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Powell, Robert 133

Rusk, Secretary 126, 133, 147

U Thant 137



Check List of Department of State
Press Releases: January 2-8

Press releases may be obtained from the
Office of News, Department of State, Wash-
ington, D.C., 20520.

Releases issued prior to January 2 which
appear in this issue of the Bulletin are Nos.
304 of December 29 and 306 of January 9.

No. Date Subject

fl 1/5 U.S. and Togo exchange instru-
ments of ratification on com-
mercial treaty.
2 1/6 Rusk: letter to student leaders.



t Held for a later issue of the Bulletin.



■ti U.S. Government Printing Office: 1966—251-932/29



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Making Europe Whole: An Unfinished Task



The United States must move ahead on three fronts in regard to its European policy: fii
to modernize NATO and strengthen other Atlantic alliances; second, to further the integi'ati
of the Western European community; and, third, to quicken progress in East-West relation

President Johnson, in an address before the National Conference of Editorial Writers
New York, N.Y., on October 7, 1966, discussed the new steps being taken, and those under c(
sideration, to achieve these ends. This pamphlet contains the text of that address.



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THE OFFICIAL WEEKLY RECORD OF UNITED STATES FOREIGN POLICY



THE

DEPARTMENT

OF

STATE

BULLETIN



Vol. LVI, No. lUO




January SO, 1967



THE STATE OF THE UNION
Address of President Johnson to the Congress (Excerpts) 158

THE TECHNOLOGICAL REVOLUTION AND THE WORLD OF THE 1970's
Address by Vice President Humphrey ISA

SECRETARY RUSK INTERVIEWED ON "TODAY" PROGRAM

Transcript of Interview 168

NEW INTERNATIONAL RULES FOR PASSENGER-SHIP SAFETY
Article by William K. Miller 173



For index see inside back cover



The State of the Union



ADDRESS OF PRESIDENT JOHNSON TO THE CONGRESS (EXCERPTS)^



Mr. Speaker, Mr. Vice President, distin-
guished Members of the Congress:

I have come here tonight to report to you
that this is a time of testing for our Nation.

At home, the question is whether we will
continue working for better opportunities
for all Americans, when most Americans are
already living better than any people m his-
tory.

Abroad, the question is whether we have
the staying power to fight a very costly M^ar,
when the objective is limited and the danger
to us is seemingly remote.

So our test is not whether we shrink from
our country's cause when the dangers to us
are obvious and close at hand but, rather,
whether we carry on when they seem ob-
scure and distant — and some think that it
is safe to lay down our burdens.

I have come tonight to ask this Congress
and this Nation to resolve that issue: to
meet our commitments at home and abroad
— to continue to build a better America — and
to reaffirm this Nation's allegiance to free-
dom.

As President Abraham Lincoln said, "We
must ask where we are, and whither we are
tending."



' Delivered on Jan. 10 (Weekly Compilation of
Presidential Documents dated Jan. 16, 1967); also
available as H. Doc. 1, 90th Cong., 1st sess.



Abroad, as at home, there is also risk in
change. But abroad, as at home, there is a
greater risk in standing still. No part of our
foreign policy is so sacred that it ever re-
mains beyond review. We shall be flexible
where conditions in the world change — and
where man's efforts can change them for the
better.

Transition to International Partnership

We are in the midst of a great transition
— a transition from narrow nationalism to
international partnership; from the harsh
spirit of the cold war to the hopeful spirit of
common humanity on a troubled and a
threatened planet.

In Latin America the American chiefs of
state will be meeting very shortly to give our
hemispheric policies new direction.

We have come a long way in this hemi-
sphere since the inter- American effort in eco-
nomic and social development was launched
by the conference at Bogota in 1960 under
the leadership of President Eisenhower. The
Alliance for Progress moved dramatically
forward under President Kennedy. There is
new confidence that the voice of the people
is being heard, that the dignity of the indi-
vidual is stronger than ever in this hemi-
sphere, and we are facing up to and meeting
many of the hemispheric problems together.
In this hemisphere that reform under de-
mocracy can be made to happen — because it
has happened. So together, I think, we must



158



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN



now move to strike down the barriers to full
cooperation among the American nations
and to free the energ:ies and the resources of
two great continents on behalf of all of our
citizens.

