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THE OFFICIAL WEEKLY RECORD OF UNITED STATES FOREIGN POLICY



THE

DEPARTMENT

OF

STATE

BULLETIN



S. 1 i^ ■Sr-



Vol. LVI, No. 1U3




February 20, 1967



OUTER SPACE TREATY SIGNED BY 60 NATIONS
AT WHITE HOUSE CEREMONY 266

BUILDING A DURABLE PEACE
Address by Secretary Rusk 269

THE UNITED STATES, THE UNITED NATIONS, AND SOUTHERN AFRICA

by Ambassador Arthur J. Goldberg 289

THE WAR ON HUNGER: FOOD FOR INDIA
President Johnson's Message to Congress 295

SECRETARY RUSK DISCUSSES VIET-NAM IN INTERVIEW
FOR BRITISH TELEVISION 27i



For index see inside back cover



Outer Space Treaty Signed by 60 Nations
at Wliite House Ceremony



The Treaty on Principles Governing the
Activities of States in the Exploration and
Use of Outer Space, Including the Moon and
Other Celestial Bodies,^ was opened for signa-
ture at Washington, London, and Moscotv on
January 27. Representatives of 60 nations
signed the treaty at Washington at a cere-
mony held at the White House. Following are
statements made on that occasion by Presi-
dent Johnson; Secretary Rusk; U.S. Repre-
sentative to the United Nations Arthur J.
Goldberg, ivho read a message addressed to
President Johnson from U.N. Secretary-
General U Thant; Sir Patrick Dean, British
Ambassador to the United States; and
Anatoliy Dobrynin, Soviet Ambassador to
the United States.



white House press release dated January 27

PRESIDENT JOHNSON

Secretary Rusk, Mr. Vice President, Mr.
Chief Justice, Your Excellencies, ladies and
gentlemen: This is an inspiring moment in
the history of the human race.

We are taking the first firm step toward
keeping outer space free forever from the
implements of war.

It was more than 400 years ago when
Martin Luther said:

Cannons and firearms are cruel and damnable
machines. I believe them to have been the direct
suggestion of the Devil. If Adam had seen in a
vision the horrible instruments that his children
were to invent, he would have died of grief.

I wonder what he would have thought of
the far more terrible weapons that we have
today.

We have never succeeded in freeing our
planet from the implements of war. But if



we cannot yet achieve this goal here on earth,
we can at least keep the virus from
spreading.

We can keep the ugly and wasteful weap-
ons of mass destruction from contaminating
space. And that is exactly what this treaty
does.

This treaty means that the moon and our
sister planets will serve only the purposes of
peace and not of war. It means that orbiting
manmade satellites will remain free of
nuclear weapons. It means that astronaut
and cosmonaut will meet someday on the
surface of the moon as brothers and not as
warriors for competing nationalities or
ideologies.

It holds promise that the same wisdom and
good will which gave us this space treaty
will continue to guide us as we seek solutions
to the many problems that we have here on
this earth.

It is a hopeful and a very promising sign.

We are so pleased that we could be joined
here today by the representatives of so many
of the other nations of the world.

I now take great pleasure in presenting to
you our distinguished Secretary of State —
Mr. Dean Rusk.



SECRETARY RUSK

Mr. President, Excellencies, distinguished
guests: This day today, Mr. President, must
give you some special satisfaction.

As chairman of the Senate Committee on
Aeronautics and Space Science under the
Eisenhower administration, as Chairman of
the Space Council in the Kennedy adminis-



' For text, see Bulletin of Dec. 26, 1966, p. 953.



266



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN



tration, and as President, you have labored
long and hard to let the nations of the earth
cooperate in the exploration of the vast
reaches of outer space, in using space for the
benefit of man.

Today a treaty which marks the peaceful
uses of outer space may be the next step on
that road upon which you embarked a long
time ago.

The nations of the world these days must
keep ever in mind the importance of working
steadily to make new gains in the quest for
peace and security and justice for all nations,
large and small. For cooperation among the
nations is an imperative for the age in which
we live.

