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GEORGE ROBERTS.

_Literary Frauds of Modern Times._ - In a work by Bishop (now Cardinal)
Wiseman, entitled _The Connexion between Science and Revealed Religion_,
3rd edition, vol. ii. p. 270., occurs the following remark:

"The most celebrated literary frauds of modern times, the _History of
Formosa_, or, still more, the _Sicilian Code of Vella_, for a time
perplexed the world, but were in the end discovered."

Will you, or any of your readers, kindly refer me to any published account
of the frauds alluded to in this passage? I have a faint remembrance of
having read some remarks respecting the _Code of Vella_, but am unable to
recall the circumstances.

I was under the impression that Chatterton's forgery of the Rowley poems,
Macpherson's of the Ossianic rhapsodies, and Count de Surville's of the
poems of Madame de Surville, were "the most celebrated literary frauds of
modern times." In what respect are those alluded to by Dr. Wiseman entitled
to the unenviable distinction which he claims for them?

HENRY H. BREEN.

St. Lucia.

* * * * *


Minor Queries with Answers.

"_Very like a Whale._" - What is the origin of this expression? It occurs in
the following doggerel verses, supposed to be spoken by the driver of a
cart laden with fish:

"This salmon has got a tail;
_It's very like a whale_;
It's a fish that's very merry;
They say its catch'd at Derry.
It's a fish that's got a heart;
It's catch'd and put in Dugdale's cart."

HENRY H. BREEN.

St. Lucia.

[This expression occurs in _Hamlet_, Act III. Sc. _2._:

"_Hamlet._ Do you see yonder cloud, that is almost in shape of a
camel?
_Polonius._ By the mass, and 'tis like a camel, indeed.
_Hamlet._ Methinks it is like a weasel.
_Polonius._ It is backed like a weasel.
_Hamlet._ Or like a whale?
_Polonius._ Very like a whale."

Since Shakspeare's time, it has been used as a proverb in reply to any
remark partaking of the marvellous.]

_Wednesday a Litany Day._ - Why is Wednesday made a Litany day by the
Church? We all know why Friday was made a fast; but why should Wednesday be
sacred?

ANON.

[Wednesdays and Fridays were kept as fasts in the primitive Church:
because on the one our Lord was betrayed, on the other crucified. See
Mant and Wheatley.]

_"Thy Spirit, Independence," &c._ - Could you, or any of your readers,
inform me where are the following lines? -

"Thy spirit, Independence, let me share,
Lord of the lion heart and eagle eye!
Thy steps I'll follow with my bosom bare,
Nor heed the storm that howls along the sky."

I quote from memory.

H.

[In Smollett's _Ode to Independence_.]

_"Hob and nob," Meaning of._ - What is the origin of these words as verbs,
in the phrase "Hob or nob," which means, as I need not inform your readers,
to spend an evening tippling with a jolly companion?

What is the origin of "nob?" And is either of these two words ever used
alone?

C. H. HOWARD.

Edinburgh.

[This phrase, according to Grose, "originated in the days of good Queen
Bess. When great chimnies were in fashion, there was at each corner of
the hearth, or grate, a small elevated projection, called _hob_, and
behind it a seat. In winter-time the beer was placed on the hob to
warm; and the cold beer was set on a small table, said to have been
called the _nob_: so that the {87} question, Will you have hob or nob?
seems only to have meant, Will you have warm or cold beer? _i.e._ beer
from the hob, or beer from the nob." But Nares, in his _Glossary_, s.v.
_Habbe_ or _Nabbe_, with much greater reason, shows that _hob_ or
_nob_, now only used convivially, to ask a person whether he will have
a glass of wine or not, is most evidently a corruption of the old
_hab-nab_, from the Saxon _habban_, to have, and _nabban_, not to have;
in proof of which, as Nares remarks, Shakspeare has used it to mark an
alternative of another kind:

"And his incensement at this moment is so implacable, that satisfaction
can be none but by pangs of death and sepulchre: _hob, nob_ is his
word; give't or take't." - _Twelfth Night_, Act III. Sc. 4.]

