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circumstances a new election must be held two weeks later; if in this
election no list obtains the electoral quotient, the seats are assigned to
the candidates receiving the largest vote. However, it can readily be
seen that it is the purpose of the law (and the results at the recent elec-
tions have justified the expectations) to reduce the baUatage, or second
ballotings, to a minimum.

Although the law makes drastic changes, the new scheme is still far
from an exact system of proportional representation, such as that iden-
tified with the name of Hare; and it remains to be seen whether it is
superior to the Belgian list system, whose faults it is supposed to rem-
edy. The law tends to strengthen the party at the expense of the indi-
vidual, to force small groups to combine, and to encourage the elector
to vote a straight ticket.

Efforts were made to combine the anti-Socialist vote on one list of
candidates in each district, representing the Bloc National Republicain;
and in many districts such a list representing a combination of Repub-
lican groups was arranged. But in a considerable number of districts
there was more than one list bearing a title which indicated such a
union; and generally there were at least two, and often as many as three
or four, lists of Republican candidates for one district. At the same time
there were not infrequently two or more lists of Socialist candidates.

At the elections on November 16, 1919, there appears to have been
a substantial increase in the total Socialist vote, from 1,400,000 in 1914
to 1,700,000 in 1919. But under the new law the result was a very
decided victory for the moderate group, especially the Bloc National
Repvblicain. The Progressives and Republicans of the Left gained
about 100 members; while the Socialist Radicals lost more than 80 seats
and the Socialists about 40. In Paris, the Unified Socialists obtained
only 10 seats out of 54. In one Paris district the Bloc National Repub-
licain elected the entire 14 members, with an average of 150,000 votes,
although the Unified Socialist list had an average of 112,000 votes.

M. Clemenceau, who has consistently opposed proportional repre-
sentation on the ground that the foundation of democratic government
is the clearly defined formula of action of a well-established majority —
and who in his notable Strasbourg speech of November 6 asked if this
was the hour "to fabricate in an incoherence of votes, such as has never
before been seen, an electoral system whose avowed end is to reduce
the majority for tke benefit of minorities, some of whom are outspoken
in their destructive tendencies" — has been most agreeably disappointed.

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The extremists of the Socialist parties and candidates who had shown
bolshevist tendencies were entirely kept out of the new chamber*
Probably the most noteworthy defeat in the election was that of M.
Jean Longuet, leader of the Socialist Extreme Left. Among the eminent
Radical Socialists to go down to defeat were M. Messimy, former min-
ister of war, and M. Franklin-Bouillon^ chairman of the foreign rela-
tions committee of the last Chamber, who urged rejection of the peace

M. Briand, one of the best-known leaders of the Republican majority,
and one who has been talked of as a possible successor to M. Clem-
enceaUy carried his list to an overwhehning victory. His program may
well be considered the majority program of the new chamber. It affirms
the advisability of modifying the constitutional laws so as (1) to pro*
vide for the election of the President of the Republic on a wider basis;
(2) to introduce constitutional guaranties against confusion between
legislative and executive powers, but at the same time to allow the
President to play a larger and more important rdle; (3) to reduce the
amount of paper money in circulation; (4) to eliminate all taxation
hindering production; (5) to modify all rigid departmental rules inter-
fering with the rapid rehabilitation of the devastated areas. The pro-
gram promises a study of the labor problem from the viewpoint of both
masters and men. The lists headed by Captain Andr6 Tardieu, former
High Commissioner to the United States; M. George Mandel, confiden-
tial private secretary to M. Clemenceau, and M. R^n^ Viviani, former
premier, were also returned with heavy majorities. Among other nota-
ble men who were elected are M. Albert Lebrun, former minister of
blockade and the invaded regions (the position held at present by M.
Tardieu); M. Andr^ Lefevre, former minister of finance; Captain R^n£
Fonck, the aviator; M. Leon Daudet, leader of the Royalist Associa-
tion, and General Castehxau.