So we have constantly sought, we and
other nations, to extend that cooperation
through the United Nations and in many
other ways, constantly seeking areas of com-
mon interest in which to arrive at agree-
ments benefiting all of us.

This is a long, difficult, and often undra-
matic process simply of trying to make
civilization work.

The fact that serious differences among
nations and, indeed, conflicts among them
still persist in some areas of deep concern
to all of us cannot be allowed to deflect us
from that course. Instead they emphasize how
indispensable it is for governments to take
even a short step wherever possible, on any
day, at any place, if it will benefit our
increasingly interdependent family of na-
tions.

Over 3 years ago governments represented
in this room and many others joined together
to conclude the nuclear test ban treaty. This
was a vital measure in the continuing search
for ways to bring the arms race under con-
trol and to turn it back.

Today we are gathered for the signing of
a treaty designed to apply in the new environ-
ment of outer space into which man has ven-
tured during the last 10 years.

Ten years ago the Soviet Union launched
its first sputnik, and outer space is becoming
rather crowded now. Many, many nations in
all parts of the earth are cooperating in that
great venture. There is great satisfaction in



being able to present this treaty within 10
years after the launching of that first sputnik.

For this treaty reflects the need to agree on
rules that will be followed as exploration is
carried on in outer space. It is an outgrowth
of much work in the United Nations Outer
Space Committee.

It is the purpose and hope of all concerned
that the treaty will avoid conflicts by giving
law and will promote international coopera-
tion for the benefit of all mankind in this
new realm.

This occasion today marks the successful
completion of one phase in a process of work
that never ends. The treaty we are about to
sign is a product of faithful and sustained
and skillful effort by many devoted officials
from many nations.

So let us take from this moment of reflec-
tion determination and confidence to go on
with other steps to follow. The unfinished
business in the nations commands all the
energy and the intelligence we can bring to
the task.

Now I would like to call upon my colleague,
Ambassador Goldberg, to present a message
from the Secretary-General of the United
Nations.



AMBASSADOR GOLDBERG

Mr. President and Mrs. Johnson, Mr. Vice
President and Mrs. Humphrey, the Chief
Justice of the United States and Mrs. War-
ren, Mr. Secretary of State and Mrs. Rusk,
distinguished Members of the Congress and
of the United Nations, ladies and gentlemen:
This treaty was successfully concluded as a
result of the discussions among members of
the United Nations Committee on the Peace-
ful Uses of Outer Space, consisting of 28
members. But it is indeed a product of all of
the United Nations, who voted for it unani-
mously at the last Assembly.^

I want to express my appreciation first of
all to the President for initiating this effort



* For background and text of a resolution adopted
by the U.N. General Assembly on Dec. 19, see ibid.,
Jan. 9, 1967, p. 78.



FEBRUARY 20, 1967



267



on behalf of our country and to all of my
colleagues on the Committee for the coopera-
tion which made this historic treaty possible,
and to welcome here the representatives from
the U.N., headed by that great international
civil servant and the American of whom we
take the greatest pride, our Nobel Prize win-
ner, Ralph Bunche, and Mrs. Bunche.

Mr. President, if you will permit, I also
want to express appreciation for the mem-
bers of the American delegation whom you
provided me in the course of these negotia-
tions from all departments of the Govern-
ment who did so well to represent their own
country's interests and that great patriotism
to the United States which is patriotism for
the whole world.

It is the spirit of accommodation which
prevailed throughout our negotiations that
has led to the successful conclusion of our
deliberations. It is this spirit of accommoda-
tion, Mr. President, that I know you want to
see prevail on all the many problems that
face the world today.

It is a great pleasure and honor for me, Mr.
President, to read to you and to this dis-
tinguished group a message from the dis-
tinguished Secretary-General of the United
Nations, U Thant.s

The message reads:

I wish it were possible for me to be present in
Washington, London and Moscow at the same time
on the auspicious occasion of the signing of the
Treaty of Principles Governing the Activities of
States in the Exploration and Use of Outer Space,
Including the Moon and Other Celestial Bodies.
May I convey to you my sincere congratulations
and express my feeling of deep satisfaction at this
historic event in international relations — a feeling
which, I am certain, is shared by all peoples every-
where. I am particularly gratified that the United
Nations was able to make a significant contribution
towards this major achievement.

