
from your ideas. We in government are of course
also deeply concerned with communications and
with the need to inform people and governments
of the world effectively. Our problems are sim-
ilar to many of yours. In our effort to solve them
we find that all the media of communications and
especially films are playing an increasingly sig-
nificant role.

You are asking yourselves how to get maximum
results from business films. This involves a study
of all the new techniques and component elements
of production — writing, designing, musical scor-
ing, visual effects, etc. As businessmen and ad-
vertisers you must have some way of gaging the
effectiveness of these programs. Do they drama-
tize your products? Do they improve customer
and stockholder relations? Do they train and
build the morale of your employees? Do they
expand business; if so, in what directions and
with what implications for the future? You take

Online LibraryUnited States. Dept. of State. Office of Public CoDepartment of State bulletin (Volume v. 46, Jan- Mar 1962) → online text (page 44 of 101)