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common commitment for adequate growth rates,
just as we are working together, through the De-
velopment Assistance Committee of the OECD,
in concerting our efforts for the underdeveloped
world, so we can now by common action bring
about the expansion of international trade for the
benefit not only of ourselves and of Europe but of
the whole free world.

I cannot emphasize enough that the trade ex-
pansion bill ^ which the President has sent to Con-
gress is not merely a grant of new authority to
the President to assist him in commercial rela-
tions; it has a larger meaning as providing a new
field of action for the Atlantic partnership.

Political Urgency of Liberal Trade Policy

I shall not attempt to rehearse for you the
economic arguments m favor of more liberal trade
or even the compelling commercial reasons why
American producers must have adequate access
for their exports to this great and burgeoning
new market. All of this has been said with bril-
liancei and persuasion in President Kennedy's

^ For text of the President's trade message to Congress,
see Bulletin of Feb. 12. 1962, p. 2.31.

' H.R. 9900, 87th Cong., 2d sess. ; for a brief summary of
the bill, see Bulletin of Feb. 26, 1962, p. 343.

Alorch 5, 7962


message. These arguments will be heard again
and again during the months to come.

What is important, I think, is that you under-
stand the sense of political urgency that character-
izes this great undertaking, that you appreciate its
meaning as another and indispensable step toward
the strengthening of the West.

If the American people understand what is at
issue here I am sure that they will approach this
new enterprise not with timidity or misgivings
but with something of the same excitement and
urgency that Europe has displayed in building
the Common Market. It has been the combina-
tion of the excitement of political progress to-
ward a goal of unity and strength and the pros-
pect of a new economic frontier that has given
much of the djmamism to the extraordinary de-
velopments of the Common Market.

This, I think, provides a new imperative for
Americans : to recognize that change is the order of
the day, that in a swiftly moving world we cannot
withdraw from great affairs, we cannot insulate
the United States from world competition, we
cannot retire into an economic chrysalis — or we
shall stagnate.

America did not grow great by standing still.
We are and have long been the great innovators,
the great experimenters, the great merchant ad-
venturers. American business by and large has
sought change, not resisted it. It has carried on
an endless search for new materials, new tech-
nologies, new ways and means of making things,
doing things, selling things.

It is this same spirit of creative movement that
America must now bring to bear in the great ad-
venture of the Atlantic partnership ; for that part-
nership is, and must remain, the hard core of our
world position.

These are the terms in which the President has
designed the trade legislation now before the Con-
gress. These are the terms in which I hope you
will view that legislation and give it the support it

A Cooperative Adventure in Growth

How do the President's proposals contribute to
this objective? We shall shortly be confronted
with two economic giants, two great common
markets, flanking the shores of the Atlantic.

These two markets represent common concepts
of government, common ways of doing business.

There are still some significant differences in liv-
ing standards and technologj'. But the similari-
ties are much more striking than the differences ;
and the similarities will grow greater with the
years. Even the commercial policies and tariff
structures of the two common markets are much
alike. On both sides of the Atlantic, import
licensing and the other paraphernalia of govern-
mental control are at a minimum. On both sides
tariffs are roughly equal in height. While the
United States at the start offers lower tariffs for
some items, the European Common Market begins
with lower tariffs for others.

The challenge which the President's program
offers to the American people and to Europe is to
make transatlantic trade not an exercise in eco-
nomic warfare but a cooperative adventure in
growth. The President's purpose is to prove
Stalin's prediction of 1953 forever wrong, when
he forecast that the capitalist nations of the world
would soon be at one another's throats in the
struggle for world markets.

With this in mind the President has requested
the Congress to give him the power, in negotiations
with the European Economic Community, to re-
duce tariffs without limit on these products for
which the two markets account for 80 percent or
more of free- world trade. Such a move will estab-
lish the basis for an increased two-way exchange
of industrial goods, a trade in which the United
States has already exhibited its great competitive
strength with about $15 billion yearly of exports
to world markets. At the same time the President
has asked for added powers that may make it
possible to increase trading opportunities for agri-
cultural products in both markets. Instead of
acting as the major source of discord between the
two markets, as Communist ideologj' insists, trade
will form the cement which binds our political
systems more closely together.