Africa stands at an earlier stage of de-
velopment than Latin America. It has yet to
develop the transportation, communications,
agriculture, and, above all, the trained men
and women without which growth is impos-
sible. There, too, the job will best be done if
the nations and peoples of Africa cooperate
on a regional basis. More and more our pro-
grams for Africa are going to be directed
toward self-help.

The future of Africa is shadowed by un-
solved racial conflicts. Our policy will con-
tinue to reflect our basic commitments as a
people to support those who are prepared to
work toward cooperation and harmony be-
tween races and to help those who demand
change but reject the fool's gold of violence.

In the Middle East the spirit of good will
toward all unfortunately has not yet taken
hold. An already tortured peace seems to be
constantly threatened. We shall try to use
our influence to increase the possibilities of
improved relations among the nations of that
region. We are working hard at that task.

In the great subcontinent of South Asia
live more than a sixth of the earth's popula-
tion. Over the years we — and others — have
invested very heavily in capital and food for
the economic development of India and
Pakistan.

We are not prepared to see our assistance
wasted, however, in conflict. It must
strengthen their capacity to help themselves.
It must help these two nations— both our
friends — to overcome poverty, to emerge as
self-reliant leaders, and find terms for
reconciliation and cooperation.

In Western Europe we shall maintain in
NATO an integrated common defense. But
we also look forward to the time when
greater security can be achieved through
measures of arms control and disarmament
and through other forms of practical agree-
ment.



Relations With Eastern Europe

We are shaping a new future of enlarged
partnership in nuclear affairs, in economic
and technical cooperation, in trade negotia-
tions, in political consultation, and in work-
ing together with the governments and
peoples of Eastern Europe and the Soviet
Union.

The emerging spirit of confidence is pre-
cisely what we hoped to achieve when we
went to work a generation ago to put our
shoulder to the wheel and try to help rebuild
Europe. We faced new challenges and oppor-
tunities then and there — and we faced also
some dangers. But I believe that the peoples
on both sides of the Atlantic, as well as both
sides of this Chamber, wanted to face them
together.

Our relations with the Soviet Union and
Eastern Europe are also in transition. We
have avoided both the acts and the rhetoric
of the cold war. When we have differed with
the Soviet Union, or other nations for that
matter, I have tried to differ quietly and with
courtesy and without venom.

Our objective is not to continue the cold
war but to end it.

We have reached an agreement at the
United Nations on the peaceful uses of outer
space: ^

We have agreed to open direct air flights
with the Soviet Union.'

We have removed more than 400 nonstra-
tegic items from export control.

We are determined that the Export-
Import Bank can allow commercial credits to
Poland, Hungary, Bulgaria, and Czechoslo-
vakia, as well as to Romania and Yugoslavia.

We have entered into a cultural agreement
with the Soviet Union for another 2 years.*

We have agreed with Bulgaria and
Hungary to upgrade our legations to embas-
sies.



^ For background, see Bulletin of Dec. 26, 1966,
p. 952, and Jan. 9, 1967, p. 78.

' For text of an agreement signed on Nov. 4, see
ibid., Nov. 21, 1966, p. 791.

■* For text of a joint communique, see ibid., Apr. 4,
1966, p. 543.



JANUARY 30, 1967



159



We have started discussions with interna-
tional agencies on ways of increasing con-
tacts with Eastern European countries.

This administration has taken these steps
even as duty compelled us to fulfill and exe-
cute alliances and treaty obligations through-
out the world that were entered into before
I became President.

So, tonight I now ask and urge this Con-
gress to help our foreign and our commercial
trade policies by passing an East- West trade
bill and by approving our consular conven-
tion with the Soviet Union.

The Soviet Union has in the past year in-
creased its long-range missile capabilities.
It has begun to place near Moscow a limited
antimissile defense. My first responsibility to
our people is to assure that no nation can
ever find it rational to launch a nuclear at-
tack or to use its nuclear power as a credible
threat against us or against our allies.