The conquest of space gives rise to many new
problems, because of the terrifying military poten-
tialities involved, and, also because of the impact
of space technology on, our physical environment.



' The Secretary-General's message was addressed
to President Johnson. He sent similar messages to
Prime Minister Harold Wilson of the United King-
dom and A. N. Kosygin, Chairman of the Council
of Ministers of the Soviet Union.



As man ventures into space, he cannot rely solely
on his scientific and technological knowledge, great
as it may be. He must equally depend on legally ■
binding universal standards of conduct, progres-
sively developed as science unravels the mysteries
of space. '^

It is both urgent and necessary that the powerful
forces generated by human ingenuity be kept under
control and utilized for the benefit of humanity
and the strengrthening of peace. It is most gratify-
ing to see that the problems of exploring outer space
are being solved through positive and sustained
international action and measures within the frame-
work of the United Nations.

I have no doubt that this Treaty will not only
greatly reduce the danger of conflict in space, but
also improve international co-operation and the
prospects of peace on our own planet. The Antarctic
Treaty of 1959, the Test Ban Treaty of 1963 and
the present Treaty are true landmarks in man's
march towards international peace and security.
I fervently hope that these achievements will be
shortly followed by similar agreements on non-
proliferation of nuclear weapons and other steps
towards general and complete disarmament.
Highest consideration.

U Thant
Secretary-General of the United Nations



AMBASSADOR DEAN

Mr. President, Secretary of State, ladies
and gentlemen: It is indeed a great honor to
be here to sign this treaty on behalf of the
British Government.

We all take today an important step
towards our ultimate goal: the creation of a
world in which men can live together in har-
mony, free from the fear of war.

Those who have worked so hard to create
this agreement indeed deserve our gratitude
and admiration. It is their combination of
vision and persistence which has made this
possible.

My Government believes that those same
qualities of vision and persistence can and
must enable us to take further steps along
the road to peaceful cooperation between all
nations.

This treaty is far from being exclusively
a measure of arms control, but its significance
for arms control is very real. It is open to
signature by all nations, but it will have been



268



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN



signed immediately by the two nations which
lead the world in both the exploration of
space and the development of military power.

It is, above all, the signature by the United
States and the Soviet Union of a treaty with
such importance for arms control that will
give fresh encouragement and new hope to
the world.

We must resolve that that hope will not be
disappointed.



AMBASSADOR DOBRYNIN

Mr. President, Mr. Secretary, Excellencies,
ladies and gentlemen: It is my honor and
privilege on behalf of the Soviet Union to
sign here in Washington a treaty which for
the first time in history establishes principles
of international law governing the activities
of states in outer space.

Outer space presents a great new challenge



to mankind. International cooperation in this
field on the basis of equality provided for in
the treaty will allow all countries to actively
participate in the peaceful exploration and
use of outer space for the benefit of all people,
of all nations.

Space age of human history began only 10
years ago, but we have already included in
the present treaty an important provision
which prohibits placing nuclear weapons in
orbit around the earth or on celestial bodies.

Let us hope that we shall not wait long for
the solution of similar important earthly
problems.

We believe that the treaty we are signing
today will be an important step in further
development of cooperation and understand-
ing among states and peoples and wll con-
tribute to the settlement of other major
international problems facing humanity here
on this planet.



Building a Durable Peace



Address by Secretary Rusk ^



It is a high privilege to address a joint ses-
sion of the Legislature of the great State of
Texas. I regard your invitation as an excep-
tional compliment.

I have long felt a special tie with Texas
through my kinsman Thomas Jefferson Rusk.
Through the influence of John C. Calhoun, he
studied law and was admitted to the bar in
South Carolina. Later he moved to Georgia.
He came to Texas in pursuit of some men who
had absconded with some of his money. But
he decided to stay, signed the Declaration of
Independence of 1836, and served the Lone
Star Republic as a general. Secretary of War,



' Made before a joint session of the Legislature
of Texas at Austin, Tex., on Jan. 26 (press release
16).