All these measures, however, would be harmful
and even dangerous if they were taken without
regard for the needs of third countries. The ac-
cession of the United Kingdom to the Common
Market, for instance, will completely restructure
the pattern of world trade. As one of the world's
principal trading nations, the United Kingdom
will be reordering its trading relations with other
European countries outside the Common Market,
with members of the Commonwealth established
on every continent in the world, and with many
developing countries outside the Commonwealth.


Department of State Bulletin

The nations directly involved in the great adven-
ture in Europe, including the United Kingdom
and the European Community members, have
manifested their sensitivity to the needs of these
third countries and their determination to safe-
guard these needs.

President Keimedy's trade proposals are in-
tended not only to help meet tliese needs but to
open entirely new opportunities for a mutually
profitable exchange of goods between the United
States and third countries. Tariff reductions ne-
gotiated by the United States with the European
Economic Community would be applied by both
parties on a nondiscriminatory basis. More than
that, the President would have the power to reduce
tariff rates on any product by as much as 50 per-
cent, so that products which are of particular
interest in the trade between the United States and
third countries could be the subject of interna-
tional negotiation.

The President's proposals contain still another
provision indicative of the United States' concei'n
to increase mutually advantageous trading oppor-
tunities for the developing world. This is the pro-
vision that would authorize the President, in
concert with the European Economic Community,
to reduce and even eliminate tariffs on tropical
agricultural products. We would hope — and there
are some grounds for the hope — that the exercise
of powers of this kind might eliminate some of the
unnecessary impediments that exist in the market-
ing of agricultural products from nations in Latin
America, Africa, and the Far East.

Implications of Freer Trade for U.S. Economy

With these proposals for movement toward a
freer mterchange of goods in world markets, we
must remain alert to their implications for the
domestic economy. Some of these implications
are clear enough. Greater opportunities for
United States exports, even when matched by in-
creased volumes of United States imports, cannot
fail to add to the vitality and growth of America.
Over the vital years of our history our economy
has lived and flourished by the principle that in-
creased competition means increased productivity
and that increased productivity means higher
wages and higher profits. That principle is Just
as sound today as it was in earlier decades.

Fortunately we Americans are a restless and
creative breed, quick to sense an opportimity where

March 5, J 962

629537—62 3

it exists and quick to respond. Our history has
been one of rapid change and rapid adjustment.
If we are to hope to maintain the highest living
standards in the world, this pattern of adjustment
and change must continue.

Here and there in the American economy, how-
ever, a period of time and a helping hand may be
needed to speed the shift of productive resources
and to seize the opportunities of widening mar-
kets. In recognition of this fact the President's
proposals stipulate that tariff reductions should
be stretched out over a period of years. More
than that, they set forth programs which would
be available to accelerate the transition of Amer-
ica's resources to more productive pursuits. For
instance they would provide assistance in certain
cases for the retraining and relocating of labor
and assistance in the financing of new capital fa-
cilities for industry. Always the objective is to
provide a lubricant, not a crutch, to deploy the
labor and capital of America in the most produc-
tive possible pursuits, and to insure that goods and
services are generated by the American economy
in a volmne sufficient to produce the world's
highest living standards.

Opportunity That Lies Ahead

Those whom history has charged with the
solemn responsibility of America's destiny in these
fateful days must carry out that responsibility
with vigilant attention both to the perils and op-
portunities of this shrinking globe. Of the perils
that beset us in a world which has harnessed the
power of the exploding sun for good or evil, I
need hardly speak to you today. We are all
aware — all the time — of the danger that threatens
when aggi'cssion and technology combine. We are
constantly reminded of that danger ; it has become
a kind of brooding omnipresence for 20th-century

But we would do well to focus with equal in-
tensity on the opportunities that are ours if we
have the energy and imagination to seize them.
Within the next few months we shall have an op-
portunity never available to us before — the op-
portunity to chance a new effort of collaboration
in a new field with a coequal partner on the other
side of the Atlantic, a partner with which we share
a common heritage of history, culture, and values.

