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the appearance of a ship at anchor, and to which the name Espíritu
Santo ["Holy Ghost"] was given. By September 15, Cebú lay fifteen
hundred and forty-five leagues toward the west. On the eighteenth
an island on their starboard side was named Deseada ["Desired"],
and the log reads sixteen hundred and fifty leagues from the point of
departure. On Saturday, the twenty-second, land was sighted; and next
day the point of Santa Catalina, in twenty-seven degrees and twelve
minutes north latitude, received its name. From that point they coasted
in a southeasterly direction along the shores of southern California
to its southern point in "twenty-three degrees less an eighth," naming
the headland here Cape Blanco, from its white appearance. Near this
place died the master of the vessel, "and we threw him into the sea at
this point." On the twenty-seventh the chief pilot "Esteban Rodriguez
[67] died between nine and ten in the morning." The small islands
southeast of Lower California were passed and it was estimated that
they were in the neighborhood of cape Corrientes. On the thirtieth,
cape Chamela was passed; and on the first of October, the "San Pedro"
lay off Puerto de la Navidad; the chart showing a distance of eighteen
hundred and ninety-two leagues from Cebú. "At this time I went to
the captain and said to him, that I would take the ship wherever he
ordered, because we were off Puerto de la Navidad. He ordered me to
take it to the port of Acapulco, and I obeyed the order. Although
at that time there were but from ten to eighteen men able to work,
for the rest were sick, and sixteen others of us had died, we reached
this port of Acapulco on the eighth of this present month of October
after all the crew had endured great hardships." (Tomo ii, no. xxxiv,
pp. 427-456.)

Following this relation is a document showing the estimates made by
the two pilots and the boatswain, by command of the captain, of the
distance between Cebú and Puerto de la Navidad. The first estimate
was made on July 9. The map of the chief pilot was found to measure
eighteen hundred and fifty leagues, but in his opinion the distance was
about two thousand leagues. Rodrigo de la Isla Espinosa [68] declared
that an old map in his possession showed more than thirteen hundred
and seventy leagues, [69] but he increased the amount to about two
thousand and thirty leagues. Francisco de Astigarribia's map measured
eighteen hundred and fifty leagues, but his estimation was about two
thousand and ten leagues. On September 18 the same three men estimated
the distance from Cebú to the first land sighted - "an island off the
west coast of New Spain" and lying in about thirty-three degrees - at
seventeen hundred and forty leagues sixteen hundred and fifty leagues,
and sixteen hundred and fifty leagues respectively; the highest
point reached had been a fraction over thirty-nine degrees. (Tomo ii,
no. xxv, pp. 457-460.)

1565-1567. Relation of occurrences in the Philippines after the
departure of the "San Pedro" to New Spain. [70] To a Moro who presented
himself as a deputy from the chief Tupas, Legazpi expressed his sorrow
that the natives were fleeing to the mountains, and would not give
credence to the friendship and peace offered them in the name of the
king, by the Castilians. Word was sent to Tupas that Legazpi regretted
the necessity of warring with the natives, and that, when they wished
to return, they might do so peaceably. Although they treacherously had
killed a Spaniard, he, on his part, had treated well the two women and
two children captured by him, and would restore them freely to their
husbands and fathers, without ransom, whenever they chose to return to
ask his pardon and to make peace. That same afternoon two chiefs - one
of whom, Simaquio, was the husband of one of the women and the father
of the two children - came into the fort. They declared themselves
to be brothers of the chief Tupas. Simaquio "came to deliver himself
to the governor, saying that the latter could do what he wished with
him and his, and that he should hold them as slaves, or sell them in
Castilla, or do what he pleased with them." Legazpi permitted him to
see his wife and daughters, telling him "that he had been as watchful
of their honor, as if he had kept them in his own house." Simaquio
signified his desire "to be ... the friend and vassal of the king
of Castilla, and to have perpetual peace and friendship, and that he
would never be found lacking in it." To this Legazpi replied that it
was necessary to treat with Tupas and the others jointly, "and that in
this manner it would be ascertained who wished peace and friendship,
and who did not; that he [Simaquio] should go and confer regarding
peace and friendship with Tupas and the other chiefs; and that after
such talk and conference, and getting the opinion of all, they should
return to finish these negotiations and conclude the matter. Meanwhile
his wife and daughters would receive good care and treatment, and he
could rest assured that after peace had been made, he [Legazpi] would
be their father and they his children, and he would look, after them
and protect them as such." This good treatment reassured the natives,
and a few days later Tupas appeared and a treaty of peace was made,
the conditions of which follow. "First, they make submission, and bind
and place themselves under the dominion and royal crown of Castilla
and of his majesty, as his natural vassals, promising to be faithful
and loyal in his service, and not to displease him in any way. They
promise to observe, fulfil, and obey his royal commands as their king
and lord; and to obey, in his royal name, the governor and captain
residing in these islands, and to receive the latter whenever he
should come to their islands, towns, and houses - whether he were angry
or pleased, whether at night or day, whether for peace or for war,
without any resistance or hostility, to fulfil his commands, and not
to withdraw themselves from this dominion, now or in the future. This
they promised for themselves and their future descendants, under risk
of falling under and incurring the penalties which should be imposed
in case of treachery and treason against their king and lord.

