Unknown.

An ecclesiastical history of Ireland, from the first introduction of Christianity among the Irish, to the beginning of the thirteenth century , Compiled from the works of the most esteemed authors ... who have written and published on matters connected with the Irish church; and from Irish annals an online

. (page 17 of 45)
Online LibraryUnknownAn ecclesiastical history of Ireland, from the first introduction of Christianity among the Irish, to the beginning of the thirteenth century , Compiled from the works of the most esteemed authors ... who have written and published on matters connected with the Irish church; and from Irish annals an → online text (page 17 of 45)
Font size
QR-code for this ebook


182 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXVIII.

Archdall's mistake, to which Ledwich added circumstances of his
t)wn, that the grant to the clerk Thomas was by Richard de Burgo
in 1228. In Strongbow's days the English were not in possession
of Glendaloch.

(60) lb. cap. 11. The abbey of Aroasia in the diocese of Arras^
had been founded eighty years prior to these times. (Fleury, L.
63. §. 25.)

(61) lb. cap. 12. down to 17.

§. IX. A cathedral was erected at Derry in the
yeai' 1164 by the new bishop of that see, Flatbbert
O'Brolchan, (62) with the assistance of Maurice
or Murtoc^h Mac-Laiighlin, king of Ireland. {QS)
Between this king and Eochad king of Ulidia, son
of Dunslevi, a great contention had broke out, and
Eochad in revenge for some injuries, which he al-
leged to have received from Murtogh, plundered
and laid waste Dalrieda, and some other tracts sub-
ject to the immediate jurisdiction of Murtogh, who
incensed by these ])roceedings marched with a great
army into Ulidia, destroyed with fire and sword every
thing, except the churches, declared Eochad de-
spoiled of his kingdom, and carrying oiF the nobles
of Ulidia returned to Armagh. While he was
there, Donagh O'Kervaill, prince of Ergall, and
Eochad himself, waited upon him, and together with
Gelasius the primate and the clergy of Ulster suppli-
cated for the pardon of Eochad. At length it was
obtained in 1165, Eochad was restored to his king-
dom, and the Ulidian nobles, on giving up their
children as hostages to Mac-Laughlin, were allowed
to return home. But this agreement did not last
long ; for in the next year, owing to some false re-
ports, as if Eochad had violated the treaty, Mac-
Laughlin, in a fit of anger, got his eyes put out.
Gelasius was sorely afflicted at this outrage, and se-
veral princes were highly incensed, particularly Do-
nogh 0*Kervai]l of Ergall, who raising an army,
and being joined by the forces of IJy-Briun and



CHAP. XXVIII. Of IRELAND. 1 85

Conraacne, attacked with superior numbers Mac-
Laughlin at Letter-Iuin, who, after having lost many
of his nobles, fell himself in the field, A. D, 1 166,
(64) In the same year Gelasius m.et with another
<^iise of grief, the dreadful conflagration of Armagh,
which consumed the far greatest part of the city,
and almost all the churches except that of St. Peter
and St. Paul. (65) It is very singular, that a num-
ber of towns and places, distinguished in our eccle-
siastical history, were destroyed by fire about these
times. Thus Emly was burnt in 1 16*2 ; Glenda-
loch in 11G3 ; Clonfert, Clonmacnois, Louth, Tuam,
and Tomgrany in 1 \6'h ; Ferns in 1X65, and again
in 1166, by order of the king Dermod Mac-Mo-
rogh, lest it should fail into the hands of the Conna-
cians. In said year also Louth was burnt again.
(66) And yet I do not find any of these conflagra-
tions attributed to the violence of contending par-
ties, or to malicious or voluntary motives, except the
second one of Ferns. The death of Moeliosa O'La-
genan, bishop of Emly, is marked at ^. 1163 ; Do-
nogh O'Brian, bishop of Killaioe, at A. 1165 ; (6?)
and that of Gilla Mac- Aiblen, bishop of Clonfert, at
1166. (68)

(62) See above §. 5.

(63) Ware, Bishops of Derri/, and Harris, {ib. at Flathbert
OBrolcan) who mentions, that in the anonymous annals the king
is called on this occasion Murtogh O'Neil. But, as he justly ob-
serves, this king was also an O'Neily although he has been often
called O'Laiighlin or Mac-Laughlin from his grandfather Domnald
Mac-Laughlin, who was likewise an O'Neill. ('See Chap. xxiv.
J. 14.)

