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a Communist Indonesia by the end of 1966
.or even sooner. Instead, an ill-timed and
poorly executed attempt by the Communists
to accelerate their seizure of power back-
fired and brought into being the current
strongly nationalist, nonalined, non-Commu-
nist government. That government is now
concentrating on the chaotic economic situa-
tion which is the legacy of years of misman-
agement. If that government, with the help of
the debt rescheduling already agreed upon
and with the necessary aid from the United
States and other nations concerned with In-
donesia — Japan and European nations —
working together on a multilateral basis can
get over the hump of the next year or two,
then we may hope to see an increasing re-
alization of Indonesia's great economic po-
tential and the settling down of a moderate,
highly nationalistic government there.

Gfowth of Regional Cooperation

I have been reviewing the progress of in-
dividual nations, but equally important has
been the increasing grovrth of regional or-
ganization and cooperation. There is a long
checklist here, and much of it has come into
being or grown dramatically in the past 2

— The establishment of the Asian Devel-
opment Bank, joining together 19 Asian and
Pacific nations as well as key nations of
Europe. Over two-thirds of its authorized
capital is coming from within the region.

FEBRUARY 27, 1967


— Japan's increasing efforts to assist other
Asian nations, reflected in the commitment
of 1 percent of its gross national product to
foreign aid, particularly in Southeast Asia,
and in its leadership in regional economic
planning, symbolized by the election of a
Japanese, Mr. [Takeshi] Watanabe, to head
the Asian Development Bank.

— The convening in Seoul last June of a
10-nation Asian and Pacific Council, which
appeared hopelessly visionary 2 years ago
when it was proposed by the Foreign Minis-
ter of Korea. The nations of this broad re-
gional grouping primarily concerned with
economic affairs stated in June their full
sympathy and support for our aid in helping
South Viet-Nam defend its right to deter-
mine its future. The likelihood is that more
nations will join ASPAC.

— The Association of Southeast Asia —
Malaysia, the Philippines, and Thailand —
which was moribund 3 years ago, has now
revived and may be the nucleus of a new
regional grouping in Southeast Asia.

This is only a partial listing. There are a
great many other initiatives, such as the
Mekong Committee — which was in being but
which has come into action with the building
of the Nam Ngum Dam in Laos — which is
bringing together the often rival nations of
the area — Cambodia, Laos, Thailand, and
South Viet-Nam — in the joint development
of the Mekong River. The United Nations is
playing a large role, and many nations are

These have been major developments in
historic terms, and with them have come
the diminution of old regional tensions. In
December of 1965 Japan and Korea con-
cluded a treaty that ended a long period of
hostility between the two and provided Jap-
anese funds for the Korean development
which is going forward with extraordinary
smoothness today. Similarly, the confronta-
tion between Indonesia and Malaysia has
been ended, with Thailand playing a very
hopeful role.

I do not mean to exaggerate the signifi-
cance of the new groupings. They will not

provide the tremendous action impetus that
similar institutions in Europe have had in
the period since World War II, but they do
represent a pulling together of the nations
of the area, a sense of common purpose, a ■>
desire to share experience, which is reflected
also in a flow of visits and a sharing of this
or that aspect of their life that goes on
among Asian states at a rate that must be 10
times what it was 5 years ago.

Increase in Multilateral Aid

A colleague of mine used to say that 10
years ago too many nations in Asia were like
spokes of a wheel, with the United States at
the hub, because by and large we were the
sole source of assistance for a great many
nations. And he said that wheel had no rim
because the Asian nations had little connec-
tion with each other. Two things have hap-
pened to that figure of speech in the last 10
years: The rim has been created and
strengthened at a very ra^jidly accelerating
pace, and the hub is becoming not merely the
United States but a shared effort, with Euro-
pean nations entering at least on the eco-
nomic side. I think on the security side our
role must be major for at least some years
to come. And we see emerging a greater
role in economic assistance and cooperation
for the European and other developed na-
tions and, of course, the tremendously en-
larged role of Japan.

