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ica as the greatest challenge the United States
must face in this decade.

It is a challenge to our ability to understand
the hopes and fears of hundreds of millions of
men and women who seek to build a better world
for themselves and their children.

It is a challenge to our understanding of when,
where, and how to assist them in their drive for
widened economic opportunities, deeply rooted
political freedom, and increased social justice.

It is a challenge to our capacity to recognize and
strengthen the long-term goals and purposes that
we share with the people and governments of these

And it is a challenge to our patience as well as
our toughness, to our compassion as well as our
intelligence, in dealing with the irritations, ex-
cesses, obstinacy, and shortsightedness that inevi-
tably characterize the actions of societies in the
throes of national revolution.

How do we face this challenge? How well have
we succeeded thus far? What else do we need to

I think that on the whole we have responded
rather well. Unfettered by the doctrinaire rigidi-
ties of the Communists, we have been able to draw
on the rich resources of our own pluralistic society
to pursue our objective in a variety of ways.

Through the delicate channels of diplomacy we
have worked for the peaceful transformation of
remaining colonies into independent nations.

Through the United Nations we have contrib-
uted to the preservation of the peace and sover-
eignty of new nations.

Through our information and cultural exchange
programs we have developed ties of understanding
and respect between our own people and those of
the developinff countries.

Above all, through our economic and technical
aid programs we have provided the essential re-
sources and skills needed to encourage scores of
nations on the road to self-sustaining growth.

Importance of Self-Help in Economic Development

We have been carrying out aid programs around
the world for more than a decade now. In many
areas — India, for example — we can point to solid
economic progress and stable democratic govern-
ment. In other areas the picture is less bright.
Political instability and unrest are all too frequent
in countries that statistically appear to be making
significant economic progress.

Why is this so ? Primarily, I believe, because of
our failure to recognize soon enough that the most
important element in economic development is

Too often in the past we have not been suffi-
ciently concerned with whether the benefits from
our assistance have filtered through the privileged
few at the top to the great majority of people still
living in povei-ty. There already exists an ex-
plosive gap between these two groups in many of
the new and awakening countries, and the first
steps toward economic development, if unguided,
actually can widen this gap. A steadily rising
gross national product can be accompanied by just
as steadily rising frustration and bitterness.

The questions we must therefore ask ourselves
as we extend economic assistance are clear :

Do most of the people have a sense of sharing
in their country's economic growth ? Do they have
a feeling of individual participation, of increasing
social justice? Do they believe that the new roads
and schools and factories are actually theirs, a
product of their aspirations and decisions and

To achieve the widest sense of popular partici-
pation in a country's growth means in fact to
mobilize all of its potential resources. Tax re-
fonn, for instance, in order that those most for-
tunate should pay their fair share of a nation's
tax revenues, is more than a matter of social jus-
tice. An effective tax program can also stimulate
productive investment and expand consumption.
Similarly, land reform can bring about increased

March 5, 1962


agricultural production by providing incentives to
individual farmers.

The United States has an obligation, I believe,
to insist on such measures of genuine self-help.
Indeed, without them it is difficult to justify the
contribution which we require our own citizens to
make through their taxes to promote development

Perspective in Relations Witli New Nations

Now let us turn to some of the political conse-
quences of the revolution of rising expectations.
Why do so many of the new countries call them-
selves neutral or uncommitted? What does this
mean to us?

Historical analogies are often flimsy reeds to
lean upon, but the present world situation offers
some striking parallels between the views of some
of the new "neutralist" nations and the attitudes
that shaped American foreign policy in the early
years of our independence.

Our nation was bom into a world sharply di-
vided between the two superpowers of that age,
England and France. In fact, had France not
served as a midwife at our birth, as part of her
effort to undermine Britain, there is a serious ques-
tion whether the infant United States could have
survived its birth pains. As the British-French
struggle continued during the first years of our
existence, our leaders recognized their debt of
honor to France. Yet our internal problems were
so enormous and pressing that we soon withdrew
into a strict neutrality.