The new chamber contains 626 deputies, and over half of its number
have been elected for the first time. Eighty-three members of the old
chamber were killed in battle, and a large number of the others did not
enter their names for reelection. Among the noteworthy features of
the installation of the new chamber was the reappearance, after forty-
eight years, of deputies from Alsace-Lorraine. The first session of the
new chamber, on December 8, was, however, the occasion, not only
of a rousing welcome to the twenty-four deputies from the regained
provinces, but also of a vociferous demonstration against the Socialists.
It was only after a quarter of an hour of loud jeering that M. Albert

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Thomas was able to read the Socialist declaration. The chamber voted
to placard throughout France the speeches of Premier Clemenceau,
Deputy Siegfried (the oldest member of the chamber), and M. Francois
(the yoimgest member), who spoke for Alsace-Lorraine, while it com-
pletely ignored the speeches of *the Socialist orators, MM. Thomas and

Early in January elections were held for the Senate by the depart-
mental and municipal councils, to fill the seats of two-thirds of the
members whose terms had expired, and other vacancies caused by
deaths and resignations. These also resulted in a decided victory for
the moderate groups, although the Socialist party, for the first time,
is represented in the upper chamber.

The regular election for President of the Republic, by the national
assembly of both chambers, was held on January 17. M. Clemenceau,
whose retirement from the ministry was expected, allowed his name
to be presented; but he was defeated in a close vote, at the preUminary
caucus, byM. Paul Deschanel, president' of the chamber of deputies;
and at the formal election M. Deschanel was chosen by a large

This was followed by the resignation of the Clemenceau cabinet;
and a new cabinet was installed, with M. Millerand as prime minister.

Gbahah H. St0abt.

University of Wisconsin.

Swedish Parliamentary Elections, 1919. The elections to the upper
chamber of the Swedish Riksdag, in July, 1919, cannot claim any large
share of the world's attention. None the less, being the first parlia-
mentary elections in any of the neutral European countries since the
armistice, they have some interest as an indication of the political tem-
per of the northern neutrals at the close of the war.

The 160 members of the upper chamber are elected for a term of
six years by the coimty councils (Landstings) of the 25 counties (lAns),
as well as by the councils of the larger towns. The members of the local
coimcils are popularly elected under a. system of proportional repre-
sentation, and the same system is, in turn, used by the members of the
local councils in choosing the members of the upper branch of the
Riksdag. The constitution provides for overlapping terms, with one-
sixth of the members of the chamber elected each year. In the early
summer of 1919, however, the king exercised a prerogative seldom used,
and, because of its opposition to the eight-hour day, dissolved the

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upper house, thus making necessary an election of the entire member-
ship at one time. The chamber when dissolved consisted of 86 Con-
servatives, 43 Liberals, 19 Social-Democrats, and 2 Left Socialists.
The new house is made up of 39 Conservatives, 10 representatives of
the new Peasants' Alliance, 8 members of themew Farmers' National
Alliance, 41 Liberals, 48 Social Democrats, and 4 Left Socialists. No
elections were held for the lower house, and its membership continues
to consist of 71 Conservatives, 68 Liberals, and 97 Social Democrats.
The present ministry, with Nils Eden as premier, rests upon a coalition
of the Liberals and the Social Democrats.

The matters of principal interest in connection with the elections
are the workings of the proportional representation system, the in-
creased strength of the Socialist groups, and the growth of the farmer
parties. The Swedish form of proportional representation is the familiar
list system, except that the voter may include any candidate under any
party label. Ballots having no party indication are regarded as forming
a distinct group known as the free group. The seats allotted to a
constituency are divided among the groups according to the d'Hondt
rules, and the seats won by each group are distributed among the can-
didates in the group in accordance with the principles of proportional
representation. Detailed figures gathered from Swedish dailies^ of
July 12 to 29 furnish the complete returns for 21 Idna outside of Stock-
holm, and show that the elections resulted in a distribution of the seats
in the chamber almost exactly in the same proportion as the members
of the several Landstinga are distributed among the various parties.
The following table shows how well the sjrstem of proportional repre-
sentation worked in this election, at least as far as 21 Una are concerned.