"_Item:_ on condition, that the chief who killed Pedro de Arana
by treachery should not enjoy this peace and friendship, until he
had appeared before the said governor to make his plea, and whose
punishment the said governor said he reserved for himself." The said
Tupas and chiefs declared that they accepted this condition; and that,
if they could, they would bring this man to his lordship so that he
might be punished.

"_Item:_ on condition that, if the said Tupas and chiefs asked the
said governor for the aid of his men against any Indians hostile to
them, who were making or should make war upon them, the said governor
was obliged to give them aid, protection, and reenforcement of men
for it. Likewise if the said governor should request people from the
said Indians, they would be obliged to volunteer to fight against his
enemies. All the spoils taken when the said Spaniards and Indians
were acting in concert should be divided into two equal parts,
of which the said governor and his people were to have one part,
and the said natives the other.

"_Item:_ on condition that, if any Indian, a native of this island,
should commit any crime or wrong against any Spaniard, or take
anything pertaining to and connected with the Spaniards, the said
chiefs would be obliged to arrest him and bring him as a prisoner to
the governor, in order that he might be punished, and justice done. And
if any Spaniard should do any wrong or damage to the natives, or take
anything belonging to them, the said chiefs and natives were to notify
the said governor, and show him the proofs thereof, so that he might
punish the wrong, and execute justice according to law.

"_Item_: It is a condition that, if any slave or other person flee
from the Spanish camp, and should go inland where the Indians live
and inhabit, the said chiefs and natives be obliged to arrest him and
bring him before the governor; likewise if any Indian, man or woman,
free or slave, come to the Spanish camp from the Indians, that the
said governor promises to send him back and surrender him - so that
neither side defraud or hide anything from the other.

"_Item:_ It is a condition that the said chiefs and natives shall
be obliged, in selling to the Spaniards any or all provisions native
to their land, and which they may wish to sell the latter, to demand
only the just prices current among them, and those usually imposed by
them, without advancing the price above its usual value. This price
shall be fixed and understood, now and in future, and there shall be
no change in it. Likewise the said governor shall fix moderate rates
on the articles of barter brought from Spain for the natives. After
these prices are fixed, neither side may advance them.

