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Failure of Communism To Meet Needs of People

We meet here at Punta del Este to consider the
tragedy of Cuba. There liave been many elements
in that tragedy. One was the failure of the dicta-
torship which preceded Castro to concern itself
with the elementary needs of a people who had a
right to be free. Another was the disillusionment
of the hopes which rode with Castro at the be-
ginning of his resistance movement. And now

we see the Cuban people subjected to a regime
which has committed itself to Marxist-Leninist
doctrines at the very time when this answer to
economic and social problems lias proved itself to
be brutal, reactionary, and sterile.

If there is one lesson which we in the Americas
can learn from observing what is happening from
East Germany to North Viet-Nam, it is that Cas-
troism is not the answer to economic and social
development. If there is tension in Berlin today,
it is because of the failure of the regime in East
Germany and the flight of tens of thousands of
its people toward freedom and expanding oppor-
tunity. It is worth noting tliat vast areas of the
world with remarkable natural resources have
failed to provide even the elementary needs of
food, contrasted with the surpluses which abound
throughout much of the free world. The needs of
the individual have been ruthlessly subjected to
the requirements of the power-hungry apparatus
of the state. Wliat we know in the free world as
the consumer is brushed aside, and men are called
upon to submit themselves to the requirements of
ambition and appetite.

"Wherever communism goes, himger follows.
Communist Chuia today is in the grip of a vast
and terrible famine, which, in turn, has led to
stagnation and decline of industry. There is
hunger in North Viet-Nam. Whatever contribu-
tion communism has appeared to make to indus-
trial development comes only because it does what
Marx charged 19th-century capitalism with doing,
that is, it grinds down the faces of the poor and
forces from their postponed consumption the cap-
ital necessary for arms and industry. Commu-
nism — once in power — has turned out to be the
most effective and brutal means known to history
for exploiting the working class.

Recognizing its failure in the imderdeveloped
world, recognizing that its greatest enemy is the
process of peaceful and democratic development,
communism in recent years has concentrafed— in
Asia, in Africa, in the Middle East, now in our
own hemisphere — on using the troubles of transi-
' tion to install Communist minorities in permanent
power. The techniques by which communism
seeks to subA-ert the development process are
neither mysterious nor magical. Khrushchev, Mao
Tse-tung, and "Che" Guevara have outlined tliem
in frankness and detail. They seek first to lay the
political basis for the seizure of power by wiiming


Department of State Bulletin

converts in sections of the populations whose liopes
and ami )it ions are thwarted by the existing order.
They then try to capture control of broadly based
popular movements aimed ostensibly at redressing
social and economic injustice. In some cases they
resort to guerrilla warfare as a means of intimidat-
ing opposition and disrupting orderly social prog-
ress. At every point the Communists are prepared
to invoke all the resources of propaganda and sub-
version, of manipulation and violence, to maximize
confusion, destroy faith in the democratic instru-
mentalities of change, and open up the way for a
Communist takeover.

As for its claim to social justice. Chairman
Khrushchev himself has given the most eloquent
testimony of the inevitability of monstrous in-
justice in a system of totalitarian dictatorship.
The crimes of Stalin — crimes fully acknowledged
by his successor — are the inescapable result of a
political order founded on the supposed infallibil-
ity of a single creed, a single party, and a single
leader. Under the banner of the classless society,
communism has become the means of establishing
what tlie Yugoslav Commimist Milovan Djilas
has termed the "new class" — an elite as ruthless in
its determination to maintain its prerogatives as
any oligarchy known to history.

Nothing shows more clearly the failure of com-
munism to bring about economic development and
social justice than the present condition of Europe.
The bankruptcy of communism is etched in the
contrast between the thriving economies of West-
ern Europe and the drab stagnation of Eastern
Europe — and it is symbolized in the wall of Ber-
lin, erected to stop the mass flight of ordinary
people from communism to freedom.