* * * * *


Replies.

WELLESLEY PEDIGREE.

(Vol. vi., pp. 508. 585.)

There is an anxiety to obtain further particulars on this interesting
subject, and I have searched my Genealogical MSS. Collections for such; the
result has extended farther than I could have wished, but, while I am able
to furnish _dates_ and _authorities_ for hitherto naked statements, I have
inserted two or three links of descent not before laid down.

A member of the Somersetshire Wellesleighs is said to have accompanied
Henry II. to Ireland.

Walleran or Walter de Wellesley, living in Ireland in 1230 (Lynch, _Feud.
Dig._), witnessed a grant of certain townlands to the Priory of Christ
Church about 1250 (_Registry of Christ Church_); while it is more
effectively stated that he then "endowed the Priory of All Saints with 60
a. of land, within the manor of Cruagh, _which then belonged, with other
estates, to his family_, and that he gave to the said priory _free common
of pasture, of wood and of turbary, over his whole mountain there_."

His namesake and son (according to Lynch, _Feud. Dig._), "Walran de
Wylesley," was in 1302 required, as one of the "Fideles" of Ireland, by
three several letters, to do service in the meditated war in Scotland
(_Parl. Writs_, vol. i. p. 363.), and in the following year he was slain
(_MS. Book of Obits, T.C.D._). The peerage books merge these two Wallerans
in one.

William de Wellesley, who appears to have been son to Walleran, was in 1309
appointed Constable of the Castle of Kildare (_Rot. Pat. Canc. Hib._),
which he maintained when besieged by the Bruces in their memorable invasion
of Ireland, and their foray over that county. For these and other services
to the state he received many lucrative and honourable grants from the
crown, and was summoned to parliament in 1339. In 1347 he was slain at the
siege of Calais. (_Obits, T.C.D._)

Sir John de Wellesly, Knight, son of William, having performed great
actions against the O'Tooles and O'Byrnes of Wicklow, had grants of sundry
wardships and other rewards from the year 1335. In 1343 he became one of
the sureties for the appearance of the suspected Earl of Desmond, on whose
flight Sir John's estates were seised to the crown and withheld for some
years. (Lynch's _Feud. Dig._)

His successor was another John de Wellesley, omitted in the peerage books,
but whose existence is shown by _Close Roll 29 & 30 Edw. III., C. H._ He
died about the year 1355.

William Wellesley, son of John, was summoned to great councils and
parliaments of Ireland from 1372; he was also entrusted by the king with
various important commissions and custodies of castles, lands, and wards
(_Patent Rolls C. H._). In 1386 he was Sheriff of Kildare, and Henry IV.
renewed his commission in 1403.

Richard, son and heir of William de Wellesley, as proved by _Rot. Pat. 1
Henry IV., Canc. Hib._, married Johanna, daughter and heiress of Sir
Nicholas de Castlemartin, by whom the estates of Dangan, Mornington, &c.
passed to the Wellesley family; he and his said wife had confirmation of
their estates in 1422. (_Rot. Pat. 1 Henry VI., C. H._) He had a previous
grant from the treasury by order of the Privy Council, in consideration of
his long services as sheriff of the county of Kildare, and yet more
actively "in the wars of Munster, Meath, and Leinster, with men and horses,
arms and money." (_Rot. Claus. 17 Ric. II., C. H._) In 1431 he was
specially commissioned to advise the crown on the state of Ireland, and was
subsequently selected to take charge of the Castle of Athy, as "the fittest
person to maintain that fortress and key of the country against the malice
of the Irish enemy." (_Rot. Pat. et Claus. 9 Henry VI., C. H._) In
resisting that "malice" he fell soon after.