I would emphasize that that is why an im-
portant link between Russia and the United
States is in our common interest, in arms
control and in disarmament. We have the
solemn duty to slow down the arms race be-
tween us, if that is at all possible, in both
conventional and nuclear weapons and de-
fenses. I thought we were making some
progress in that direction the first few
months I was in office. I realize that any ad-
ditional race would impose on our peoples,
and on all mankind for that matter, an addi-
tional waste of resources with no gain in
security to either side.

I expect in the days ahead to closely con-
sult and seek the advice of the Congress
about the possibilities of international
agreements bearing directly upon this prob-
lem.

The Food-Population Problem

Next to the pursuit of peace, the really
greatest challenge to the human family is the
race between food supply and population in-
crease. That race tonight is being lost.

The time for rhetoric has clearly passed.
The time for concerted action is here and
we must get on with the job.



We believe that three principles must pre-
vail if our policy is to succeed:

First, the developing nations must give
highest priority to food production, including
the use of technology and the capital of-
private enterprise.

Second, nations with food deficits must put
more of their resources into voluntary family
planning programs.

And third, the developed nations must all
assist other nations to avoid starvation in the
short run and to move rapidly toward the
ability to feed themselves.

Every member of the world community
now bears a direct responsibility to help
bring our most basic human account into
balance.

Why We Are in Viet-Nam

I come now finally to Southeast Asia — and
to Viet-Nam in particular. Soon I will sub-
mit to the Congress a detailed report on that
situation. Tonight I want to just review the
essential points as briefly as I can.

We are in Viet-Nam because the United
States of America and our allies are com-
mitted by the SEATO Treaty to "act to meet
the common danger" of aggression in South-
east Asia.

We are in Viet-Nam because an interna-
tional agreement signed by the United
States, North Viet-Nam, and others in 1962
is being systematically violated by the Com-
munists. That violation threatens the inde-
pendence of all the small nations in Southeast
Asia and threatens the peace of the entire
region and perhaps the world.

We are there because the people of South
Viet-Nam have as much right to remain non-
Communist — if that is what they choose —
as North Viet-Nam has to remain Commu-
nist.

We are there because the Congress has
pledged by solemn vote to take all necessary
measures to prevent further aggression.

No better words could describe our pres-
ent course than those once spoken by the
great Thomas Jefferson: "It is the melan-
choly law of human societies to be compelled



160



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN



sometimes to choose a great evil in order to
ward off a greater."

We have chosen to fight a Hmited war in
Viet-Nam in an attempt to prevent a larger
war — a war almost certain to follow, I be-
lieve, if the Commimists succeed in overrun-
ning and taking over South Viet-Nam by
aggression and by force. I believe, and I am
supported by some authority, that if they are
not checked now the world can expect to pay
a greater price to check them later.

That is what our statesmen said when they
debated this treaty, and that is why it was
ratified 82 to 1 by the Senate many years
ago.

You will remember that we stood in West-
ern Europe 20 years ago. Is there anyone in
this Chamber tonight who doubts that the
course of freedom was not changed for the
better because of the courage of that stand?

Sixteen years ago we and others stopped
another kind of aggression — ^this time it was
in Korea. Imagine how different Asia might
be today if we had failed to act when the
Communist army of North Korea marched
south. The Asia of tomorrow will be far dif-
ferent because we have said in Viet-Nam, as
we said 16 years ago in Korea: "This far and
no further."

I think I reveal no secret when I tell you
that we are dealing with a stubborn adver-
sary who is committed to the use of force
and terror to settle political questions.

I wish I could report to you that the con-
flict is almost over. This I cannot do. We face
more cost, more loss, and more agony. For
the end is not yet. I cannot promise you that
it will come this year — or come next year.
Our adversary still believes, I think, tonight,
that he can go on fighting longer than we
can and longer than we and our allies will
be prepared to stand up and resist.