As an onlooker who could benefit from the
struggle, we played one power against the other.
We took all we could get from both sides — and we
antagonized both so deeply that we narrowly
avoided war with France in the l790's and even-
tually went to war with Britain in 1812.

In spite of our war with England, however, it
was the British Fleet that gave us our escape from
reality during the 19th century. Behind this
shield we prospered and filled out our mighty
country. In so doing, we convinced ourselves that
our military prowess alone had carried us through
the century, and we gave no credit to British di-
plomacy and the British Fleet.

Today wo see many aspects of our early national
life reflected in the actions of others. The new,
young nations who have won their struggles
against colonialism have outlooks mucli like ours

at the turn of the 18th century. Whether we like
it or not, concern with internal development has a
much higher priority in these countries than does
taking sides in the cold war. They are more in-
terested in treading carefully between today's
great powers and getting as much help as they can
without entangling commitments.

There are, of course, many differences between
the United States of nearly two centuries ago and
the new and awakening countries today. But the
apparent similarities are sufficient to give us
greater perspective in our relations with these na-
tions. Such perspective will not eliminate the dif-
ficulties of these relations. But it should improve
the chance for mature and responsible action on
our part. And it should give us a deeper under-
standing of our obligation to assist the people of
the great developing continents.

Rise of the Soviet Union

Let me now turn to the second great force we
face in today's world — the rise of the Soviet Union
to industrial and military eminence.

All over the world the Ck)mmunist movement
poses a relentless challenge to the strength of our
will, to the firmness of our purpose, and the per-
ceptiveness of our intelligence. It would be na-
tional suicide if we failed to recognize Soviet
power and drive in our determination of policy.

Yet the Russians are not 10 feet tall. Indeed,
during the past 15 years they have made some
monumental miscalculations in the political and
economic areas. Looking out from the Kremlin
at their past mistakes, the leaders of the Commu-
nist world must have some rather unhappy

At the end of World War II Stalin — and many
Americans as well — were convinced that it was
only a question of time before all of Europe would
drop into Communist hands. In the ensuing 15
years, however, the Communists liave gained only
one country — Czechoslovakia — seized in a Com-
munist coup in 1948. In the same period they
withdrew from eastern Austria, which has been
returned to freedom; the one-time Soviet monolith
was split severely by Yugoslavia's defection; and
tiny Albania today is engaged in a fierce ideolog-
ical conflict with the Kremlin.

How could they have handled their affairs so
badly as to liave such a poor record at the end of
a decade and a half ?


Department of State Bulletin

First, their brutal crushing of non-Communist
governments in their East European satellites
alerted the world to their expansionist aims. Next,
they performed the classic Russian maneuver to-
ward the Mediterranean in Greece and Turkey and
were rewarded for their troubles by the Truman

Shortly thereafter the Marshall plan went into
action to assist Western Europe to rebuild from
tlie rubble. This was followed by the Soviet at-
tempt to seal off Berlin; the Berlin airlift was
improvised to put a halt to that threat.

At this point we decided that the seriousness
of the Soviet threat was constant enough to cause
us to depart from tradition, and we built and
joined the North Atlantic alliance.

The net effect of the Kremlm's continuous in-
doctrination efforts in Eastern Europe has led
them to build a wall to keep East Berliners from
fleeing the "workers' paradise." There is no more
revealing commentary on the ineffectiveness of
Communist education.

They have fared no better in other areas. Of
the six newly freed countries in Asia wliere the
Communists underwrote revolutions — the Philip-
pines, Indonesia, French Indochina, Malaya,
Burma, and India — they had partial success only
in Indochina, where they could focus their drive
against a white colonial power.

In the Middle East the Soviets have been rub-
bing their hands in anticipation for the entire
15 years, but their successes have been small. Al-
though the area remains clouded over by uncer-
tainty and conflicts, the Soviets have no Middle
Eastern allies or satellites to show for their efforts.

In Africa the Commimists must have felt cer-
tain they would pick up at least one satellite
among the multitude of newly born nations of the
past decade. Wliile there have been some irritat-
ing speeches from African capitals and some very
shaky relationships, African nationalism has
thus far resisted Soviet blandishments. Recently
Guinea, one of their most promising targets, sent
the Soviet Ambassador back to Moscow.