The issue of Sir Richard de Wellesley by Johanna were William Wellesley,
who married Katherine - - , and dying in 1441 was succeeded by his next
brother, Christopher Wellesley, whose recorded fealty in the same year
proves all the latter links; his succession to William as brother and heir,
and the titles of Johanna as widow of his father Richard, and of Katherine
as widow of William, to dower off said estates. (_Rot. Claus. 19 Henry
VI._, _C. H._) At and previous to this time, another line of this family,
connected as cousins with the house of Dangan, flourished in the co.
Kildare, where they were recognised as Palatine Barons of Norragh to the
close of the seventeenth century. William Wellesley of Dangan was the son
and heir of Christopher. An (unprinted) act of Edward IV. was passed in
1472 in favour of this William; and his two marriages are stated by Lynch
(_Feud. Dig._): the first was to {88} Ismay Plunkett; the second, to Maud
O'Toole, was contracted under peculiar circumstances. The law of Ireland at
the time prohibited the intermarriages of the English with the natives
without royal licence therefor being previously obtained, and not even did
the licence so obtained wash out the _original sin_ of Irish birth; for, as
in this instance, Maud, having survived her first husband, on marrying her
second, Patrick Hussey, had a fresh licence to legalise that marriage. It
is of record (_Rot. Pat. 21 Henry VII., C. H._), and proves the second
marriage of Sir William clearly: yet it is not noticed in any of the
peerage books, which derive his issue from the first wife, and not from the
second, as Lynch gives it, that issue being Gerald the eldest son, Walter
the second, and Alison a daughter.

Gerald had a special livery of his estate in 1539; Walter the second son
became Bishop of Kildare in 1531, and died its diocesan in 1539 (see Ware's
_Bishops_); and the daughter Alison intermarried with John Cusack of
Cushington, co. Meath. (Burke's _Landed Gentry_, Supp. p. 88.)

Gerald, according to all the peerage books, married Margaret, eldest
daughter of Sir Thomas Fitzgerald, who was Lord Chancellor of Ireland in
1483, and had issue William, his eldest son, Lord of Dangan, who married
Elizabeth Cusack, of Portrane, co. Dublin, and died previous to 1551 (as I
believe is proveable by _inquisitions_ of that year in the office of the
Chief Remembrancer, Dublin), leaving Gerald, his eldest son and heir. An
inquiry taken in 1579 as to the extent of the manor of Dangan, finds him
then seised thereof (_Inquis. in C. H. 23 Eliz._). Previous to this he
appears a party in conveyances of record, as in 1564, &c. He had a son
Edward (not mentioned in the peerage books), who joined in a family
conveyance of 1599, and soon after died, leaving a son, Valerian Wellesley.
Gerald himself died in 1603, leaving said Valerian, his grandson and heir,
then aged ten (_Inquis. 5 Jac. I. in Rolls Office_), and _married_, adds
the Inquisition; and Lynch, in his _Feudal Dignities_, gives interesting
particulars of the betrothal of this boy, and his public repudiation of the
intended match on his coming to age. This Valerian is traced through Irish
records to the time of the Restoration; he married first, Maria Cusack (by
whom he had William Wellesley, his eldest son), and, second, Anne Forth,
otherwise Cusack, widow of Sir Ambrose Forth, as shown by an Inquisition of
1637, in the Rolls Office, Dublin.

William Wellesley, son and heir of Valerian, married Margaret Kempe
(_Peerage Books_), and by her had Gerald Wellesley, who on the Restoration
petitioned to be restored to his estates, and a Decree of Innocence issued,
which states the rights of himself, his father, and his grandfather in
"Dingen." This Gerald married Elizabeth, eldest daughter of Sir Dudley
Colley, and their first daughter was baptized in 1663 by the name of
Margaret, some evidence, in the courtesy of christenings, of Gerald's
mother being Margaret. (_Registry of St. Werburgh's._) Gerald was a suitor
in the Court of Claims in 1703: he left two sons; William the eldest died
_s. p._, and was succeeded by Garrett, his next brother, who died also
without issue in 1728, having bequeathed all the family estates to Richard
Colley, second son of the aforesaid Sir Dudley Colley, and testator's
uncle, enjoining upon said Richard and his heirs male to bear thenceforth,
as they succeeded to the estates, the name and arms of Wellesley.