The proponents of free society need have no
apologies. We have moved far beyond the rigid
laissez faire capitalism of the 19th century. The
open society of the mid-20tli century can offer the
reality of what the Communists promise but do
not and cannot produce, because the means they
are using, the techniques of hatred and violence,
can never produce anything but more violence and
more hatred. Communism is not the wave of theA
future. Commxmists are only the exploiters of 1
people's aspirations — and their despair. They are
the scavengers of the transition from stagnation
into the modern world. The wave of the future is
the peaceful, democratic revolution symbolized for
the Americas in the Alliance for Progress — the
revolution which will bring change without chaos,

development without dictatorship, and hope
without hatred.

This is our faith. Because we have pledged our-
selves to this road into the future, we have no
more urgent obligation than to guarantee and pro-
tect the independence of the democratic revolu-
tion. Because communism has its own ambitions,
communism everywhere directs its most intense ]
effort to making democratic change impossible.
It is in this setting that I ask you to consider the
question of the purposes and methods of com-
mmiism in our hemisphere.

Cuba's Defection From Inter-American System

If the one striking development of the last years
in our hemisphere has been the rise of the Alliance
for Progress, the other striking development has
been the defection of Cuba from the inter-
American system.

Let us be clear about the character of the prob-
lem presented by Castro and his government. We
have no quarrel with the people of Cuba. As this
week we have welcomed a free Dominican Repub-
lic back into the inter-American community, so we
look forward to the day when a free and progres-
sive government will flourish in Ilabana and the
Cuban people can join with us in the common
undertakings of the hemisphere.

Many of us in this hemisphere had no quarrel
with the avowed purposes of the revolution of
1959. Many rejoiced in the aspirations of the
Cuban people for political liberty and social prog-
ress. Nor would we have any quarrel with changes
in the economic organization of Cuba instituted
with the consent of the Cuban people. Our hemi-
sphere has room for a diversity of economic sys-
tems. But we do condemn the internal excesses
of the Castro regime — the violations of civil jus-
tice, the drumhead executions, the suppression of
political, intellectual, and religious freedom. But
even these things, repellent as they are, have been
known to our continent. If kept within the con-
fines of one unhappy country, they would not con-
stitute a direct threat to the peace and the
independence of other American states. What we
cannot accept — and will never accept — is the use
of Cuba as the means through which extraconti-
nental powers seek to break up the inter-American
system, to overthrow the governments of other
countries, and to destroy the autonomous demo-
cratic evolution of the hemisphere.

February 19, 1962


The Castro regime has extended the global bat-
tle to Latin America. It has supplied communism
with a bridgehead in the Americas, and it has
thereby brought the entire hemisphere into the
frontline of the struggle between communism and
democracy. It has turned itself into an arsenal
for arms and ammunition from the Communist
world. With Communist help Dr. Castro has
built up the largest military establishment in
Latin America.

Within the United Nations the Cuban delega-
tion has aljandoned its brethren of the hemisphere
to play the smirking sycophant for the Commimist
bloc. Out of the 37 rollcall votes taken on the
most important issues in the last session of the
General Assembly, a majority of the members of
the Organization of American States voted to-
gether 35 times. But, of these 37 votes, Cuba voted
33 times with the Soviet bloc and only 5 times
with the OAS majority. Cuba opposed the reso-
lution appealing to the Soviet Union not to ex-
plode the 50-megaton bomb ; it was the only dele-
gation in the United Nations, besides the 10
avowed members of the Soviet bloc, to do so. In
the same manner Cuba alone joined the Com-
munist bloc to oppose the resolution calling for a
nuclear test ban treaty with international controls.
On several occasions Cuban representatives fol-
lowed other members of the Communist bloc in
walking out of the General Assembly when dele-
gates of states not approved by the Soviet Union
dared take the floor.