With the smgle exception of Cuba, conununism
has failed in Latin America as well. And Presi-
dent Kennedy's Alliance for Progress offers us a
positive opportunity to eliminate the threat of
communism among our neighbors.

In retrospect, then, it appears that the Soviets
have reaped a small harvest after 15 years of in-
tensive seedinjr.

Yet this does not make the Soviet threat any
less dangerous. Despite the demonstrated steril-
ity of Marxist-Leninist dogma, the Soviet Union
is a very powerful country whose accomplishments
still find adjnirers among many of the world's
less favored people. Its failures thus far may
well produce, not mellowness, but a rash determi-
nation to make greater efforts in the future, what-
ever the risks.

Mainland China

Now what about the third major force — main-
land China?

We have seen Communist China emerge as the
paramoimt power in East Asia, a dynamic, land-
hungry, resource-hungry nation of exploding pop-
ulation with clearly expansionist aims.

Can this powerful new China be persuaded to
adopt a more moderate course, or will a head-on
conflict become inevitable?

As a result of the Chinese revolution, we see
today a bitter rivalry for the leadership of the
world Communist movement, a rivalry expressed
in the recuiTent ideological disputes between Pei-
ping and Moscow. But the primary source of
tension runs far deeper than ideology. Let us
consider the full implications as the Kremlin
must see them.

An overriding need of Communist China is for
more arable land. With less than two arable acres
available for each farm family, with almost no
commercial fertilizer, and with a population that
is increasing by 16 million every year, the Chinese
Conununists face moimting difficulties in feeding
their own people. Indeed, it may be argued that
this economic and political time-bomb is the single
most explosive factor in all of East Asia.

Although it represents a serious challenge to
the food-surplus nations of Southeast Asia, it pre-
sents a particularly difficult problem for the Soviet
Union. It is the Soviets, after all, who have a vast
expanse of fertile, imderpopulated land adjacent
to Cliina. There are times when distant relatives
can be more troublesome than enemies. And a
horde of 650 million hungry, ideological relatives
is struggling for a bare existence along the Soviet's
4,500-mile border.

Another vital need for China is a large, con-
stant supply of basic natural resources. They
have been working strenuously to increase their
output of coal and steel, but their need for exten-
sive oil production is still unmet.

March 5, 1962


As the Chinese move west in seai-ch of i-esources,
however, the Soviets are moving east into the same
general area in pursuit of resources for themselves.
This offers the intriguing possibility that central
Asia, once largely a sparsely populated, unused
territory, will one day be the scene of further
sharp differences between the Soviet Union and

As for ourselves, one of the major imiinished
tasks of American foreign relations is to devise
a balanced long-range China policy that will en-
able us to deal more effectively with all possible
developments. One such possibility that must be
averted is a Chinese push into the fertile valleys
of Southeast Asia. The constiiiction of an effec-
tive counterweight to China in this region is of
urgent priority on our agenda.

Advance of Science and Technology

Let me turn now to the fourth great force I
mentioned earlier — the rapid advance of science
and technology.

The speed with which new scientific discoveries
are being turned into teclmological developments —
many of which are awesome in their destructive
potential — is almost beyond our comprehension.
The world today is spending more than $100 bil-
lion a year on weapons of destruction, and no end
is in sight. The concept of arming for peace
sometimes truly sounds like a page out of Alice
in Wonderland or Orwell.

But the alternative — refusing to arm against
growing Soviet military power — is even more ab-
surd. Yet each step on our present course makes
the problems of achieving disarmament and peace
more difficult.

Tlie character and speed of deliveiy of nuclear
weapons make it inevitable that teclmology on
each side of the cold war work overtime, and at
forced draft, to outwit technology on the other
side. The pi-emimn is growing steadily on seizing
a temporary advantage to forestall a new teclmo-
logical breakthrough from a probable opponent.