Multilateral aid, I am sure, will be fur-
nished in an increasing number of situa-
tions, with the World Bank, the Asian De-
velopment Bank, the International Monetary
Fund, and the cooperative consultative
groups among the nations in a position to
give aid. Multilateral aid has been predomi-
nant in Thailand for some years. It is a mode
for Malaysia, and it is the way that things
are being handled in Indonesia.

So it is against this background of prog-
ress that the Asian nations are making that
the declaration at the Manila Conference *
stated four simple principles: that aggres-
sion must be stopped; that hunger, illiteracy,

" For text, see ibid., Nov. 14, 1966, p. 734.



disease must be tackled and eventually con-
quered; that a region of security, order, and
progress must be built; and that the ultimate
objective must be a peace of reconciliation
throughout Asia and the Pacific. It is against
the background of the efforts that I have
described that these principles struck a re-
sponsive chord not only among the nations
represented at Manila, on whose initiative
that declaration was framed, but throughout
the area. For these principles were some-
thing that they could accept, something not,
as surely would have been the case even a
very short time ago, remote and unattainable
but realistic goals — over a long period, and
with unremitting effort, goals worthy of
stating and of pursuing.

Now, there are difficulties in the picture
and in the future that could offset the kind
of favorable trends I have been describing.
Promising leaders may make mistakes or lose
office, national rivalries may come to the
fore again in local areas or on a wider scale,
economies may faltf.r. But I would sum it
up by saying the favorable possibilities are
greater than they have ever been and that
in historic terms the area is moving ex-
tremely rapidly.

The Confidence Factor

Now, in this broad picture I have already
referred to our stand in Viet-Nam as having
made a major contribution to the confidence
factor. I will not review here the current
situation in Viet-Nam, because I think the
interpretive reporting you get is on the
whole good.

I come back to the central point: that what
we have done in Viet-Nam did have a major
part in developing the confidence factor, the
sense that progress is possible, the sense that
security can be maintained in the nations
of free Asia. To virtually all the non-Com-
munist governments of the area — and they
often say this as bluntly as President Marcos
did in his opening address at the Manila
Conference — that security requires a con-
tinued United States ability to act, not neces-
sarily an American presence, although that,
too, may be required in individual cases, but

an ability to act for a long time. And that we
must — and, I think, shall — provide, and we
shall keep on in Viet-Nam, as the President
has made completely clear. Without what we
have done in Viet-Nam, without the regener-
ation of the spirit of cooperation among the
Western nations, ourselves included, and the
nations of Asia, I doubt very much if the
favorable developments I have described
could have taken place on anything like the
scale that has in fact been happening. And I
think that is the very strongly felt judg-
ment of responsible people, in government
and out, throughout East Asia.

If that vast area with its talents and its
capacity were to fall under domination by a
hostile power or group of powers, or if it
were to fall into chaos and instability, the
result would be vast human misery and pos-
sibly a wider war. However, today, I think,
more than at any time in the 15 years that I
have personally been associated with the
area. East Asia offers the hope of becoming
a region of stable nations, developing in their
own way, each according to its own strong
national and cultural heritage. And that is
our hope and our fundamental national in-
terest, both in Asia and throughout the rest
of the world.

Letters of Credence


The first Ambassador of Malta, Arvid
Pardo, presented his credentials to President
Johnson on February 7. For texts of the
Ambassador's remarks and the President's
reply, see Department of State press release
dated February 7.

Yemen Arab Republic

The newly appointed Ambassador of the
Yemen Arab Republic, Abdul Aziz Futaih,
presented his credentials to President John-
son on February 7. For texts of the Ambassa-
dor's remarks and the President's reply, see
Department of State press release dated
February 7.

FEBRUARY 27, 1967


King Hassan II of Morocco
Visits the United States

King Hassan 11 of Morocco visited the
United States February 8-17. He met with
President Johnson and other U.S. Govern-
ment officials in Washington on February 9
and 10. FoUoiving is an exchange of greetings
betiveen President Johnson and King Hassan
at a ceremony in the East Room of the White
House on February 9, together with an ex-
change of toasts at a dinner at the White
House that evening.