Distribution (in percentages) of
members of 21 Landaiings

Distribution (in percentages) of
seats from 21 Idns in the new













The Socialist and the Liberal percentages would, of course, be higher,
and the Conservative percentages lower, if the figures from Stockholm
and other cities were included.

^ Dagens Nyheter and Folkets Dagblad Politiken, both of Stockholm.

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The Social Democratic gains, which were made ahnost entirely at
the expense of the Conservatives, are most striking. In the 21 Idna
studied, the only instance of a decrease in the Social-Democratic rep-
resentation was in Norrbotten. But even there the loss was not to the
older parties, but to the Left Socialists. The Left Socialists have an
independent organization and are supporters of the Third International
Socialist Congress.

The agricultural classes have been without direct party representation
since the fusion of the Agricultural party with the Conservatives several
years ago; and the two new parties — the Peasants' Alliance and the
Farmers' National Alliance — are manifestations of the desire of the
farming classes for political expression. The two organizations have
essentially the same program; they remain separate apparently because
of the inability of the leaders to cooperate. They are agreed that the
aim of the agrarian movement is to awaken the agricultural classes to
the need of united action in order to protect the interests of the food
producers, and thereby to promote the general welfare of the coimtry
and strengthen the foundations of society.^ The attitude of the
Agrarians toward the Social Democrats is similar to the attitude of the
farmers' parties to labor parties the world over; that is, one of sus-
picion and ahnost open hostility. The Socialists are demanding the
socialization of the land, and on this question, as well as on most others,
the Agrarians will vote with the Conservatives. There is little hope
in Sweden of cooperation between the agricultural and labor groups,
in spite of the fact that they have many common interests.

B. A. Arneson.

Ohio Wesleyan University.

* Stockhohn letter to Nordat jernan (New York).

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Bryn Mawr College

The Treaty of Peace with Austria. In drafting the treaty of peace
with Austria, the allied and associated powers, though enabled to apply
most of the principles and incorporate many of the provisions of the
treaty with Germany, found themselves confronted with preliminary
problems somewhat different from the di£5iculties attending their
earlier deliberations. In the case of Germany, though her rulers had
abdicated and the stability of the new government was imperilled by
internal disorder, yet it was upon a state still tolerably coherent that
the Peace Conference could impose its terms. The armistice had indeed
been concluded after a military decision; in a sense, Germany had been
beaten to her knees. But her vast dominion had not felt directly the
ravages of the war. With the lifting of the blockade and the impor-
tation of raw materials, her industries would readily revive. Her
territorial integrity was substantially intact. The population was
homogeneous; no bonds could be stronger than their common speech
and traditions; while much of the old S3anpathies and allegiance sur-
vived, favoring if not the Empire, at least a German Republic.

But once the armistice had discredited the military and political
power that held the Austro-Hungarian Empire together, that artificial
structure was not long in succumbing to inherent forces of disruption.
With the removal of the monarch, the dynastic tie was gone; and besides
this bond, imperial imity had depended chiefly on the power of repres-
sion. It was to be expected that a state, embracing the remnants of
so many kingdoms and principalities loosely strung together and in-
habited by men so diverse in race, speech and culture, should burst
violently asunder the moment the sole barrier to dismemberment, the
restraining hand of the ascendant races, began to lose its international
prestige. The desire for self-determination, long acutely felt, found its
opportunity and asserted itself on all sides. Instead of the single
imperial entity that had accepted the armistice negotiations, the Peace
Conference faced an empire in dissolution and found itself apportioning


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the scattered fragments among some seven autonomous kingdoms and