(64) Life of Gelasius, capp. 25-26. Lettir-lum is there said to
be in a wild tract or forest called Fiodh-Hua-nechach in Ulster,
that is, as well as I can judge, somewhere near Lough-Neagh,
Hy-briuin was probably that of Breifne (now Cavan and Leitrim)
and Conmacne the adjoining one of Leitrim. ( See Harris, Antitf.



184 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXVIII.

ch, 7.) They belonged to O'Ruarc, who was hostile to the king
Murtogh Mac-Laughlin.

{Q5) Life, &c. cap. 26. It is odd, that Colgan in Tr. Th. p,
309. assigns this great fire to A. 1167, although he quotes said
Life, which has it at 1166.

(66) See Tr. Th. Ind. Chron. For the second burning of Ferns
see A A. SS.p. 223.

(67) Ware, Bishops at Ernli/ and Killaloe. Harris adds, that
the Annals of Innisfallen place Maeliosa's death in 1164, and that
other Irish annals assign to the same year that also of Donogh
O'Brian.

(68) Ware, ib. at Cloiifert. He has this bishop erroneously
also at Ardfert, and, I believe, for no other reason except that
he found him called comorban of Brendan. For, as Harris ob-
serves, (addition ib.) he is thus mentioned in the Annals of Innis-
fallen; Gilla-nem-Aiblen O'Hannicada, comorban of Brendan.
But, although the church of Ardfert was dedicated to St. Bren-
dan, who was a Kerry man, yet the title comorban of Brendan^
constantly means the bishop of Clonfert.

§. X. On the death of Murtogh Mac-Laughlin
the influence of the house of O'Conor, revived, and
Roderic, the son of Turiogh, and king of Connaiight,
marched to Dublin, where he engaged the inhabit-
ants in his cause, and, accompanied by a party of
them, proceeded to Ulster and was there submitted
to by the chieftains of the province. Returning
thence, and having among his auxiliaries Tiernan
O'Ruarc, prince of Brefthy, he overran Leinster,
was recognized as their chief superior by the lords
and nobles, and deposed the profligate and tyranni-
cal king of Leinster, Dermod Mac-Murchard or
Mac-Morogh, another of his family being substituted
in his place. The immediate cause of his dethrone-
ment was not, as vulgarly supposed, his having se-
duced and taken away Dearbhfhorguill or Dervorgal,
daughter of Murchad or Murtogh O'Melaglilin, king
of Meath, and wife of Tiernan O'Ruarc. This
crime had been committed several years before, and



CHAP. XXVIII. OF IRELAND. 185

as far back as A, 1 153, (69) at a time when O'Ruarc
had been dispossessed of his territories by Connaught
and Leinster princes. As to the circumstances con-
nected with this vile business, or how far the lady-
was culpable, this is not the place to inquire ; and I
will only observe, that the wicked Dermod availed
himself of the opportunity of O'Ruarc's distressed
situation for gaining his infamous end. O'Ruarc on
being informed of it was greatly provoked, and, hav-
ing contrived to get into favour with Turlogh O'Co-
nor, then king of Ireland, applied to him for re-
dress, who marching with an army into Leinster,
rescued Dervorgal from Dermod's filthy embraces in
the year 1154, and gave her up to her relatives in
Meath. Thenceforth, in atonement for her follies,
she distinguished herself by pious donations, and we
have seen her making some considerable ones in 1 157
to the church of Mellifont. (70) On the death of
Turlogh O'Conor in 1156, and the accession of
Murtogh Mac-Laugulin to the throne of Ireland,
Dermod attached himself to the new^ king, and was
in the habit of harassing O'Ruarc. But the death
of Mac-Laughlin in 1 166 was fatal to him, and the
day of retribution came at length for this bad man,
when O'Ruarc, supported by Roderic O'Conor,
had it in his powder to wreak his vengeance on him
in 1167, the year in which he was deposed. As he
was hated almost by every one both in Leinster and
elsewhere, (71) he became for some time an outcast
and a vagabond. (72) Yet Dermod had founded
religious houses. The oldest of them, that I meet
with, was the nunnery of St. Mary de Hogges (73)
near Dublin, as the city then stood, and near where
the present church of St. Andrew is situated. He
founded it about 1146 for nuns following the rule of
St. Augustin according to the order of Aroasia.
Gregory, archbishop of Dublin, and St. Malachy
of Armagh, are said to have directed the building,
and to have been benefactors to this nunnery. In