Previous OAS Actions Against Communism

At the seventh meeting of foreign ministers at
San Jose in August 1960, our governments to-
gether rejected any attempt on the part of the
Communist powers to exploit the political, eco-
nomic, or social troubles of any American state. ^
Since San Jose the Cuban government has alined
itself more flagrantly than ever with those dedi-
cated to the overthrow of the inter- American
system and the destruction of inter-American free-
dom. The Soviet-Cuban communique of Septem-
ber 20, lOfil, and the Chinese-Cuban communique
of October 2, 1961, both signed by President
[Osvaldo] Dorticos, proclaim an identity of views
on foreign policy between the Cuban and the So-
viet and Chinese Conmiunist regimes. Only a few
weeks ago Dr. [Kaiil] Roa, the Cuban Minister

' Ibid., Sept. 12, 1960, p. 305.

of Foreign Affairs, made clear once again that the
primary allegiance of the Castro government is
not to its brethren in the Americas but to its com-
rades beyond the Iron Curtain. "The socialist
camp, led by the invincible Soviet Union, is with
the Cuban revolution," Dr. Roa said. "We are
neither alone nor helpless. The world is with the
Cuban revolution, and the future belongs entirely
to the universal socialist society that is coming,
and of which, forever, Cuba already forms part."

When Dr. Castro himself said on December 2,
"I am a Marxist -Leninist and I shall be a Marxist-
Leninist until the last day of my life," he could
have surprised only those who have paid no atten-
tion to the evolution of the Castro regime. This
public oath of fealty to Marxism-Leninism under-
lines Dr. Castro's commitment to the Leninist use
of deception and violence, to the Leninist con-
tempt for free institutions, and to the Leninist in-
junction that obedience to the international
Communist movement is the highest duty.

Driven by this Marxist -Leninist faith, the Cas-
tro regime has dedicated itself, not to the struggle
for democracy within the hemisphere or even with-
in Cuba, but to the perversion and corruption of
this struggle in the interests of world communism.
Part III of the report, of the Inter-American
Peace Committee sets forth the ties of the gov-
ernment of Cuba with the Sino-Soviet bloc, its
subversive activities within the hemisphere, its
violations of human rights, and the incompatibil-
ity of its behavior with the Charter of the
Organization of American States.

Fourteeii years ago at Bogota the Ninth Inter-
national Conference of American States in its
Resolution XXXII on "The Preservation and
Defense of Democracy in America" declared that
"by its anti-democratic nature and its interven-
tionist tendency, the political activity of interna-
tional commimism or any other totalitarian
doctrine is incompatible with the concp]it of
American freedom." This resolution condemned
"interference by any foreign power, or by any
]iolitical organization serving the interests of a
foreign power, in the public life of the nations
of the American continent." The American Re-
publics solemnly resolved "to adopt, within their
respective territories wud in accordance witli their
respective constitutional provisions, the measures
necessai-y to eradicate and prevent activities di-
rected, assisted or instigated by foreign govern-
ments, organizations or individuals fending to

Department of State Bulletin

overthrow their institutions by violence, to foment
disorder in their domestic political life, or to dis-
turb, by means of j^ressure, subvei-sive propa-
ganda, threats or by any other means, the free
and sovereign right of their peoples to govern
themselves in accordance with their democratic

Three yeare ago at Santiago the foreign minis-
ters of tha American Republics reaffirmed the
Bogota resolution in the Declaration of Santiago,^
condemning "the methods of every system tending
to suppress political and civil rights and liberties,
and in particular the action of international com-
munism or any otlier totalitarian doctrine."

No one can doubt, on the basis of hard evidence
compiled by committees of the OAS and known
to eveiy observer in our hemisphere, that the
Castro regime has placed itself in a position of
systematic and contemptuous hostility to these
principles of our inter-American system. Beyond
the evidence evei-y delegate in this hall Itnows in
his mind and heart that those behind Castro hope
to overthrow his government and even' other gov-
ernment in Latin America. The Castro regime, by
repudiating the principles and philosophy of the
inter-American system and making itself the
American agent of world communism, has created
a clear and present danger to the prospects of free
and democratic change in every country in Latin
America. The time has come for the American
Eepublics to unite against Communist intei-ven-
tion in tliis hemisphere. We believe in the inter-
American system. We stand on the principles of
the Charter of the Organization of American
States. We are faithful to the ancient hope of a
hemisphere of free democracies, bomid together in
independence and common purpose. Else we
would reject that hope, foreake our faith itself,
exposed in its isolation to every gust of political
or ideological fanaticism.