Our men in that area — there are nearly
500,000 now — have borne well "the burden
and the heat of the day." Their efforts have
deprived the Communist enemy of the vic-
tory that he sought and that he expected a
year ago. We have steadily frustrated his
main forces. General [William C] West-



moreland reports that the enemy can no
longer succeed on the battlefield.

So I must say to you that our pressure
must be sustained — and will be sustained —
until he realizes that the war he started is
costing him more than he can ever gain.

I know of no strategy more likely to at-
tain that end than the strategy of "accumu-
lating slowly, but inexorably, every kind of
material resource" — of "laboriously teaching
troops the very elements of their trade."
That, and patience — and I mean a great deal
of patience.

Our South Vietnamese allies are also being
tested tonight. Because they must provide
real security to the people living in the coun-
tryside. And this means reducing the ter-
rorism and the armed attacks, which kid-
naped and killed 26,900 civilians in the last
32 months, to levels where they can be suc-
cessfully controlled by the regular South
Vietnamese security forces. It means bring-
ing to the villagers an effective civilian gov-
ernment that they can respect, and that they
can rely upon, and that they can participate
in, and that they can have a personal stake
in. We hope that government is now begin-
ning to emerge.

While I cannot report the desired progress
in the pacification effort, the very distin-
guished and able Ambassador, Henry Cabot
Lodge, reports that South Viet-Nam is turn-
ing to this task with a new sense of urgency.
We can help, but only they can win this part
of the war. Their task is to build and protect
a new life in each rural province.

Spirit of Hope Rising in Asia

One result of our stand in Viet-Nam is
already clear.

It is this: The peoples of Asia now know
that the door to independence is not going to
be slammed shut. They know that it is pos-
sible for them to choose their own national
destinies — without coercion.

The performance of our men in Viet-Nam
— backed by the American people — has
created a feeling of confidence and unity
among the independent nations of Asia and



JANUARY 30, 1967



161



the Pacific. I saw it in their faces in the 19
days that I spent in their homes and in their
countries. Fear of external Communist con-
quest in many Asian nations is already sub-
siding — and with this, the spirit of hope is
rising. For the first time in history, a com-
mon outlook and common institutions are
already emerging.

This forward movement is rooted in the
ambitions and the interests of Asian nations
themselves. It was precisely this movement
that we hoped to accelerate when I spoke at
Johns Hopkins in Baltimore in April 1965,^
and I pledged "a much more massive effort
to improve the life of man" in that part of
the world, in the hope that we could take
some of the funds that we were spending on
bullets and bombs and spend it on schools and
production.

Twenty months later our efforts have pro-
duced a new reality: The doors of the billion-
dollar Asian Development Bank that I
recommended to the Congress, and you en-
dorsed almost unanimously, I am proud to
tell you, are already open. Asians are en-
gaged tonight in regional efl^orts in a dozen
new directions. Their hopes are high. Their
faith is strong. Their confidence is deep.

And even as the war continues, we shall
play our part in carrying forward this con-
structive historic development. As recom-
mended by the Eugene Black mission, and
if other nations will join us, I will seek a spe-
cial authorization from the Congress of $200
million for East Asian regional programs.

Because we are eager to turn our re-
sources to peace. Our eflForts in behalf of
humanity I think need not be restricted by
any parallel or by any boundary line. The
moment that peace comes, as I pledged in
Baltimore, I will ask the Congress for funds
to join in an international program of recon-
struction and development for all the people
of Viet-Nam — and their deserving neighbors
who wish our help.



' rbid., Apr. 26, 1965, p. 606.



We shall continue to hope for a reconcilia-
tion between the people of mainland China
and the world community — including work-
ing together in all the tasks of arms control,
security, and progress on which the fate of-
the Chinese people, like their fellow men
elsewhere, depends.

We would be the first to welcome a China
which decided to respect her neighbors'
rights. We would be the first to applaud her
were she to apply her great energies and in-
telligence to improving the welfare of her
people. And we have no intention of trying
to deny her legitimate needs for security and
friendly relations with her neighboring coun-
tries.