White House press release dated Februai-y 9

President Johnson

Your Majesty, Your Royal Highness, dis-
tinguished friends: I am very happy — on
behalf of the people of the United States — ^to
welcome you once more to these shores. This
is not your first visit, but this is the first
time that I have had the pleasure as President
to welcome you. I am very honored.

It has always seemed to me that our two
countries have much in common. Our history
and our cultures are very different. Yet in
all matters that are vital to human dignity
and happiness, we speak with one voice.

Both nations are dedicated to the ideals of
freedom — for ourselves and for all others.
Both nations are devoted to orderly progress
and to equal justice for all people.

Your nation was one of the very first to
give formal recognition to our young country
when our success was still in doubt and there
were many who hoped to see us fail.

In modern times, the American people have
followed with great interest Your Majesty's
own efforts on behalf of the people of
Morocco. We have watched intently your
nation's struggle for progress in the decade
since regaining your independence.

We meet here today in the White House as
friends. I hope that in all of our talks we will
reaffirm our common desire to improve the
lot of all men. Certainly I am pleased at the

opportunity to discuss with you the great
issues of our day.

The greatest of all such issues is the
question of peace and of reconciliation among
nations and peoples: not peace at any price;
not peace where one nation dominates an-
other; but peace where all nations accept
the rule that their differences shall be settled
by discussion and compromise, and not by
force of arms, and a peace where they turn
from hostility to working together on behalf
of their own peoples and the other people of
the world.

You in North Africa have a chance in the
days and years ahead to turn this corner. I
understand that, despite other problems you
may have, your economic ministers are meet-
ing regularly to explore what you can do to-
gether to develop your nations. I know the
path of regional cooperation is never an easy
one; but I have seen with my own eyes in
Asia how old quarrels and suspicions can sub-
side and give way to joint ventures to teach
the young; to improve people's health; to
raise the standards of living for all. I know
the same healing process is under way in
this hemisphere.

In many parts of the world it is being
demonstrated that it is by this route that
nations — loyal to their culture and tradition,
loyal to their own ambitions — yet can find
a place of dignity and strength in the modern

We look forward with great pleasure to
knowing Your Majesty better. May your
visit be the symbol of our people's determina-
tion to walk together, to pursuing together
an entire world of peace and abundance.

King Hassan II '

Mr. President, I thank you most cordially
for the words of welcome you have just
spoken on the occasion of my arrival in Wash-

The very mention of the word "Washing-
ton" brings back to my mind the image of
the great hero who liberated his country and

' As translated from the Arabic language.



made possible the emergence of his people's
genius, that genius which has greatly influ-
enced human civilization.

My family takes pride in the fact
that George Washington and my ancestor,
Sultan Sidi Mohammed Ben Abdellah, were
close friends. We take pride, also, in the fact
that they both, together, laid the cornerstone
of the friendship between our two peoples —
that friendship which has become strong and
which, as the years go by, only grows in
strength and becomes increasingly character-
ized by truthfulness, sincere cooperation, and
mutual respect.

Despite my tender age at that time, I con-
tinue to retain in my mind the most glorious
recollections of my late father's meeting with
President Franklin Roosevelt at Casablanca
in 1943.

I also remember their discussion of the
various problem.s of that critical hour in the
history of the human race. The most out-
standing of the problems they discussed were
those of peoples eager to achieve their inde-
pendence and eager to shake off the yoke
of slavery and exploitation under which they
had long suffered.

Ever since that day, when I was still of
tender age, I have been sure that the United
States cherishes lofty ideals and upholds the
highest principles and is motivated by a true
and sincere desire to see nations become free
and equal and willing to cooperate in all en-
deavors serving their mutual benefit.