A decade ago such an opportunity would have
seemed fantastic. Today it is ours if we have the


imagination and the exuberance of spirit to act
with courage and decision.

It is always a temptation in concluding any pub-
lic statement to indulge in the familiar liyper-
boles — to talk of a crossroads of history, a
watershed, a landmark, a milestone. At this mo-
ment I find it hard to reject tlaese cliches, moth-
eaten though they may be; for the opportunity
that lies ahead for America in an effective Atlantic
partnership has implications for the future of an
importance that we can today only dimly perceive.

U.S. Protests Soviet Harassment
of Traffic in Berlin Air Corridors

Press release 104 dated February 15

Following is the text of a memorandum de-
livered hy the American Embassy at Moscow on
February 15 to the Soviet MinisPry of Foreign
Affairs. Identical notes were also delivered on
the same date by the Em^bassies of the United
Kingdom and France.

On February 14, 19G2, Soviet aircraft on three
occasions seriously threatened by close approacli
United States aircraft flying in the North Corridor
to Berlin in accordance with quadripartitely
agreed flight rules, under flight plans on which
customary flight information had been made avail-
able to the Soviet element of BASC [Berlin Air
Safety Center]. The necessary flight infonnation
for the Soviet aircraft had not been submitted by
the Soviet element in BASC.

Prior to that, on February 8, 9, and 12, Soviet
authorities in BASC sought to reserve the use of
a number of flight levels in the Berlin Air Corri-
dors for Soviet aircraft during a specified time.
They were informed in BASC that Allied aircraft
would continue to fly in accordance witli estab-
lished procedures and that Soviet authorities
would be held fully responsible for flight safety.
The air corridors are for tlie use of the aircraft of
the Four Powers in accordance with established
procedur&s which also specify procedures for
crossing the corridors (DAIE/p(45)7l, para 8).
BASC has the role of insuring flight safety in cacli
case for avoiding interference. It has carried out
this role under these procedures for many years.
Any effort by one of the Four Powers to arrogate
to itself the exclusive use of fliglit levels for any
period of time is entirely unacceptable. Such a

practice would amount to an arbitrary limitation
on the free use of air corridoi"s by the aircraft of
the Three Western Powers as guaranteed by quad-
ripartite agi-eements.

The attempt to force changes in established pro-
cedures in this manner is incompatible with Soviet
Foreign Minister Gromyko's apparent agreement
in talks with President Kennedy and Secretary
Rusk that both sides should refrain from "actions
which miglit aggravate international tensions" and
with the explicit commitment to this effect in the
joint statement of September 20, 1961,' on prin-
ciples for disarmament negotiations.

Air access to Berlin along the Three Corridors
from West Germany is and has been unrestricted
since the end of World War II in 1945.

Rights with respect to air access to Berlin de-
rive from precisely the same source as do the rights
of the U.S.S.R. in East Gennany and East Berlin,
namely, the joint military defeat of the German
Reich and the joint assumption of supreme au-
thority over Germany. These riglits are confirmed
by the circumstances under which tlie Four Pow-
ers entered Germany, by their subsequent discus-
sions and agreements, and by open and established
practice over a period of 15 yeai-s.^

Reports of the air directorate of the Allied Con-
trol Council and the decisions of the Council itself
regai'ding fliglit in the corridors reveal both the
nature of the rights of the respective parties and
arrangements as to the exercise of these rights.

The United States Government attaches the ut-
most importance to the maintenance of tlie free
use of tlie air corridors as well as to the observance
of established procedures. By their actions on
February 14 tlie Soviet Union is running the
gravest risks. The United States Government ex-
pects the Soviet Government to insure that its
authorities proliibit such aggi'essive and danger-
ous behavior by Soviet aircraft, and that they
refrain from demands to reserve the use of fliglit
levels in the air corridors. United States aircraft
will continue to fly in the corridors as necessary
and in accordance with establislied procedures.
The United States Government M-ill take the
necessary steps to insure the safety of such flights
and will hold the Soviet Government responsible
for the consequences of any incidents which might

' For text, see Bulletin of Oct. 9, 1961, p. 589.
'For background, see ihld., Sept. 18, 1961, p. 477, and
Sept. 25, 19G1, p. 511.