The outlook is for an endless series of attempts
to unbalance new temporary balances, with overall
costs in money and danger projecting upward geo-
metrically. The perilous elements of surprise,
speed, miscalculation, and accident are inlierLMit in
the weapons technology of the decade we arc

As if these factors were not enougli, we can add

the deadly picture of our cold-war strategists
psychoanalyzing each other's intentions across the
Iron Curtain. It is hard to imagine a greater ele-
ment of instability.

The core of our dilemma springs from the fact
that arms races throughout histoiy usually have
ended in war, while unpreparedness and unilateral
and unsafeguarded disarmament have always
ended in national catastrophe.

The central question facing us is how to operate
from both perspectives at once and pursue simul-
taneously the policies of rearmament and disarma-
ment, of anns and ai"ms control. Yet we must
labor relentlessly in both vineyards at the same
time if we are to sun'ive.

We have made progress in both areas during
the past year. The administration has taken sev-
eral major steps to fulfill Secretai-y McNamara's
[Secretary of Defense Robert S. McNamara]
promise to redress the worldwide militaiy balance
and to make our Military Establishment "a more
effective servant of United States foreign policy."

At the same time the Pi-esident has laid the
foimdation for a safeguarded and effective world-
wide disarmament program, bringing the State
Department, Pentagon, and Atomic Energy Com-
mission together on a coimnon, national arms-con-
trol policy, imder the leadership of a newly formed
Arms Control and Disarmament Agency.-

Although we have successfully coordinated our
own approach to disarmament, no tangible gains
have yet been made in breaking the deadlock. In-
deed, the tempo of the arms race has ominously
increased. This situation, obviously, needs our
close and continuing attention if we are to keep
science and tecluxology from literally tearing our
world to pieces.

We Must Rise to the Crises of Our Era

These, then, are the major external forces that
are shaping the history of our times: the revolu-
tion of rising expectations, the rise of the Soviet
Union and of China, and the rapid advances of
science and technology. Tlicse are massive forces
which reflect an era in woi'ld affairs that is williout
precedent in the long course of human history.

It is not always easy for us to see beyond the
day-to-day headlines to the bigger issues that con-
f roiit us. Yet much will depend on our ability to

° For backKrouiul, see Buixetin of July 17, 1061, p. 90,
and Oct. 10, 1901, p. WO.


Deparfmenf of Slafe Bulletin

abandon sloganizing and concentrate on positive
ways to meet the major forces in our world.

No period in history provides such awesome
dangers as does our fast-changing world of today ;
nor does any period offer such exhilarating oppor-
tunities for the individual to grow, for his dignity
to become a reality, and for hiunan energies to be
released for the common good.

This task we face is not an easy one, nor is it
likelj' to be completed within any foreseeable pe-
riod of time. But peace and freedom have never
been cheap. If our efforts are to succeed, we must
be prepared to rise to the unprecedented crises of
our era.

As Thomas Paine once said: "Heaven knows
how to put a proper price upon its goods; and it
would be strange indeed, if so celestial an article
as Freedom should not be highly rated."

VOA Begins Lao and Thai Language
Service Broadcasts to Southeast Asia

Sfatem-ent hy Secretary Rusk ^

On behalf of the President of the United States
and the American people I extend warmest greet-
ings to you. These new Voice of America broad-
ca.sts which we inaugurate today are dedicated
to the cause of better understanding and friend-
ship between our country and yours. At no time in
the long and troubled history of mankind have
friend-ship and understanding between nations
been more important than at the present time.
The events taking place in Southeast Asia and
their impact on the lives of both our peoples is a
matter of deep concern to me because of the seri-
ous implications these events have for the entire
world and also because during my travels to your
part of the world I have come to have a special
respect and admiration for your friendly people.

I believe that these Voice of America broadcasts
will enable all of you to know and understand
Americans better. I welcome these broadcasts be-
cause they will serve as a constant reminder that
we are united in a common effort to preserve our
basic rights and freedoms and that together we
shall continue to seek ways to improve life for
our peoples. These broadcasts will be more than
a source of facts and a source for news of events at

home and abroad. In these programs we will
strive to reveal not only our problems and iuspira-
tions as a people but the values we respect, some-
thing of our daily lives and history, and a sense of
our objectives and our determination to support
the legitimate aspirations of other peoples.