1S6 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXVIIi;

1151 Dermot subjected to it, as cells, two other nun-
neries, apparently of his own foundation, Kilclehin
or Kilcleeheen alias De Bello 'portUy m the now
county of Kilkenny, near the Suir opposite to the
city of Waterford, and Athaddy somewhere in the
now county of Carlow. (74) In the same year 1 1.51
he erected and endowed the abbey De Valle salutis,
that is, of Baltinglas, for C'istercian monks. (75)
Next, he founded and richly endowed a monastery
for Augustin Canons at Ferns, his usual residence,
in probably either ]l60 or ll6j. (76) Dermod's
last foundation was the priory of All Saints on Hog-
gin-green, now called College-green, then outside
Dublin, and on that part of it where Trinity college
stands. He established it either a short time before
or in the early part of 1166 for Aroasian Canons,
and made over to Edan O'Killedy, bishop of Louth
or Clogher, for its use the lands of Ballidubgail,
(Balldoyle) &c. (77)

(69) Gerald Barry, usually called Giraldus Cambrensis, Sit-
tributes f Hibernia expugnatUy L. \. cap. 1.) the punishment in-
flicted by Roderic O 'Conor, &c. on Dermod to his having taken
away O'Ruarc's wife, as if onl}^ a very short time had intei'vened
between these transactions. Keating has the same mistake, [Book
2. p. 105. Dublin ed. A. 1723) which he seems to have copied
from Giraldus, and introduces O'Ruarc applying to Roderic, when
king of Ireland, for redress for the injury done him. But O'Ruarc's
wife had been taken out of Dermod's hands several years before
Roderic became king of Ireland, and about two years before he
was even king of Connaught. Leland, who treats this matter with
great perspicuity, (History of Ireland, Book 1. ch. 1.) has ably
refuted the position of Giraldus.

(70) Above §.^.

(71) Giraldus, although partial to the consequences occasioned by
Dermod's proceedings, yet gives him the following character ( Hib.
exp. L. 1. cap. 6.) ; " Nobilium oppressor, humilium erector , in-

festus suis, exosus alienis. Manus omnium contra ipsum, et ipse
contrarius omni."

(72) See more on these subjects in Leland, Book \. ch. I .



CHAP. XXVIII. OF IRELAND. 187

(73) It has been observed, I think justly, as very probable,
that Hoggis was not originally the name of the spot, but that it
signified virgins^ through an English corruption of the Irish word
Ogh a virgin, so that St, Mary de Hoggis was the same as St,
Mary of the virgins,

(74) See Ware, Antiq. cap, 26. at Dublin and counties of KiU
henny and Carloiu ; also Archdall at Dublin (St. Mary de
Hoggis), Kilcleeheen, and Athaddy, I do not find in what
part of the county of Carlow Athaddy was situated.

(75) Some have assigned this abbey to 1148, as Ware states
(ib. at County of Wicklovo) ; but the Annals of Mary's abbey, it-
self a Cistercian house, place its foundation in 1 15 1. Said annals
are not apt to be wrong in making the Cistercian establishments
later than they really were.

(76) Ware (ib, at County of Wexford) and Harris (Monast.)
say, that this monastery v/as founded about 1158. On the other
hand Archdall, (at Ferns) assign it to after 1 166. Both these calcu-
lations are wrong ; the former, because we find among the witnesses
to Dermod's deed of foundation Malachy, bishop of Kildare. Now
this Malachy, who is surnamed O'Brin or O'Birn, was not bishop
there in 1158 ; for he succeeded Finn Mac-Kienan, who died in
1160. (Above §, 5.) Perhaps it may be said, that Finn had re-
signed his see some time before his death. (Compare with Not,
34.) Should this be admitted, I meet with nothing to set aside
Ware's date. At any rate the foundation could not have been

, later than 1161, whereas another of the witnesses was St. Lau-
rence O' Toole, while still abbot of Glendaloch, consequently before
1162. And this alone is sufficient to show the error of Archdall's
calculation. Or who will imagine, that Dermod was engaged after
1166 in founding monasteries ? Besides it is well known, that for
some time after his dethronement in 1 1 67 he was concealed in that
same house of Augustin canons, in which he was received as
having been the founder of it. (See Ware's Annals of Ireland at
A, D. 1167 ) The foundation charter of this monastery may be
seen m the Monasticon Angl. Vol, 2, p. 1040.