Our hope that all of this will some day hap-
pen rests on the conviction that we, the
American people and our allies, vdll and are
going to see Viet-Nam through to an honor-
able peace.

We will support all appropriate initiatives
by the United Nations, and others, which can
bring the several parties together for uncon-
ditional discussions of peace — anywhere, any
time. And we will continue to take every pos-
sible initiative ourselves to constantly probe
for peace.

The Course of Wisdom for This Country

Until such efforts succeed, or until the
infiltration ceases, or until the conflict sub-
sides, I think the course of wisdom for this
country is that we just must firmly pursue
our present course. We will stand firm in
Viet-Nam.

I think you know that our fighting men
there tonight bear the heaviest burden of
all. With their lives they serve their Nation.
We must give them nothing less than our
full support — and we have given them that —
nothing less than the determination that
Americans have always given their fighting
men. Whatever our sacrifice here, even if it
is more than $5 a month, it is small compared
to their own.



162



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN



How long it will take I cannot prophesy. I
only know that the will of the American
people, I think, is tonight being tested.

Whether we can fight a war of limited ob-
jectives over a period of time, and keep alive
the hope of independence and stability for
people other than ourselves; whether we can
continue to act with restraint when the
temptation to "get it over with" is inviting
but dangerous; whether we can accept the
necessity of choosing "a great evil in order
to ward off a greater"; whether we can do
these without arousing the hatreds and the
passions that are ordinarily loosed in time of
war — on all these questions so much turns.

The answers will determine not only where
we are, but "whither we are tending."

A time of testing — yes. And a time of
transition. The transition is sometimes slow;
sometimes unpopular; almost always very
painful; and often quite dangerous.

But we have lived with danger for a long
time before, and we shall live with it for a
long time yet to come. We know that "man is



born unto trouble." We also know that this
Nation was not forged and did not survive
and grow and prosper without a great deal of
sacrifice from a great many men.

For all the disorders that we must deal
with and all the frustrations that concern us
and all the anxieties that we are called upon
to resolve, for all the issues that we must
face with the agony that attends them, let
us remember that "those who expect to reap
the blessings of freedom must, like men,
undergo the fatigues of supporting it."

But let us also count not only our burdens
but our blessings — for they are many.

And let us give thanks to the One who
governs us all.

Let us draw encouragement from the signs
of hope — for they, too, are many.

Let us remember that we have been tested
before and America has never been found
wanting.

So with your understanding, I would hope
your confidence, and your support, we are
going to persist — and we are going to suc-
ceed.



JANUARY 30, 196?



163



The Technological Revolution and the World of the 1970's



Address by Vice President Humphrey



The Institute of International Education
is a place where intellect and power have
been brought together— and long before
Franklin Roosevelt's "brain trust" or the era
of the Washington in-and-outer.

The Institute of International Education
has been in existence now almost half a cen-
tury. Its initiatives preceded the Fulbright
Act, the Smith-Mundt Act, the Mutual Edu-
cational and Cultural Exchange Act, the
International Education Act, and the range
of highly important programs which form
the base of our efforts in international
education today. And these programs came
none too soon. But without the work of the
Institute of International Education they
might not have come at all.

In the past two decades we have seen sci-
ence and technology shrink our neighborhood
so that today the moral unity and interde-
pendence of man (which for centuries has
been the basis of Western civilization) has
now become a physical fact of our lives. Iso-
lationism has been replaced by a global
consciousness.

Yet we are today only at the primitive
stages of the scientific and technological de-
velopment which will shrink our human
neighborhood still further.

The prospect of a supersonic transport
plane — a few years ago a matter of "if" — is
today only a matter of "who first?" I doubt
that we have full grasp of what the SST

' Made before the Institute of International Edu-
cation at New York, N.Y., on Dec. 6.



will mean in terms of increased exchange of
people and goods.

And the communications satellites — Buck
Rogers items through most of our lifetimes —



Online LibraryUnited States. Dept. of State. Office of Public CoDepartment of State bulletin (Volume v. 56, Jan- Mar 1967) → online text (page 33 of 90)