Fortunately, many of the ideas and ideals
which my father and the President of the
United States discussed at that time were
achieved at the end of the war, or shortly
thereafter. It is also fortunate that my father
was able to visit the United States as King
of the fully sovereign state and that I have
since visited the United States once, and here
I am again at this time in order to continue
discussions and consultations within the
framework of our strong friendship on mat-
ters that concern both our countries in par-
ticular and matters that concern the inter-
national community in general.

You have mentioned, Mr. President, that

you have not as yet become personally ac-
quainted with my country, although you have
undoubtedly heard much about it. There is
a proverb that says, "He who has seen is
not the same as the one who has only heard."

We hope, therefore, that you may soon
find it possible to visit Morocco and to be-
come personally acquainted with its people.

Mr. President, speaking for myself and on
behalf of my people and government, I wish
to express again our gratitude for your wel-
come to us and for the kind reception you
have accorded us. We also wish to address
to the people of the United States — through
you, Mr. President — our warmest greetings,
together with our affection and respect.


White House press release dated February 9

President Johnson

Your Majesty, Your Royal Highness, dis-
tinguished guests, ladies and gentlemen:
Morocco is among America's oldest friends,
one of the vei-y first to recognize us as a free

His Majesty and I are continuing a very
old tradition.

The messages of our first President and
His Majesty's illustrious ancestor, handwrit-
ten messages, carried between our two coun-
tries by a sailing ship, are very treasured in
our National Archives.

Thus, we are ancient friends.

We are also modem partners — ready to
stand together before the challenges that
face us in modem times.

There is the widening gap between popula-
tion and food supply.

The United States has proposed that all
nations unite in a worldwide war on hunger.

From our talks today, I am more confident
than ever that our friends in Morocco are
committed to that struggle.

As I said this moming in receiving His
Majesty, our ultimate task is to create among
the nations of the world a community of

FEBRUARY 27, 1967


I often read and reread ai-ticle 1 of the
United Nations Charter. I believe all of us —
and especially those of you who are too young
to know how the world felt in 1945 — should
come to know it line by line.

Its principles govern the actions of Amer-
ican foreign policy from day to day:

— collective measures for the prevention
and removal of threats to the peace;

— collective measures for the suppression
of acts of aggression;

— adjustment or settlement of interna-
tional disputes by peaceful means;

— the development of friendly relations
among nations based upon respect for the
principle of equal rights and the self-deter-
mination of peoples;

— international cooperation in solving in-
ternational problems of an economic, social,
cultural, or humanitarian character; and in
promoting and encouraging respect for
human rights without distinction as to race,
sex, language, or religion.

These words were written 22 years ago. In
those years Americans have taken more than
200,000 casualties in collective measures to
suppress acts of aggression.

All of us, working together, at different
times and in different places, have made sure
that aggression did not succeed.

The chances for world security are larger,
the hope for world peace is nearer, because
tonight aggression has not succeeded.

Meanwhile, in lands and nations through-
out the world much has been done to lift the
standards of living.

In Western Europe, Latin America,
Africa, and Asia, cooperation in economic
and social progress is no longer just a mat-
ter of words. It is a fact.

So I tell you tonight that despite the ter-
rible war in Southeast Asia, I am confident
that we will pass along to the next genera-
tion the gifts of hope and opportunity to
illuminate article 1 of the United Nations

I think I speak for all of my countrymen.
Your Majesty, in expressing this hope, in
making this prediction, and also in express-
ing to you our best wishes for your long life
and your good health. ^

It is our fervent prayer that our two coun- j
tries will continue to do what is right, to con-
tinue to do what is needed to guide us to the
peace and progress which our talks re-
afRiTned today.

Ladies and gentlemen, His Majesty the

King Hassan II ^

Mr. President, ladies and gentlemen: We
are extremely pleased to have visited the
United States once again to meet this coun-
try's President, its leading citizens, and to
become acquainted with its great people.