(77) The charter for the foundation of this priory is in Harris
MS, Collectanea in the library of the Dublin Society. It is
signed, among others, by Laurence, archbishop of Dublin. Ware
{Antiq. cap, 26. at Dublin) and Harris (Monast.) mark this house



I8S AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTOIIY CHAP. XXVIII.

at 1166; but, if this date be correct, I think it must have been
in the early part of said year, and before, in consequence of the
death of the king Murtogh Mac-Louglilin, Dennod become ex-
posed to the attacks of Roderic O'Conor and O'Ruarc. Edan^
bishop of Clogher, is in that deed called Dermod's confessor. I'liis
was, I believe, owing to Dermod having, in his visits to Mac-
Laughlin, occasionally met with Edan and confessed to liim ; but
it is more than probable, that this intercourse ceased with Mac-
Laughlia's death.

§. XI. Roderic O'Conor, having arranged mat-
ters in Leinster, went to Minister, wlieie he made
some regtdations, being by this time recognized as
king of all Ireland. He then returned to Meath,
and held in the same year 11 67 a great convention at
Athboy, which was attended by the primate Gela-
sius, 8t. Laurence O' Toole, Cadla O'Dublitaigh,
archbisliop of Tuam, and many others of the piin-
cipal clergy ; as also by Eochad O'Dunslevi, king of
Ulidia, Dermod O'Melaghlin, king of Meath,
Tiernan O'Ruairc, prince of Breffney, Donogh
O'Kervaill, prince of Ergall, Reginald, prince or
.chief of Dublin, Donogh O'Foelain, prince of
the Desii, together with many noblemen and 13,000
horsemen. In this convention several decrees were
made or renewed relative to the political state of the
country and to ecclesiastical discipline. (78) After-
wards the king Roderic compelled the people of Hy-
falgia (the ancient OfFaly in Leinster) to restore the
cattle and other property, which they had taken from
the tenantry of Gelasius. (79) At the same year is
marked the death of a very distinguished holy priest
of Armagh, Moel- Michael O'Dothecain (80) and
likewise that of 0*Flanagan, bishop of Cloyne. (81)
Flanachan O'Dubhai^ bishop of Elphin, died in
1168, and was succeeded by Moeliosa O'Connach-
tain, who had assisted at the council of Kells, under
the title of bishop of East Connaiight. (82)

Dennod Mac-Morogh, bent on recovering his



CHAP. XXVIII. OF IRELAND. 189

kingdom, and not caring by what means, set out for
England with 60 followers in 1168, and arrived at
Bristol. Being there informed, that Henry II. was
in Aquitaine, he sailed for that country, and when
introduced to him, offered himself as his vassal and
placed his kingdom, in case he should be reinstated
in it, under his supreme dominion. Henry pro-
mised to assist him, but not being then able to suc-
cour him with any considerable force gave him a
letter patent directed to all his subjects, English,
Normans, Welsh, Scots, &c. encouraging and in-
viting tliem to help Iiim towards the attainment of
his object. (83) Thence Dermod returned to Bris-
to and negociated with Richard, surnamed Strong-
bow, Earl of Chepstow or Strigul, who promised, on
certain conditions, to send him assistance in the
course of the following spring. He then went to
Wales, and there engaged in his cause, on pledging
himself to reward them amply, Robert Fitz-Ste-
phens and Maurice Fitz-Gerald, both Normans and
maternal brothers. Having made these arrange-
ments, he returned to Ireland and remained durino*
the whole winter concealed at Ferns. (84) While
waiting for his Norman auxiliaries, he was near
being totally ruined, and would have been so, had
his Irish opponents used greater circumspection. (85)

(78) Life of Gelasius, cap. 27. and Tr. Th p. 310. This as-
sembly is called a convention of the clergy and princes of Leth-
cuin, or the northern half of Ireland, and it was principally so.
For the only person from the South, who is mentioned as present
at it, was Donogh O'Foelain.

(79) lb. Hence it appears, that the see of Armagh possessed
lands in Leinster.