Chief Justice, and Chairman of the Conven-
tion of 1845.

A year or two ago, I learned through a
diligent historian that, as a general, my kins-
man was responsible for a tense period in the
relations between Texas and the United
States. In November 1838, "at the head of one
hundred men," he "entered the United States
and proceeded as far as Shreveport." The
American Legation in Houston sharply de-
manded an explanation of that "extraordi-
nary conduct." And at the direction of my
distinguished predecessor, John Forsyth, who
also came from Georgia, there ensued a series
of vigorous but elegant diplomatic exchanges
with two successive Texas Secretaries of
State. General Rusk's defense was, in essence:
"Who, me? I was just chasing a bunch of



FEBRUARY 20, 1967



269



Indians." In the end, the President of the
Republic of Texas promised that it wouldn't
happen again. So my kinsman was not
allowed to occupy the United States !

I think today, of course, of the two native
sons of Texas who have borne uniquely high
responsibilities: Dwight D. Eisenhower and
Lyndon B. Johnson. Both have dealt with the
paramount questions of defense and foreign
policy not as partisans but as patriots who
put the national interest first.

I am proud to be President Johnson's
Secretary of State. And I believe that the
American people, and all men everywhere
who love freedom, are very fortunate to have
as President of the United States a man of
his courage, fortitude, and seasoned judg-
ment.

The President of the United States holds
an office which is sometimes described as
lonely. And, indeed, it is. He alone must make
great decisions — decisions on which our sur-
vival as a nation may depend. But, in another
way, he is not lonely. For, when the President
is in his Oval Room, pondering the issues of
war and peace, thinking hard about how best
to protect liberty, he knows that nearly 200
million Americans are in that room with him
— and that many hundreds of millions of
other people around the world wish him well,
because they know that their own liberty de-
pends heavily upon the commitment of the
United States to freedom.

There are many ways in which the central
purpose of our foreign policy can be stated,
but I know of none better than the familiar
words from the preamble of our Constitution,
to "secure the Blessings of Liberty to our-
selves and our Posterity."

We know that we can no longer preserve
our nation and our way of life by standing
apart from the world — by the defenses and
policies confined to this continent, or the
Western Hemisphere, or the North Atlantic
basin. And we know that we can't preserve
our way of life satisfactorily through another
great war, at least not one in which thermo-
nuclear weapons make life impossible or
intolerable for most of the human race.

So our supreme objective must be, and is,



peace, a durable world peace. But a durable
peace cannot be achieved just by wishing for
it, or by slogans or rhetoric, or by passing
resolutions or signing pledges, or by negotiat-
ing a pact renouncing war. There was great -,
rejoicing in many countries in 1928 when
the Kellogg-Briand Pact was signed, re-
nouncing war as an instrument of national
policy. But that parchment meant nothing to
Hitler or Mussolini or the Japanese mili-
tarists. Only a dozen years later Hitler's
Wehrmacht captured the very city in which
that pact had been signed.

Over the years, many Americans, in
groups or as individuals, have thought deeply
about the organization of a durable peace. In
1915 William Howard Taft, John Bassett
Moore, J. Reuben Clark, Jr., and other lead-
ing citizens formed a nonpartisan organiza-
tion to advocate a League to Enforce Peace.

At the end of "the war to end war" and
"make the world safe for democracy," a far-
sighted American President took the lead in
creating the League of Nations. But we
didn't join it. Instead, we withdrew into
isolation, disarmed, and turned our back —
until it was almost too late. We and the world
paid the costly penalty that Woodrow Wilson
had foreseen if peace were not enforced.