"_Item:_ It is a condition that none of the said natives may, now or at
any time, come into or enter the camp and settlement of the Spaniards
with any weapons of any kind whatever, under penalty that the person
entering with weapons shall be punished by the governor." In return
for these conditions of peace, thus accepted by the natives, Legazpi
promised that, for this first year, they need pay no tribute or other
submission until after their harvests, "for the king of Castilla had
no need of their possessions, nor wished more than that they recognize
him as lord, since they were his and within his demarcation." In token
of submission, Tupas and all the other chiefs present bent the knee
before Legazpi, "offering themselves as vassals of his majesty," whom
the governor ... received as such vassals of the crown of Castilla,
and promised "to protect and defend as such." As a climax, presents
of garments, mirrors, strings of beads, and pieces of blue glass were
given to the various chiefs. Then Legazpi told them of the necessity
of the king's having "a strong house, wherein could be kept and
guarded the articles of barter and the merchandise brought thither,
and his artillery and ammunition;" as well as a town-site for the
soldiers. These the natives should assign, where it best pleased them,
"because he wished it to be with the consent and choice of all of them;
and although he had planned the house of his majesty on the point
occupied at present by the camp, in order to be near the ships, he
wished it to be with their universal consent." This place was granted
by the natives, whereupon Legazpi proceeded to mark out land for the
fort and Spanish town, assigning the limits by a line of trees. Ail
outside this line "was to remain to the Indians, who could build their
houses and till the fields." After ordering the natives "to go to the
other side or the line which he had assigned to them, and the Spaniards
... within the line ... the governor passed from one part to the other,
cut certain branches, and said that, in his majesty's name he took,
and he did take; possession of that site, ... and in token of true
possession he performed the said acts." Besides not being allowed
to enter the Spanish town with arms, no native could come hither at
night, unless by special permission. Legazpi promised that "if any
wrong should be done them, or they should experience any violence
from any one, he would defend and protect them as their own father
and protector," and that all wrongs would be punished according to
Castilian laws. In conclusion a collation was given to the natives,
and Simaquio's wife and daughters were surrendered to him and the
other hostages set free, "whereat they expressed great wonder and
joy, because it is unusual among them to free prisoners without any
ransom." "The next day ... the same chiefs returned ... and said that
they had come to make merry with the governor. The latter gave them
a good reception, and set before them a breakfast and some liquor,
in which consists their way of making merry." They brought other
chiefs who submitted to the Spaniards, and later still other chiefs
came in. Trade began to flourish as the natives recovered from all
fear and returned to their former haunts. Among other things the
natives traded "a great quantity of palm wine, to which the Spaniards
gave themselves with good appetite, saying that they did not miss
the wine of Castilla. But because of the risk and trouble that
might arise therefrom, the governor ordered that wine should not be
brought or sold within the camp, and that the Spaniards should not
buy it. He told Tupas and the chiefs that, as the Spaniards were
not accustomed to this land, and were but recently come thither,
it was not good for them to drink this wine, and that some of them
had become sick. And he asked that Tupas neither consent to it, nor
bring wine to the Spaniards." The traffic still went on nevertheless,
"secretly and at night," and the Spaniards gave themselves up to it
entirely, saying "that it was better than that of Castilla." Moreover,
the women prostituted themselves freely throughout the camp, an
evil which Legazpi, although he posted sentinels, was unable to
stamp out. Finally he announced to the native chiefs that only men
should do the trading in the camp; and if the women did any trading
he would assign them a public place as a market, and the latter
should enter none of the Spanish houses. The chiefs replied "that
those who came to sell and trade were slaves and not married women,
and that he should not concern himself about it nor take it ill,
for such was their custom, and that married and honorable women
did not go to the camp; although the contrary of this was seen and
understood afterwards. For the Indians going outside the village, as
they do continually, to trade beside the sea, many of the wives and
daughters of the chiefs came to the camp along with the other women,
and thus went through the camp, visiting with as much freedom and
liberty as if all the men were their own brothers. Thus it was seen and
discovered later that this is one of their customs, and is exercised
with all strangers from the outside. The very first thing they do is
to provide them with women, and these sell themselves for any gain,