We are happy to meet on this occasion, in
particular this select group of important
men whose responsibilities cover all the vari-
ous fields of politics, government, and eco-

At the present time, the time characterized
by an increase in problems which are so
great and serious that they seem sometimes
very difficult to solve, we deem it most bene-
ficial that Chiefs of State should get together
from time to time. This we deem essential
because we believe that as a result of their
meetings and direct discussions, bonds of
cooperation among nations grow stronger on
the one hand and, on the other, the chances
for peace in the world become greater.

It is this belief which has prompted us
ever since our accession to the throne to visit
on a number of continents the Chiefs of State
whose systems and customs differ from ours.
We have seen that differences in systems and
differences between races and cultures do not
necessarily make it impossible to bring about
a rapprochement of points of view, nor do
they necessarily prevent the achievement of
desired objectives.

'■ As translated from the Arabic language.



It is our pleasure to be visiting again today
this friendly countiy and to meet His Excel-
lency, the President, Mr. Johnson, knowing
that our meeting each other will definitely
open up before us wider and greater horizons
for a free collaboration and cooperation in
the interest of our two peoples.

We aspire to benefit from the experience of
the people of the United States, which has
become an example and an ideal in progress
in the economic, agricultural, and industrial
development fields.

We also wish to emulate the American
techniques and methods which have resulted
in prosperity and abundance, particularly as
we have been for some years waging a re-
lentless war on underdevelopment. We have
been striving with all the power at our com-
mand to assure each of our people a life of
dignity and value.

Mr, President, you are undoubtedly aware
of the fact that along with the efforts we are
putting forth for development in our coun-
try, we are doing our utmost to strengthen
the bases of democracy in our country and
to assure our people their freedoms.

In so doing, we believe that any system
that does not protect the dignity of the indi-
vidual, and any system that does not guaran-
tee the freedom of the individual and the
freedom of the community, is a system that
does not serve the interest of peace and
stability in the world.

Mr. President, the deliberations we have
had, and continue to have, in connection with
problems affecting our two countries, and
also in connection with international prob-
lems, are only an extension of the series of
deliberations and consultations, both written
and oral, which our two countries have had
for almost two centuries.

These deliberations are characterized by
truthfulness and frankness as far as both
the word and the tone are concerned. That
is the case because it has always been our
custom to talk in such manner.

Just as the encounters of the past have

been successful, we are sure that our en-
counter today will be successful. That is be-
cause all of us are determined that our rela-
tions shall always move from good to better.

Mr. President, permit me, in concluding
these remarks, to express my warmest and
most sincere best wishes for your personal
health and well-being, and for further hap-
piness, prosperity, and progress for the
people of the United States.

Ladies and gentlemen, will you join me
in standing and rendering respect to His
Excellency, the President of the United
States, Mr. Johnson.

U.S. and U.S.S.R. Conclude
Talks on Fishery Problems

Press release 23 dated February 6

Representatives of the United States and
the Soviet Union on February 6 concluded
3 weeks of discussions on fishery problems
with approval of the texts of draft agree-
ments on the king crab fishery in the eastern
Bering Sea and on a number of other mat-
ters regarding the fisheries of both countries
off the U.S. Pacific coast. The two delega-
tions reviewed certain fishery problems off
the U.S. Atlantic coast and agreed that these
matters should be considered further at a
meeting to be held in late May, just prior
to the annual meeting of the International
Commission for the Northwest Atlantic Fish-

One of the draft agreements provides for
extension for another 2 years of the United
States-U.S.S.R. agreement on king crab fish-
ing on the U.S. Continental Shelf in the
eastern Bering Sea,i with a reduction in the
quota for the U.S.S.R. from 118,600 cases of
canned crab to 100,000 cases.

With respect to other problems, a separate

' Treaties and Other International Acts Series

FEBRUARY 27, 1967


draft agreement of 1 year's duration speci-
fies several areas seaward of 12 miles from
the Oregon-Washin^on coast in which Soviet
vessels would either refrain from fishing or
from concentrating their efforts. In certain

Online LibraryUnited States. Dept. of State. Office of Public CoDepartment of State bulletin (Volume v. 56, Jan- Mar 1967) → online text (page 58 of 90)