Postwar Planning During World War II

The Second World War gave new impetus
to thinking about the organization of a
reliable peace. On September 3, 1939, the
very day that war began. President Roosevelt
said: ". . . it seems to me clear, even at the
outbreak of this great war, that the influence
of America should be consistent in seeking
for humanity a final peace which will elimi-
nate, as far as it is possible to do so, the
continued use of force between nations."
A few days later Secretary of State Cordell
Hull appointed a special assistant to work on
problems of peace. This work was carried
forward with the help of committees, first
within the Government, then including
advisers from outside the Government. On
December 23, 1939, President Roosevelt ad-
dressed messages to the president of the
Federal Council of Churches of Christ in



270



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN



America, the president of the Jewish Theo-
log:ical Seminary of America, and Pope Pius
XII. He said that while no spiritual or civil
leader could move yet forward on a specific
plan for a new order of things, "the time for
that will surely come." He expressed his
desire to "encourage a closer association
between those in every part of the world —
those in religion and those in government —
who have a common purpose."

Only a few days after Pearl Harbor,
President Roosevelt requested Secretary Hull
to expand the study of postwar foreign
policy. An enlarged advisory committee was
created, and in May 1942 it began to include
Members of Congress of both parties.

Parallel studies were undertaken by vari-
ous private organizations. One of the most
important was that of the Commission to
Study the Bases of a Just and Durable Peace
set up by the Federal Council of Churches in
December 1940. The work of that commis-
sion led to two national study conferences
on "The Churches and a Just and Durable
Peace" and to many thoughtful analyses and
conclusions. And its chairman was to become
a very distinguished Secretary of State,
John Foster Dulles.

One of the chief results of those studies,
both in the Government and outside it, was
the decision to create a new international
organization to preserve peace. While the
greatest war in history still raged, the
United Nations Charter was drafted and
signed. Its first great objective was, in the
words of its preamble, "to save succeeding
generations from the scourge of war. . . ."

At that time long-range airplanes were
already slicing through the distance and
time which had contributed to our national
safety in the past. Then came the atomic
bomb. A few weeks later, in his final report
as Chief of Staff, General George C.
Marshall pointed out that the new techniques
of war had changed fundamentally the
problem of national defense: that the war
just concluded was the last great war in
which the United States could expect to
escape destructive bombardment. From now
on, he said, "the United States, its homes and



factories," are in "the front line of world
conflict." Therefore, "We are now concerned
with the peace of the entire world."

That conclusion was made inescapable
within a few years by the development of
long-range missiles and multimegaton ther-
monuclear warheads.

We must do our best to prevent another
great war, not only because war is what
General Sherman said it was but because
the safety of our nation requires it.

So today the primary task of our Armed
Forces is to prevent another great war, and
the supreme goal of our foreign policy is a
durable peace.

Preventing and Repelling Aggression

Obviously, the first essential in building
a durable peace is to eliminate aggression —
by preventing it, if possible, and by repeUing
it when it occurs or is threatened. The
authors of the United Nations Charter knew
that. They had seen one aggression lead to
another until the world went up in flames.
So they stated that the first purpose of the
United Nations was "to take eflfective collec-
tive measures for the prevention and
removal of threats to the peace, and for the
suppression of acts of aggression or other
breaches of the peace. . . ." Unfortunately,
some members of the United Nations have
not been willing to honor that primary obli-
gation.

The United Nations has helped to make
and keep peace in many situations. We con-
tinue to support it and to seek ways of
strengthening it. But because it has been
unable to function in some of the most
dangerous situations, the main job of pre-
venting and repelling aggression has been
accomplished by the defensive alliances of
the free world — defensive alliances orga-
nized and conducted in complete harmony
with the U.N. Charter, which expressly
recognizes the right of individual and collec-
tive self-defense and also provides for
regional organizations or agencies to main-
tain international peace and security.

Under those alliances, the United States
is specifically pledged to assist in the de-



FEBRUARY 20, 1967



271



fense of more than 40 nations. Those com-
mitments, and the power that lies behind
them, are the backbone of world peace.

We maintain a formidable nuclear deter-
rent. I believe it is generally understood
that a nuclear attack on us or any of our
allies would be sheer insanity. I think it is
also realized generally, if not universally,
that aggression by the mass movement of
troops across frontiers would involve
extremely grave risks to the aggressor. But



Online LibraryUnited States. Dept. of State. Office of Public CoDepartment of State bulletin (Volume v. 56, Jan- Mar 1967) → online text (page 49 of 90)