Department of State Bulletin

The Four Global Forces That Help Write the Headlines

hy Chester Bowles^

It is a great pleasure for me to be here in the
Twin Cities. Thanks in large measure to an in-
ternationally minded press, radio, and television
and to such organizations as the Minnesota "World
Affairs Center, this forward-looking area has
taken an exceptionally responsible interest in the
conduct of our foreign relations.

Acting in this tradition, the senior Senator from
Minnesota, Hubert Hiunphrey, recently inserted
in the Congressional Record a remarkable speech
by Walter Lippmann before the Women's Na-
tional Press Club in Washington. In tliis address,
Walter Lippmann remarked that a friend of his
had written him that "Another year of frustra-
tion, confusion, and compromise is about over."

Mr. Lippmann commented that "in every year
of which there is any historical record, there has
been much frustration and confusion and compro-
mise. Anyone who thinks he can get away from
frustration, confusion, and compromise in politics
and diplomacy should make arrangements to get
himself reborn into a different world than this

Mr. Lippmami is quite correct. The United
States alone cannot control the future course of
world events. We are not omnipotent, and it is a
dangerous illusion to think that we can run this
planet wholly to our own taste.

But while we cannot control events, we can at
least influence them, and often decisively. Using
the wide range of powerful political and economic
instruments which our varied society provides, and
with a reasonable measure of good fortune, we
can do much to help shape a more rational and
prosperous world community.

' Address made before a regional foreign jjolicy briefing
conference at St. Paul, Minn., on Feb. 2 (press release 67
dated Feb. 1). Mr. Bowles is the President's Special
Representative and Adviser on African, Asian, and Latin
American Affairs.

Yet the biggest bombs, the most generous aid
programs, and the most skillful speeches in the
United Nations General Assembly will avail us
nothing if we fail to imderstand the fundamental
forces which are moving peoples and governments
and shaping the history of our times.

The first of these forces is what we have come
to know as the revolution of rising expectations —
the surge of the billion or more people who live
in Africa, Asia, and Latin America toward a
gi-eater measure of freedom, prosperity, and

Second I would list the rise of the Soviet Union
to its present status as a major military and indus-
trial power bent on extending its influence
throughout the world.

The third major force we face is the transfor-
mation of mainlarid China, which is making its
growing strength felt not only in Asia but in most
parts of the world.

Fourth is an ever-expanding science and tech-
nology. The new nuclear weapons have provided
us and the Russians with the power to destroy
most of the world, while simultaneously scientific
and teclinological advances have opened up untold
opportunities for constructive progress in medi-
cine, industry, and scores of other fields.

Wherever we turn in the international field, we
see events being shaped and crises created by these
four massive forces, either singly or, more fre-
quently, in combination. We will ignore them
only at our peril.

Revolution of Rising Expectations

Let us therefore examine each in turn and try
to assess their impact on the day-to-day conduct
of our international relations.

The most complex of these forces — and the most
perplexing to most American.s — is the revolution
of rising expectations.

March 5, J 962


More than a billion people in Asia and Africa
have won their freedom since World War II.
Since 1945, 44 new nations have been born. These
newly independent peoples, joined by millions
more in newly awakened Latin America, are now
dreaming great dreams. Suddenly they have come
to see that their ancient afflictions — disease, injus-
tice, illiteracy, hunger, and poverty — are not part
of God's plan for the unfortunate but evils to be
fought and overcome. This realization is a heady
brew which, once tasted, cannot be recorked.
These people now know that the means exist by
which their lives can be improved, and they are
determined to improve them.