In dictating terms to Germany, the foremost necessity had been to
exact the fullest measure of reparation that her promise of industrial
revival could bear, and to insure such effective disarmament that
Europe might escape the nightmare of another aggression at least for a
generation to come. But after the dismemberment of Austria-Hungary,
the possibility of adequate reparation for her transgressions had
dwindled almost below computation; and though the rise of so many
new and ill-consorting states by no means guaranteed the peace of
Europe, the military menace of the Hapsburgs had vanished forever.
Hence, in liquidating the confused affairs consequent upon this dis-
ruption, the most pressing problems were the delimitation of what
was left of the Austrian state as such, the regulation of its relations to
the new states arising on its ruins, and the disposal of the former
Empire's non-European possessions. With the identity of the new
Austrian state thus clearly established, the question of reparations
could be solved after a study of its resources by a commission, and
securities against future disorder were available through disarmament
on principles already adopted by the Peace Conference in dealing with
the German situation.

The Austrian treaty follows the same outline as the German, and
in many places is identical, except for the change in names. The
preamble, however, is more detailed than in the German summary ;
it frankly ascribes the origin of the war to the former Austro-Hungarian
government, and further intimates that, as that monarchy has now
ceased to exist, its obligations must be assumed by its successor, the
Austrian Republic. In their counter-proposals to the draft treaty,
the Austrian delegates objected that, in view of the dissolution of the
Austro-Hungarian monarchy, Austria ought not to be treated as an
enemy state at all; and that, in consequence, she ought not to be made
in any special way inheritor of the obligations in regard to reparation,
to which the Austro-Hungarian monarchy would be liable, did it still

To this ''fundamental misconception," the conference, in its cover-
ing letter accompan3ring the final terms, replied that the war had been
precipitated by the Austro-Hungarian ultimatum to Serbia, requiring
the acceptance of demands which involved a virtual surrender of its
independence; that this ultimatum was no more than an insincere
excuse for beginning a war for which the late autocratic government at

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Vienna, in close association with the rulers of Germany, had long
prepared, and for which it considered the time had now arrived; and
that the then Austro-Hungarian government, refusing all offers of a
conference of conciliation on the basis of Serbia's reasonable reply,
had immediately opened hostilities against Serbia, thereby deliberately
setting light to a train which led directly to universal war. For these
misdeeds of a government which was their own and which had its
home in their capital, the people of Austria could not now escape
responsibiUty: they had never endeavored to cure the militarist and
domineering spirit of the Hapsburgs; they had made no effective
protest against the war; they had not refused to assist and support
their rulers in its prosecution; the war had been acclaimed on its out-
break in Vienna, the people of Austria were its ardent supporters from
start to finish and they did nothing to dissociate themselves from the
policy of their government and its allies until they were defeated in
the field.

In the preamble and throughout the treaty, Austria is recognized
under the name of the "Republic of Austria." In the counter-pro-
posals, the Austrian delegates, with an eye to annexation possibilities
then under discussion at Vienna, constantly speak of '' German Austria.''
To this designation, the Allies' note demurred, and insisted on the
adoption of the term they had imposed. To frustrate the campaign
for annexation and a "Greater Germany," a specific article in the
treaty makes the independence of Austria inalienable otherwise than
with the consent of the Council of the League of Nations and obligates
Austria, in the absence of such consent, to abstain from any act which
might directly or indirectly compromise her independence.

The text of the treaty comprises 381 articles. As in the case of the
German instrument, it includes as its first integral part the League of
Nations covenant, which Austria agrees to accept, though it is only
by a subsequent vote of the other members that she can be admitted
to the league.

With an illustrative map, the second part of the treaty delimits the
boundaries of the new Austria in detail. The western and north-
western frontiers facing Bavaria and the western frontier facing Switzer-
land and Lichtenstein remain unchanged as of August 3, 1914. Cessions
of territory require minute demarcation in the case of Czechoslovakia,
Italy, the Klagenfurt area, the Serb-Croat-Slovene state and the
Hungarian Republic. To give effect to the treaty descriptions, joint
boundary commissions, composed of a majority appointed by the

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disinterested Allies, and one member each by Austria and the other
state concerned, are created by the treaty and empowered to trace these
bomidaries on the ground; to these commissions, the various states
interested undertake to furnish all necessary information.