(80) Tr, Th. p. 309. (81) Ware, Bishops at Cloyne,
(82) Ware, ih. at Elphin. To what I have said elsewhere

[Not. 106. to Chap, xxvir.) concerning Flanachan and Moeliosa,
their sees, and the hypothesis of Moeliosa having been only a co-
adjutor to him until his death, I may here add that it is probable,



190 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXVIII,

that Moeliosa had been bishop of Roscommon, while Flanachan
was bishop of Elphin, and that the union between the two sees
did not take place until, after Flanachan's death, Moeliosa became
bishop also of Elphin, after which the united sees went under one
name either of Elphin or Roscommon. Should it be objected,
that they must have been united before the council of Kells, be-
cause Roscommon, with the omission of Elphin, is reckoned
among the suffragan sees supposed to have been constituted by
that council, I answer, that we are not bound to believe, that the
list of Cencius Camerarius (of which ib.) was exactly the same
as that drawn up by the council. Yet I do not pretend to decide
upon this matter ; whereas in either one or the other supposition it
can be easily cleared up.

(83) Giraldus Cambr. Hib. expugn. L. 1. cap. 1. Henry's let-
ter is as follows ; " Henricus, rex Angliae, dux, &c. Universis
fidelibus suis Anglis, Normannis, Gualensibus, et Scotis, cunctis-
que nationibus suae ditioni subditis, salutem — Cum praesentes ad
vos literae pervenerint, noveritis nos Dermitium Lageniensium
principem in gratiae nostrae et benevolcntiae sinum su^cepisse.
Unde et quisquis ei de amplitudinis nostrae finibus, tamquam Ao-
mini et Jideli nostro, restitutionis auxiliura impendere voluerit, se
nostram ad hoc tarn gratiam noverit quam licentiam obtinere.*'

(84) Ware, Annals of Ireland, Introduction. According to
him Dermod returned to Ireland in 1168; but Leland (History,
&c. cA. l.)saysin 1169.

(85) See Leland, iib.

§. XII. In 1169 Roderic O'Conor added to the
salary of the chief professor of Armagh an annual
donation of ten oxen, and by a deed, whicli he pub-
lished, bound his successors to continue the same, on
condition that the general school should be kept up
both for students from all parts of Ireland and for
those from Scotland. (86) It was in tliis year, ac-
cording to several authors, and in the month of May,
that Fitz-Stephen, accompanied by Miler Fitz-Henry,
Milo-Fitz-David, Herveyde Monte Marisco (Mount-
Morres) and several other horsemen or knights, to-
gether with 360 soldiers of different descriptions.



CHAP. XXVIir. OF IRELAND. 19]

landed near Bannow, in the now county of Wexford,
being the first of the Anglo-Normans that made an
attempt upon any part of Ireland. f87) On the
next day Maurice de Prendergast arrived with an
additional number of troops, and the whole army was
soon after joined by Dermod himself at the head of
five hundred of his best Leinster soldiers. The
united body then marched to Wexford, where they
met with a very sharp resistance from the Danish in-
habitants ; but not long after the town was sur-
rendered to Dermod, who, according to promise,
made it over, together with two adjoining cantreds,
to Fitz-Stephen and Fitz-Gerald. He gave also
some lands to Hervey de Monte Marisco. After
this, being joined by many Irish and by the Wexford
Danes, they advanced into Ossory, whose prince was
then Donald Mac-Gilia-Patric (Fitzpatrick) a man
very obnoxious to Dermod. They were repulsed se-
veral times by the Ossorians, who would in the end have
beaten them off, had they not imprudently pursued
them into a plain, where they were overpowered by
the cavalry. Two hundred heads of the Ossorians
were laid at Dermod's feet, who repeatedly leaped
vv'ith savage joy, and actually bit off the nose and
lips of one of them, which had belonged to a man,
whom he particularly hated. Yet this beastly prince
was at length obliged to make peace with Donald
and the Ossorians. (88) Meanwhile Roderic O'Conor,
being joined by several Irish princes, raised a great
army and marched into Leinster, but finding Der-
mod's party, which many of the Irish had already
forsaken, and his foreign auxiliaries encamped in an
almost impregnable position not far from Ferns, did
not think it prudent to attack them, and endea-
voured ,to negociate with Fitz-Stephen and with
Dermod himself for the departure of the strangers.
Dermod seemed willing to agree to Roderic's pro-
posals on condition of being reinstated in the king-
dom of Leinster, and even delivered up an illegiti-