The Alliance for Progress is the best way of
attacking the longrun sources of the Communist
appeal — poverty, himger, and ignorance. But
the Alliance cannot by itself provide a means of
warding off the shortrun Communist tactics of
disruption and subversion. Vitamin tablets will
not save a man set upon by hoodlums in an alley.
If the Alliance is to succeed, we need to protect
the democratic processes of change; we need a
shield beliind which constructive measures can

» For text, see ibid., Sept. 7, 1959, p. 342.
February 79, J 962

take effect in steady and secure progression. We
have seen the effect of Communist disruptive tac-
tics in other lands and other continents. Let us
take action now to guard our own continent and
our programs of democratic reform against those
who seek to i-eplace democracy by dictatorship,
those who would transform our fellowship of free
states into a bondage of satellites.

I am confident that this meeting of foreign
ministers will hearten the democratic forces of
this continent by making it clear that we will not
stand still while the enemies of democracy con-
spire to make democratic change impossible.
Against Dr. Castro's Communist allies let us re-
affirm our faith in our own good neighbors; let
us conmiit our minds and our hearts to the success
of our free Alliance for Progress.

Four Major Actions To Take Against Castro

What is our working task here at this meeting ?
I suggest we must move in four major directions:

First, we must recognize that the alinement of
the government of Cuba with the countries of the
Sino-Soviet bloc, and its commitment to extend
Communist power in this hemisphere, are incom-
patible with the purposes and principles of the
inter- American system and that its current activi-
ties are an ever-present and common danger to the
peace and security of the continent.

Second, we must now make the policy decision to
exclude the Castro regime from participation in
the organs and bodies of the inter- American sys-
tem and to direct, the Council of the Organization
to determine how best to give rapid implementa-
tion to this decision. Within our own competence,
since the Inter- American Defense Board was cre-
ated by a meeting of consultation, we can and
should now exclude the government of Cuba from
membership in the Inter- American Defense Board.
This step would correct at once the most obvious
incongruity arising from the participation of a
regime alined with the Sino-Soviet bloc in a body
planning the defense of the hemisphere against
the aggressive designs of international connnu-

Third, we must interrupt the limited but signifi-
cant flow of trade between Cuba and the rest of the
hemisphere, especially the traffic in arms.

Fourth, we must set in motion a series of indi-
vidual and communal acts of defense against the
various forms of political and indirect aggression


mounted against the hemisphere. The acts of po-
litical aggression wliich the Castro regime is com-
mitting have an immediate and direct impact in
the general Caribbean area near the focus of in-
fection. Yet with one exception there is not a
foreign minister present whose country has not
felt the impact of the interventionist activities
which constitute essential elements of the interna-
tional Communist design. We must find adequate
means to strengthen our capacity to anticipate
and overcome this constant gnawing at the secu-
rity of our peoples. In particular we should di-
rect the Inter- American Defense Board to estab-
lish a special security committee to recommend
individual and collective measures to the govern-
ments of the American states for their greater pro-
tection against any acts or threats of aggression,
direct or indirect, resulting from the continued
intervention of Sino-Soviet powers or others as-
sociated with them.

A Few Basic Facts To Consider

As we confront these decisions let us face, as
old friends and neiglibors, a few basic facts in our
situation. The weight of Communist aggressive
techniques is felt unequally among us ; the nature
of the Communist threat is understood in differ-
ent ways among our peoples; and the OAS itself
is confronted, as a body, with a form of aggressive
action relatively new in its history.

We have heard references to the intrusion of the
cold war into this hemisphere. There may be
some who wonder whether the Americas are be-
ing cauglit up, as innocent bystanders, in a strug-
gle among the giants.

But let us think clearly about what the cold war
is and what it is not. The Communist world has
dedicated itself to the indefinite expansion of what
it calls its historically inevitable world revolution.
The cold war is simply the effort of conunimism
to extend its power beyond the confines of the
Communist bloc and the effort of free men to de-
fend themselves against this systematic aggression.
The cold war would have been unknown to us had
the Soviet Union determined, at the end of World
War II, to live in peace with other nations in ac-
cordance with its commitments under the Cliarter
of the United Nations. The cold war would end
tomorrow if those who control the Communist
movement would cease their aggressive acts, in all
their many fonns. Nothing would be more grati-

fying to the citizens of my country than to have
the Soviet Union bring about the revolution of
peace by a simple decision to leave the rest of the
world alone.