however slight" The natives are described as covetous and selfish,
without neatness and not cleanly. "It has not been ascertained whether
they have any idols. They revere their ancestors as gods, [71] and
when they are ill or have any other necessity, they go to their graves
with great lamentation and commendation, to beg their ancestors for
health, protection, and aid; They make certain alms and invocations
here. And in the same manner they invoke and call upon the Devil, and
they declare that they cause him to appear in a hollow reed, and that
there he talks with their priestesses. Their priests are, as a general
rule, women, who thus make this invocation and talk with the Devil,
and then give the latter's answer to the people - telling them what
offerings of birds and other things they must make, according to the
request and wish of the Devil. They sacrifice usually a hog and offer
it to him, holding many other like superstitions in these invocations,
in order that the Devil may come and talk to them in the reed: When
any chief dies, they kill some of his slaves, a greater or less number
according to his quality and his wealth. They are all buried in coffins
made out of two boards, and they bury with them their finest clothes,
porcelain ware, and gold jewels. Some are buried in the ground, and
others of the chief men are placed in certain lofty houses." [72]
Legazpi ordered that in future no slaves be killed at the death
of their chiefs, an order which they promised to obey. The natives
desired to procure iron in their trading, but Legazpi ordered that none
be given them by anyone. However, the trade was continued secretly,
the iron being concealed in clothing, even after some of the men had
been punished. By various dealings with the natives Legazpi discovered
that they were deceiving him in regard to other natives of Cebú and
the island of Matan; they had said that these men would make peace
and friendship, but they never appeared. The inhabitants of Matan
had always been hostile to the Spaniards, "saying that they would
kill us, or at least would drive us away by hunger." One day Tupas
told the governor that "his wife and daughters would like to come
to see him, because they had a great desire to know him. He replied
that he would be very glad and that Tupas should bring them whenever
he wished; accordingly, Tupas did so after a few days. Their manner
of coming was such that the women came by themselves in procession,
two and two, the chief one last of all. After this manner came the
wife of Tupas with her arms on the shoulders of two principal women,
with a procession of more than sixty women, all singing in a high
voice. Most of them wore palm-leaf hats on their heads, and some of
them garlands of various kinds of flowers; some were adorned with
gold, and some with clasps on their legs, and wearing earrings and
armlets, and gold rings on their hands and fingers. They were all
clad in colored petticoats or skirts and shawls, some of them made of
taffety." The usual good cheer followed, and presents were made to
all the women. The same good treatment was accorded to the wives of
other chiefs who visited the settlement in the same manner. Legazpi
"after his arrival in these islands, tried always to put the minds of
the natives at rest, not allowing them to receive any wrong or hurt,
or permitting that anything belonging to them should be taken from
them without being paid for ... principally in this island of Zubu,
where he thought to live and dwell permanently among the natives." A
few days after the coming of Tupas's wife and the other women, he sent
his niece to Legazpi. She was the first native to receive baptism,
"although the father prior made her wait some days, enforcing upon her
mind what it meant to be a Christian, and what she must believe and
observe after her baptism." She was named Isabel, and married Master
Andrea, a Greek calker, a few days after. Her son, aged three, and two
children, a boy and a girl, of seven and eight years respectively,
also received baptism. Other Indians came, in imitation of Isabel,
asking baptism; and seven or eight infants who died received the holy
rite that ensured them entrance into heaven. After being two months
in Cebú, Legazpi, although pushing the work on the fortifications as
rapidly as possible, sent out, in order to keep his part of the treaty,
contingents of men with the natives, at two different times, to aid
the latter against their enemies. The weapons and warlike qualities
of the Spaniards gained them great prestige and inspired great terror
throughout all the islands. About this same time "seven or eight Moros,
whose chief was called Magomat, [73] came in a canoe to the camp,
declaring themselves to be natives of the island of Luzon; and asked
the governor for permission to come to this village to trade with a
_prau_ which was stationed near this island. They said that if the
Spaniards would trade with them, they would be very glad to have junks
come from Luzon with much merchandise for the Spanish trade." They had
learned of the Spanish settlement through a Moro who had been sent to
Panay to buy rice for the fort, and that "they did no harm to anyone,
and were possessed of a great quantity of silver and small coins;
therefore they had come to find out our manner of trading." One of