This Richard Colley Wellesley married Elizabeth, daughter of John Sale,
LL.D. and M.P., by whom he had issue Garrett Wellesley, born, as the
_Dublin and London Magazine_ for 1735 announces, "19th July," when "the
Lady of Richard Colley Westley was delivered of a son and heir, _to the
great joy of that family_." This son was father of the Marquis Wellesley
and of the DUKE OF WELLINGTON!

JOHN D'ALTON.

48. Summer Hill, Dublin.

* * * * *

CONSECRATED RINGS FOR EPILEPSY.

(Vol. vi., p. 603.)

SIR W. C. T. has opened a very interesting field for inquiry regarding
these blest rings.

St. Edward, in his last illness (obiit January 5, 1066), gave a ring which
he wore to the Abbot of Westminster. The origin of this ring is surrounded
by much mystery. A pilgrim is said to have brought it to the king, and to
have informed him that St. John the Evangelist had made known to the donor
that the king's decease was at hand. "St. Edward's ring" was kept for some
time at Westminster Abbey, as a relic of the saint, and was applied for the
cure of the falling sickness or epilepsy, and for cramp. From this arose
the custom of our English kings, who were believed to have inherited St.
Edward's powers of cure, solemnly blessing every year rings for
distribution.

It is said, we know not on what authority, that the ring did not always
remain at Westminster, but that in the chapel of Havering (so called from
_having the ring_), in the parish of Hornchurch, near Rumford in Essex
(once a hunting-seat of the kings), was kept, till the dissolution of
religious houses, the identical ring given by the pilgrim to St. Edward.
Weaver says he saw it represented in a window of Rumford Church.

These rings seem to have been blessed for two different species of cure:
first, against the falling sickness (comitialis morbus); and, secondly,
against the cramp (contracta membra). For the cure of the king's evil the
sovereign did not bless rings, but continued to _touch_ the patient. {89}

Good Friday was the day appointed for the blessing of the rings. They were
often called "medijcinable rings," and were made both of gold and silver;
and as we learn from the household books of Henry IV. and Edward IV., the
metal they were composed of was what formed the king's offering to the
cross on Good Friday. The following entry occurs in the accounts of the 7th
and 8th years of Henry IV. (1406): "In oblacionibus Domini Regis factis
adorando Crucem in capella infra manerium suum de Eltham, die Parascevis,
in precio trium nobilium auri et v solidorum sterlyng, xxv s.

"In denariis solutis pro eisdem oblacionibus reassumptis, pro annulis
medicinalibus inde faciendis, xxv s."

The prayers used at the ceremony of blessing the rings on Good Friday are
published in Waldron's _Literary Museum_. Cardinal Wiseman has in his
possession a MS. containing both the ceremony for the blessing the cramp
rings, and the ceremony for the touching for the king's evil. At the
commencement of the MS. are emblazoned the arms of Philip and Mary: the
first ceremony is headed, "Certain prayers to be used by the quenes heignes
in the consecration of the crampe rynges." Accompanying it is an
illumination representing the queen kneeling, with a dish, containing the
rings to be blessed, on each side of her. The second ceremony is entitled,
"The ceremonye for y^e heling of them that be diseased with the kynges
evill;" and has its illumination of Mary kneeling and placing her hands
upon the neck of the diseased person, who is presented to her by the clerk;
while the chaplain, in alb and stole, kneels on the other side. The MS. was
exhibited at a meeting of the Archæological Institute on 6th June, 1851.
Hearne, in one of his manuscript diaries in the Bodleian, lv. 190.,
mentions having seen certain prayers to be used by Queen Mary at the
blessing of cramp rings. May not this be the identical MS. alluded to?