But the cold war is not a contest between the So-
viet Union and the United States which the United
States is pursuing for national ends. It is a strug-
gle in the long story of freedom between those who
would destroy it and those who are determined to
preserve it. If every nation were genuinely in-
dependent, and left alone to work out its relations
with its neighbors by common agreement, the ten-
sions between Washington and Moscow would
vanish overnight.

Speaking last October before the 22d Commu-
nist Party Congress, Mr. Khrushchev said: "We
firmly believe that the time will come when the
children and gi'andchildren of those who do not
understand and do not accept communism vrill live
under communism."

This is his belief. Were it only his belief we
need not care ; but it is also the program of action
of the Commimist powers — and about that we
care a very great deal.

We know that the Communist effort to impose
their system on other nations and peoples will fail
and that the next generation will dwell in a com-
munity of independent nations, each freely pur-
suing the welfare of its people. We know this is
so because history confirms that freedom must win
because it is rooted in the nature of man and in his
relations with God.

Our problem today is to combine a sense of the
necessities of the harsh realities with the dreams
upon which civilized man has steadily built. A
shining future is waiting for us in this hemi-
sphere — a future in which every child will have a
decent chance for life, for education, for medical
care, for constructive labor and creative contribu-
tion; in which every Kepublic on this continent
will cooperate to improve lagging standards, to
elevate culture, and to raise man to his full dig-
nity in freedom.

We have the talents, the resources, and the as-
pirations. We need not retreat into the murky
shadows of a conspiratorial society developed on
the steppes of central Asia, because we can move
ahead in the great tradition of a civilization which
was born in tlie free discourse of the early Medi-
terranean world more than 2,000 years ago, was
nourished in Western Europe, and came to this


Departmenf of State Bulletin

hemisphere to be extended by Bolivar and San
Martin, by Marti, Jefferson, and Lincohi.

Our task today is not to let a petty tyrant who
has appeared among us divert us from these great
tasks but to put him in his pLace while we proceed
with the great adventure upon which we are em-
barked together.


Press release 70 dated February 2

Mr. Chairman, I should like to take just a mo-
ment or two to express to my fellow foreign min-
isters my very deep personal esteem and great
satisfaction about the sense of unity which has
moved us here at this meeting. We have spent
almost 2 weeks together. Our subject has been
nothing less than an historical struggle over the
principles on which our societies are based.

We have been discussing the Communist offen-
sive in this hemisphere, an ofi'ensive which is a
worldwide offensive, an offensive which is engag-
ing American forces in some fashion in every con-
tinent, an offensive aimed at us all — at our
ti-aditions, our institutions, our governments, and
our respective ways of life.

We have agreed here on a very great deal ; and
there is no doubt in my mind that this organiza-
tion and the nations which make it up have come
a long way in defining both the creative and the
defensive tasks which we must undertake if our
societies, challenged by this offensive, are to con-
tinue to develop in harmony with their past.

We have had some difficulty on only one point :
how to give effect to the simple fact which we all
recognize, namely that the official character and
policies of the present government of Cuba are in-
compatible with the presence and participation of
that govermnent in the principal business of the
Organization of American States.

"Wlien we return to our foreign offices, we shall
return to a troubled world, a turbulent world, to
such matters as Berlin and Laos, Viet-Nam, the
Congo, and the many other points where the strug-
gle to maintain the prmciples of independence and
human freedom goes forward. There is one lesson
that derives from our experience with these prob-
lems and in dealing with the Communist offensive
over the past 17 years. Communism works un-
ceasingly to exploit every difference of view, every
difference on national perspective within the free

Secretary Rusk Comments on Vote
To Exclude Cuba From OAS System

statement hy the Secretary^

Press release 66 dated January 31

Online LibraryUnited States. Dept. of State. Office of Public CoDepartment of State bulletin (Volume v. 46, Jan- Mar 1962) → online text (page 55 of 101)