192 AV ECCLESIASTIGAX HISTORY CHAP. XXVIH.

mate son of his as a hostage to remain with Roderic.
But on the arrival of Maurice Fitz-Gerald at Wex-
ford, with an additional body of auxiliaries, he broke
liis word, and repaired with his united army to join
him m that town. It was then determined to march
upon Dublin, the environs of which they cruelly
ravaged. Dermod was soon after under the neces-
sity of accommodating matters with the citizens of
Dublin, and agreed with them to leave the govern-
ment of the city to Hasculph, their Danish prince,
under fealty to himself. For at this time Roderic
O* Conor was making war on Donald O' Brian, usu-
ally called king of Limerick, but in reality king of
North Munster, who was married to a daughter of
Dermod, and had entered into a league with him,
to prevent the consequences of which he Vv^as at-
tacked by Roderic. Dermod then sent Fitz-Ste-
phen with an army to the assistance of 0*Brian,
which, united with his forces, forced Roderic to
return to Connaught. (89) Thus, while the infa-
tuated Irish were lighting among themselves, the
common enemy was making his way tov\ards under-
mining them all.

(86) Life of Gelasius, cap. 2S. and Tr. Th. j). 310. Whether
this mode of contributing to the emoluments of the head profes-
sor was owing to a scarcity of money, or to tlie consideration that
payments in kind are less variable in value than those in specie, I
am not able to tell.

(87) Ware, Annals &c. at Henry II. ch, 1. He assigns their
arrival to ^4. 1169, as does also O'Flaherty, Ogygia, Part. iii.
cap. 94^. and MS, note to Tr. Th. p.2>\0. Colgan {ib.) seems to
place it in A. 1170, although in the dedication of the work he
quotes the Irish annals, which mark the arrival of a fleet from
England in Ireland at 1169. Leland, having placed Dermod's re-
turn to Ireland in 1169, (see Not.Si^ affixes (loc. cifj the
landing of Fitz Stephen to the following year, 2. e. 1170. As
I am not writing the civil history of Ireland, I shall not enter into
a controversy on this subject ; but I think Ware's and O'Flaherty's



CHAP. KXVin. OF IRELAND. 193

dates more con-ect, and will follow them. I must, however, add, that
also Lord Lyttleton (History of king Henry, IL Book 4. ) assigns
the arrival of Fitz-Stephens to A. 1169. I pass by Keating, or his
wretched translator, who (Book 2, p. 107) marks it at 1175.
This is a strange blunder; for afterwards mention is made of 1171
and 1172, as years before which the English had come to Ireland.
Perhaps it is a typographical error.

(88) See Giraldus, Hib. exp, Lyttleton, and Leland, locc. citt,

(89) Ware, Annals at A. 1169, Lyttleton, loc.cit. &c.(S:c.

§. XIII. Dermod, elated by his success, took it into
liis head to become king of all Ireland, but was ad-
vised to wait for the reinforcements, which Strong-
bow had promised to send him, to whom he accord-
ingly wrote a very pressing letter, urging him to ful-
fil his promise. After some time Strongbow dis-
patched in the beginning of May, A. D. 1170,
Raymond le Grose with some knights and archers,
who landed on the Wexford coast not far from Wa-
terford under a rock then called Dimdolfi (90)
where they fortified themselves, expecting the arrival
of Strongbow. They were soon after joined by Her-
vey de Monte Marisco and a few other knights.
The citizens of Waterford thought it adviseable to
attack them before their numbers should be increased,
and being joined by O'Faolain of the Desies, and
O'Ryan of Idrone, (91) crossed the Suir, and in-
vested their fort, which they entered, on which oc-
casion some desperate fighting ensued, and after great
loss in slain, seventy of the citizens were made pri-
soners. These were, on the advice and instigation
of Hervey, and in opposition to the opinion of the
valiant Raymond, most cruelly put to death by first
breaking their limbs, and then throwing them head-



Online LibraryUnknownAn ecclesiastical history of Ireland, from the first introduction of Christianity among the Irish, to the beginning of the thirteenth century , Compiled from the works of the most esteemed authors ... who have written and published on matters connected with the Irish church; and from Irish annals an → online text (page 17 of 45)