the Moros happening to sneeze while trading for pearls, said "that
they could not buy; that that was their custom, and if they did, they
would sin therein." Through these Moros the natives of Cebú learned
to demand _tostones_ [a small coin] in exchange for their articles
of trade, which was a loss to the Spaniards; but the latter laid in
a good supply of provisions, by the aid of these same Moros. By the
latter, Legazpi sent word to the king of Luzon of his residence in
the islands and his desire to meet him and "deliver the message he
bore to him from his majesty; and requested that he send him for this,
a trustworthy person, or allow him to send some Spaniards thither to
treat with the same king." These Moros induced two small "junks from
Venduro [Mindoro] which is an island near Luzon" to come to trade at
Cebú, having told them of the good treatment afforded them. These
latter carried "iron, tin, porcelain, shawls, light woolen cloth
and taffety from China, perfumes, and other knick-knacks." The
master-of-camp and Martin de Goyti were sent with a body of men to
obtain provisions among the neighboring islands, in the month of
September of 1565. Guided by certain chiefs of Cebú, they visited an
island to the west, inhabited by blacks who lived in a town called
Tanay, stopping on the way at a village, hostile to Cebú, where they
obtained some food. The people of Tanay fled at their approach, and
the little food found there was sent to Legazpi; while the two leaders
remained at the island some days in a fruitless endeavor to make peace
and friendship with the natives. On All Saints' Day "about the hour
of mass" some twenty houses were burned in the Spanish settlement,
"among others that where the religious slept, and the hut where mass
was said," and many goods were burned. "It could not be proved whether
this fire was set, or happened through carelessness." It having been
discovered that the inhabitants of Matan and Gavi who would not make
peace with the Spaniards, but were friendly to the natives of Cebú,
came freely to that island, and even entered the Spanish settlement,
the master-of-camp and Goyti were despatched to Matan to receive the
homage of the chiefs or to make war upon them. Warned by the natives
of Cebú, those of Matan fled. The invaders burned their village, for
which the natives threatened retaliation, saying they would burn the
houses of the Spanish settlement. Meanwhile the food problem assumed
threatening dimensions, and the men became discontented and began to
grumble because they were not allowed to take anything from the natives
without pay. "And although the governor and captains, the religious
and other chief persons ... tried to encourage them with good words
and promises," a mutiny was arranged among certain men, which, "if
God in his infinite mercy had not caused it to be discovered, might
have caused great loss and trouble." Certain of the petty officers
(some of them foreigners), and some of the soldiers and servants,
conspired to seize the "San Juan," and, making first a cruise through
the islands, to seize "the junks of Borneo, Luzon, and Venduro, trading
among these islands." Then they planned their course by way of the
Strait of Magellan to New Spain, Guatemala, or Peru, or to Spain or
France. If the weather were contrary then "they would go to Malaca,
where the Portuguese would receive them with open arms ... because
they had fled from this camp and settlement." All officers had been
selected. The mutiny had every appearance of succeeding, for the master
of the "San Pablo" had in his care all the artillery, powder, and
ammunition aboard the ship. The twenty-seventh of November was set for
their desertion, and to avoid pursuit the "San Pablo" and the frigates
that had been built were to be sunk. The date, for some unknown reason,
was postponed until the twenty-eighth. On that day the master of
the "San Pablo" divulged the conspiracy to the master-of-camp, who
immediately informed Legazpi. Pablos Hernandez, a native of Venice,
the head of the conspiracy, fled, first making an ineffectual attempt
to assume the ecclesiastical garb, in order that he might escape with
his life. Finally "he determined to die as a Christian, in order that
his soul might not be lost;" he gave himself up, and was hanged. The
French pilot Pierres Plin, and a Greek were also hanged. The others
were pardoned after being severely reprimanded. More than forty
persons were implicated in this conspiracy. "The governor imposed
only one order upon the foreigners, namely that none of them should
speak any other language than Spanish." It was discovered that some
of these men had conspired while at Puerto de la Navidad to make off
with the "San Lucas," and that one night the sails had been lowered
on the "San Pablo" under pretext that Legazpi's ship had done the
same, the intention being to desert. Through the promptness of the
master-of-camp, who threatened to hang the pilots if they lost
sight of the "San Pedro," the conspiracy was foiled. The mutiny

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Online LibraryUnknownThe Philippine Islands, 1493-1803 — Volume 02 of 55 1521-1569 Explorations by Early Navigators, Descriptions of the Islands and Their Peoples, Their History and Records of the Catholic Missions, as Re → online text (page 8 of 22)