The northern frontier facing Czechoslovakia follows the existing ad-
ministrative boimdaries formerly separating the provinces of Bohemia
and Moravia from those of Upper and Lower Austria, subject to certain
minor rectifications, notably in the regions of Gmtind and Feldsberg
and along the river Morava. In defining this boundary, the Allies
tried to secure to Czechoslovakia a complete system of communications,
and therefore departed from the historical frontier of Bohemia to assure
west and east communications to southern Moravia, and in the Gmtind
region to give Bohemia a junction of the two large railroad lines that
constitute its chief channels of trade.

The frontier with Italy begins at the Keschen Pass on the Swiss
frontier and follows in general the watershed between the basins of the
Inn and the Drave on the north and the Adige, Have and Tagliamento
on the south. This line, which runs through Brenner Pass and the
peak of the Signori {Dreiherrenspitze), includes in the Italian frontiers
the valley of Sachsen and the basin of Tarvis. East of the Tarvis
region, the Austrian frontier follows the Earawanken Moimtains to a
point southeast of Villach, then runs north of the Worthersee, the
towns of Elagenfurt and Volkersmarkt, thence along the north of the
Drave in such a manner as to leave to the Serb-Croat-Slovene state the
town of Marburg and to Austria Radkersburg, just to the north of
which latter place the line will join the Hungarian frontier.

The disposition of the Klagenfurt basin, which lies to the south of
this line, will be determined by plebiscites to be organized in two zones
of that area imder a joint commission within three months after the
treaty comes into effect. In case a majority of the population votes
for union with Austria, the southern frontier of Austria will continue
along the Karawanken Mountains to a point southeast of Eissenkappel,
thence northeast, passing east of Bleiburg, traversing the Drave just
above its confluence with the Lavant, and then rejoin the frontier
already traced.

In the first draft of the treaty, the eastern frontier facing Hungary
was left tmchanged. In deference, however, to vigorous representa-
tions on the part of Austria, the conference finally concluded that the
Odenburg region of Himgary should, chiefly on ethnological grounds,
as its population of several hundred thousands is preponderantly

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German, be included within the Austrian frontier. Accordingly, the
old administrative boundary, from a point west of Pressburg, was
projected south through the Neusiedler See and thence southwest
until it hits the historic frontier north of Hartsberg. With respect
to the more northerly portion of the boimdary between Atistria and
Hungary, the Allies desired to guarantee access to the sea for the
Czechoslovak state and therefore provided that Pressburg should have
such access assured by transit across Hungarian as well as Austrian

Thus by the recognition of the independenceof Czechoslovakia and the
Serb-Croat-Slovene state, and by the cession of other territories which
previously formed part of the Austrian Empire, Austria is reduced to a
state of six or seven million people inhabiting a territory of five or six
thousand square miles.

Of the ''gross injustice" of this dissolution and distribution, the
Austrian delegation, warmly supported by the national press, made
bitter complaint, particularly as to Bohemia, Western Hungary, Styria,
Southern Carinthia and the Tyrol. The loss of her industries, Austria
could never survive. They urged further the perilous responsibility
assimied by the Entente in subjecting "four and a half millions of
German Austrians to foreign domination." The Austrian Chancellor,
Dr. Karl Renner, specifically declared that the partition "would create
another hotbed of war such as the Balkans have been."

So carefully, however, had the experts of the allied powers, in tracing
the boundaries of the future Austrian republic, weighed every historical,
geographical, ethnological, economic and political consideration — so
states the covering letter of the Allies accompanying the revised version
of the terms — that the only concessions that could be accorded to
the numerous objections and counter-proposals were the Odenburg
region, mentioned above, and the return to Austria of Radkersburg
which the tentative draft had included within the Serb-Croat-Slovene
frontier. Defending the cession to Italy of parts of the Tyrol, the

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