But why should we be concerned? How do
these distant turbulent continents with all their
built-in confusions and frustrations affect the se-
curity of the United States ?

The answer can be simply stated : If the United
States should be cut off from Asia, Africa, and
Latin America, it would face political and eco-
nomic isolation that would gravely threaten our
national survival. Forced back on ourselves, we
would be cut oft' from such essential raw materials
as manganese, tin, copper, zinc, and rubber.
With only 6 percent of the world's people in an
increasingly antagonistic world, we would rapidly
become a garrison state in full retreat from the

The decline of our European allies would be
even more acute, for the new, burgeoning Common
Market is even more dependent than we on free
access to the markets, minerals, and petroleum of
the developing continents. That is what Lenin
meant when he said, "The road to Paris lies
through Calcutta and Peking" and what Stalin
meant when he added, "The backs of the British
[i.e. the West] will be broken not on the river
Thames, but on the Yangtze, the Ganges, and the

Only when the Kremlin becomes convinced that
it cannot control these developing and politically
decisive continents can we expect to see a funda-
mental change of Soviet policy that will make pos-
sible an casing of the cold war. And only as we
succeed in creating the basis for a working eco-
nomic partnership with the new Africa, Asia, and
Latin America as free nations, with a common
interest in world stability, can we assure our na-
tional security.

But beyond our purely economic and political
stake in the future of these continents, we have a

humanitarian stake as well : a moral injunction to
help in the great task of lifting the burdens of
poverty from our fellow human beings. This call
stems from the deepest values of our Judeo-
Christian tradition.

Economic interdependence and humanitarian
concern, however, are only a part of our interest.
Of greater importance to our immediate security
is the fact that these nations are coromunism's
prime targets.

I need hardly argue the importance of halting
the spread of communism. Yet I believe it would
be seriously wrong to measure our interest in an
underdeveloped country solely in terms of its
vulnerability to the Communist threat. Surely
a local Communist minority should not be given
the status of a kind of natural resource, like oil or
uranium, exchangeable for dollars at the U.S.

The revolution of rising expectations is not a
Communist plot. Had there never been a Marx,
a Lenin, a Stalin — or even the idea of communism
itself — there would still be this natural flow of
pent-up desires riding the tides of political, eco-
nomic, and social change that have so completely
altered our own Western World in less than two

Dangerous though commimism is to us, in es-
sence it is a sterile and parasitic ideology feeding
on the unfulfilled desires of two-thirds of man-
kind for a better life.

It was not a Communist Party congress but our
own Continental Congress that lit the fuse of
today's explosive global revolution toward free-
dom. It was not the men in the Kremlin but
Thomas Jefferson, Tom Paine, and Patrick Henry
who gave life to the bold words that have stirred
the hearts of millions in Asia, Africa, and Latin
America today.

Objective of Dealings With Developing Countries

Our interests in the underdeveloped lands are
many. Yet our objective in our relations with
them is, I think, essentially one. It is not, as some
Americans suggest, to "win friends" for the United
States. Implicit in this notion is the assumption
that we can secure another country's friendship
simply by pouring in more and more dollars. The
very idea is deeply offensive both to friendship
and nationhood.

What, then, is our objective in our dealings with


Deparfmenf of Sfafe Bulletin

the developing countries? Our primary, central
purpose, as I see it, is to help the countries of
Africa, Asia, and Latin America toward expand-
ing economic security and opportunity, toward
greater social justice and orderly political growth,
so that they will have the maximum freedom of
choice through which to create their own inde-
pendent futures within the framework of their
own cultures.

We seek this objective without ulterior motive.
Unlike the Communists, we have no desire to con-
trol or dominate these new nations, nor do we want
to shape them in the image of the United States.
Rather, we believe that the strength of the kind
of world we want to live in lies in its diversity and
freedom of choice.

I view our ability to deal intelligently with the
transformation of Asia, Africa, and Latin Amer-

Online LibraryUnited States. Dept. of State. Office of Public CoDepartment of State bulletin (Volume v. 46, Jan- Mar 1962) → online text (page 72 of 101)