But, to come to W. C. T.'s immediate question, "When did the use of these
blest rings by our sovereigns cease?" The use never ceased till the change
of religion. In addition to the evidence already given of the custom in the
fifteenth century, may be added several testimonies of its continuance all
through the sixteenth century. Lord Berners, when ambassador to the Emperor
Charles V., writing "to my Lord Cardinal's grace" from Saragossa, June 31,
1518, says, "If your grace remember me with some crampe ryngs, ye shall doo
a thing muche looked for; and I trust to bestowe thaym well with goddes
grace." (_Harl. MS._ 295. f. 119. See also Polydore Virgil, _Hist._ i. 8.;
and Harpsfield.) Andrew Boorde, in his _Introduction to Knowledge_,
mentions the blessing of these rings: "The kynges of England doth halow
every yere crampe rynges, y^e which rynges worne on one's finger doth helpe
them whych hath the crampe:" and again, in his _Breviary of Health_, 1557,
f. 166., mentions as a remedy against the cramp, "The kynge's majestie hath
a great helpe in this matter, in halowing crampe ringes, and so given
without money or petition."

A curious remnant or corruption of the use of cramp rings is given by Mr.
G. Rokewode, who says that in Suffolk "the use of cramp rings, as a
preservative against fits, is not entirely abandoned. Instances occur where
nine young men of a parish each subscribe a crooked sixpence, to be moulded
into a ring, for a young woman afflicted with this malady." (_History,
&c._, 1838, Introd. p. xxvi.)

CEYREP.

* * * * *

TURNER'S VIEW OF LAMBETH PALACE.

(Vol. vii., p. 15.)

L. E. X. inquires respecting the first work exhibited by the late J. M. W.
Turner, R.A. The statement of the newspaper referred to was correct. The
first work exhibited by Turner was a water-colour drawing of Lambeth
Palace, and afterwards presented by him to a gentleman of this city, long
since deceased. It is now in the possession of that gentleman's daughter,
an elderly lady, who attaches no little importance to it. The fact is, that
Mr. Turner, when young, was a frequent visitor at her father's house, and
on such terms that her father lent Mr. Turner a horse to go on a sketching
tour through South Wales. This lady has also three or four other drawings
made at that time by Turner, - one a view of Stoke Bishop, near Bristol,
then the seat of Sir Henry Lippincott, Bart., which he made as a companion
to the Lambeth Palace; another is a small portrait of Turner by himself, of
course when a youth. As the early indications of so great an artist, these
drawings are very curious and interesting; but no person that knows
anything of the state of water-colour painting at that period, and previous
to the era when Turner, Girtin, and others began to shine out in that new
and glorious style, that has since brought water-colour works to their
present style of splendour, excellence, and value, will expect anything
approaching the perfection of latter days.

J. WALTER, Marine Painter.

28. Trinity Street, Bristol.

Whether or not the work deemed by L. E. X. to be the first exhibited by
Turner may have been in water-colours, or be still in existence, I leave to
other replicants, availing myself of the occasion to ask him or you,
whether in 1787 two works of W. Turner, at Mr. G. Turner's, Walthamstow,
"No. 471. Dover Castle," "No. 601. Wanstead House," were not, in fact, his
first tilt in that arena of which he was the champion at the hour of his
{90} death? Whether in the two following years he appeared at all in the
ring; and, if not, why not? although in the succeeding 1790 he again threw
down the glaive in the "No. 644. The Archbishop's Palace, Lambeth," being
then set down as "_T._ W. Turner;" reappearing in 1791 as "W. Turner, of
Maiden Lane, Covent Garden," with "No. 494. King John's Palace, Eltham;"
"No. 560. Sweakley, near Uxbridge." In the horizon of art (strange to say,
and yet to be explained!) this luminary glows no more till 1808, when he
had "on the line" (?) several views of Fonthill, as well as the "Tenth
Plague of Egypt," purchased of course by the proprietor of that princely
mansion, as it is found mentioned in Warner's _Walks near Bath_ to be that
same year adorning the walls of one of the saloons.