King of Saudi Arabia
Visits Washington

Saud ihn Ahd al-Asiz Al Saud, King of Saudi
Araiia, visited Washington on February 13
and IJ/,. Following is the text of a joint com-
7numque released on February 13 following official
conversations at the White Ilou^e between Presi-
dent Kennedy and King Saud}

White House press release dated February 13

On Februai-y 13, His Majesty King Saud and
President Kennedy held official conversations at
the AVhite House, during which Saudi Arabian-
American relations and international affaire were
discussed in a spirit of frankness and cordiality.
King Saud and the President ai'e confident that
this additional opportunity to become better ac-
quainted personally can only result in greater
mutual understanding between Saudi Arabia and
the United States.

President Kennedy Sends Greetings
to People of Viet-Nam

Message From the President

White House press release dated February 5

February 5, 1962

On the occasion of your New Year's celebra-
tion, my fellow Americans and I extend our very
best wishes for the prosperity and well-being of
the Government and the people of Viet-Nam.

In your struggle against the aggressive forces
of communism, the sacrifices that you have will-
ingly made, the courage you have shown, the bur-
dens you have endured have been a source of
inspiration to people all over the world.

Let me assure you of our continued assistance
in the development of your capabilities to main-

' ilade over the Voice of America's inaugural broadcast
on Feb. 17 (press release 107).

' For a list of the members of the official party and the
program for the visit, see Department of State press re-
lease 92 dated Feb. 8.

March 5, ?962


tain your freedom and to defeat those who wish
to destroy that freedom.

We in America sincerely hope that the year of
the Tiger will see peace come again to Viet-Nam.
We know that courage and dedication to peace

and freedom will prevail — and that prospects for
Viet-Nam will brighten during the coming year.
And we look forward confidently with you to
the day when your country will again be at
peace — united, prosperous, and free.

New Directions in Foreign Policy

hy Carl T. Rowan

Deputy Assistant Secretary for Public Affairs ^

The subject of new directions in foreign policy
on which I have been invited to discourse carries
a connotation I should like to demolish at the out-
set. For I do not think it very finiitful to talk
about foreign policy as though it were a super-
market or a dress shop, where part of the propri-
etor's strategy in showing a profit is to be always
ready with something new, something to catch
the customer's eye, something to give him the
"momentary suspension of disbelief" the poets
talk about while he makes what the merchandising
specialists call an "impulse purchase."

Yet while I am engaged in this metaphor I
ought to say that a lot of Americans sometimes
behave as though the problems of foreign policy
would indeed yield to one flashy expedient or an-
other. We should arm ourselves to the teeth and
tell the world to go hang. We should pull out of
the U.N. and thus get our own way more often.
We should seek out all homegrown Communists
(usually without being too careful about wlietlier
our suspicions are well foimded) and proceed to
suspend all their rights as citizens. We should
raise tariffs. We should cut way back on spend-
ing for the welfare of our citizens. We should
get as tough as the Russians and say to the devil
with world opinion. And so on.

I say many Americans do this. But of couree
not all of them do, or our history would bo quite
different from what it is. The fact is, of course,

' Address made before the Indianapolis World Affairs
Council at Indianapolis, Ind., on Feb. 4 (press release 77
dated Feb. 3 ; as-delivered text) .

that we have solved or diminished many of our
problems, which are now history, by facing them
squarely and realistically, not as we wished they
had been but as they were. We have learned, too,
that gadgets do not always work as advertised and
that generally speaking we get what we pay for.
We are not likely to get many cutrate bargains in
the global competition in wliich we are now

Complexity of Foreign Policy

It is a further fact that foreign policy and all
that goes into it simply will not hold still wliile
we simplify it for easy comprehension and diges-

Online LibraryUnited States. Dept. of State. Office of Public CoDepartment of State bulletin (Volume v. 46, Jan- Mar 1962) → online text (page 73 of 101)