J. H. A.

* * * * *

ETYMOLOGICAL TRACES OF THE SOCIAL POSITION OF OUR ANCESTORS.

(Vol. vii., p. 13.)

I was preparing to answer your correspondent E. S. TAYLOR by a reference to
the conversation between Gurth and Wamba, _Ivanhoe_, chap. i., when a
friend promised to supply me with some additional and fuller information. I
copy from a MS. note that he has placed in my hands:

"Nec quidem temerè contigisse puto quod animalia viva nominibus
Germanicæ originis vocemus, quorum tamen carnem in cibum paratam
originis Gallicæ nominibus appellamus; puta, - bovem, vaccam, vitulum,
ovem, porcum, aprum, feram, etc. (an ox, a cow, a calf, a sheep, a hog,
a boar, a deer, &c.); sed carnem bubulam, vitulinam, ovinam, porcinam,
aprugnam, ferinam, etc. (beef, veal, mutton, pork, brawn, venison, &c.)
Sed hinc id ortum putaverim, quod Normanni milites pascuis, caulis,
haris, locisque quibus vivorum animalium cura agebatur, parcius se
immiscuerint[8] (quæ itaque antiqua nomina retinuerunt) quam macellis,
culinis, mensis, epulis, ubi vel parabantur vel habebantur cibi, qui
itaque nova nomina ab illis sunt adepti." - Preface to Dr. Wallis's
_Grammatica Linguæ Anglicanæ_, 1653, quoted by Winning, _Comparative
Philology_, p. 270.

C. FORBES.

Temple.

[Footnote 8: "immiscuerint" corrected from "immiscuerunt" by erratum in
Issue 170. - Transcriber.]

If your correspondent E. S. TAYLOR will refer to the romance of _Ivanhoe_,
he will find in the first chapter a dialogue between Wamba the son of
Witless, and Gurth the son of Beowulph, wherein the subject is fully
discussed as to the change of names consequent on the transmutation of live
stock, under the charge of Saxon herdsmen, into materials for satisfying
the heroic appetites of their Norman rulers. It would be interesting to
know the source from whence Sir Walter Scott derived his ideas on this
subject: whether from some previous writer, or "some odd corner of the
brain."

A. R. X.

Paisley.

See Trench _On Study of Words_ (3rd edit.), p. 65.

P. J. F. GANTILLON, B.A.

MR. TAYLOR will find in Pegge's _Anonymiana_, Cent. i. 38., and Cent. vii.
95., allusion to what he inquires after.

THOS. LAWRENCE.

* * * * *

GOLDSMITHS' YEAR-MARKS.

(Vol. vi., p. 604.)

In answer to MR. LIVETT'S Query, as to the marks or letters employed by the
Goldsmiths' Company to denote the year in which the plate was
"hall-marked," I subjoin a list of such as I am acquainted with, and which
might with a little trouble be traced to an earlier period: I have also
added a few notes relating to the subject generally, which may interest
many of your readers.

In the year 1596, the Roman capital A was used; in 1597, B; and so on
alphabetically for twenty years, which would bring us to the letter U,
denoting the year 1615: the alphabet finishing every twenty years with the
letter U or V. The next year, 1616, commences with the Old English letter
[Old English A], and is continued for another twenty years in the Old
English capitals. In 1636 is introduced another alphabet, called Court
alphabet.

From 1656 to 1675 inclusive, Old English capitals.
1676 to 1695 " Small Roman letters.
1696 to 1715 " The Court alphabet.
1716 to 1735 " Roman capitals.
1736 to 1755 " Small Roman letters.
1756 to 1775 " Old English capitals.
1776 to 1795 " Small Roman letters.
1796 to 1815 " Roman capitals.
1816 to 1835 " Small Roman letters.
1836 to 1855 " Old English capitals.

The letter for the present year, 1853, being [Old English S].

In this list it will appear difficult, at first sight, in looking at a
piece of plate to ascertain its age, to determine whether it was


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