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to a certain disappointment in finding but one chapter devoted to " The
Freedom of Navigation on Inland Waterways." In its emphasis
upon the importance of the adoption of the principle of free navigation
of inland waterways at the Congress of Vienna, the preface had led him
to expect a more extended discussion of this subject, whether from the
standpoint of general principles or in its historical aspects. However,
in a subsequent treatise concerning "International Rights on Inland
Navigable Waterways" we are promised "a systematic examination of
physical and political conditions warranting universal navigation on
inland waters and consideration of the ancillary uses which appertain
to the riparian states."

The bulk of the reading matter contained in this volume relates to
the much discussed subjects of the "freedom and sovereignty" of the
seas treated mainly in their historical aspects. Though the topic is
well-worn, there is still room both for general treatises or for particular
researches and investigations. But the book under review hardly fits
into either category, though it contains much valuable information
and a number of keen interpretative observations. Such, for example, is
the distinction between sea power and dominion on the sea on page 108.

In a work which is evidently intended to. serve as a sort of introduc-
tion to a subsequent treatise on the "Free Navigation of Inland Water-
ways," it seems somewhat incongruous to devote so much space to the
maritime enterprises of the Phoenicians and the Carthagenians, the
navigation laws of the Greeks and the Romans, the so-called Rhodian
Law (of whose actual content we are in almost complete ignorance),
or the codes of maritime laws in the Middle Ages, however important in

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themselves. Even the navigation laws of Babylon are not wholly

It is doubtless well to be retold the story of the discoveries and
explorations of Columbus and his successors, of the rise and fall of
Venetian sea power, of the outrageous claims of Spain and Portugal to
the sovereignty of the seas based on Papal bulls, and of the commercial
and naval rivalries of the Netherlands, Great Britain and France.
But these stories have been retold over and over again and in much
more attractive form than here presented. Of these matters our
author has told us either too much or too little, and the occasional
interpretive light thrown upon these events hardly justifies their re-
telling. It should, however, be pointed out that Chapter VII contains
some subject matter not readily accessible elsewhere than in this
volume relating to the laws of registry of various countries; and also
that Chapter VIII contains some valuable information and shrewd
observations on the freedom of navigation on inland waterways.

The Reference Manual, or Part II, should prove extremely useful to
students of the law of inland waterway^s. It includes lists, alphabeti-
cally and chronologically arranged, of the international inland and
boundary waterways of the world by continental divisions.

Under each river, lake, or canal thus listed are full references to
"conventional arrangements and laws regulating the enjoyment of the
ancillary uses, — notably participation in the fluvial and lacustrine
fisheries and the diversion of waters for power, irrigation, and the
maintenance of canals, — together with the agreements governing
navigation." The preparation of these lists must have involved an
enormous amount of labor.

Amos F. Hershet.

University of Indiana,

Socialism versus Civilization. By Boris L. Brasol. With
introduction by Professor T. N. Carver. (New York: Charles
Scribners' Sons. Pp. xxiv, 289.)

Socialism in ThoTight and Action. By Harry W. Laidleb.
(New York: The Macmillan Company. Pp. xviii, 546.)

These two recent books study socialism from two different points
of view and are valuable supplementary volumes. The first is a
critique of Marxian Socialism with an evident animus. Sweeping

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generalizations abound with here and there such loose statements as
the following: "Land and natural resources, such as minerals, elec-
tricity, air, water-power, etc., have a definite economic value and also
a definite market price no matter whether labor has or has not been
applied to them" (p. 62); *'This brings us back to the true American
conception of equality, which for centuries has proved to be sound,
namely, to the equaliiy of opporiimity. Every citizen may become
President. Every citizen may become wealthy" (p. 75). With this
author socialism always means socialism of the left, or the radical

In the second book, by the secretary of the Intercollegiate Socialist
Society, is a scholarly presentation of the socialistic indictment of
modem society; of socialist theory; of the socialist commonwealth as
outlined by various and sometimes opposing schools of thought; of
guild socialism and syndicalism. Tendencies toward socialism are
sketched and objections discussed. Part II is given to a historical
presentation of the socialist movement with a sketch of developments
in various countries since 1914.

The contrary viewpoints of these two books is iUustrated by the
following: Brasol sayB that Socialism aims at the abolition of private
property, the extermination of the capitalistic class, the abolition of
the "bourgeois family," the abolition of nationalism and religion.
He holds that socialism advocates the forcible and violent overthrow of
the existing social order (p. 2). Laidler quotes abundantly to the
effect that a large school of socialists do not believe in the abolition of
private property (p. 124) ; that the oflScial attitude of socialists toward
religion is that of neutrality (pp. 154-159) ; that the socialist movement
as such has never officially taken any stand concerning the family,
but that multitudes of adherents believe that socialism would strengthen
the monogamic system (p. 160); that a large wing of socialists are
against the use of violent methods in securing their objective (pp.

Thus while Brasol's treatise is a valuable criticism of radical social-
ism, it fails to meet in a convincing way, the issue as raised by Laidler,
Spargo, Vandervelde, Rauschenbusch and others, although the con-
structive proposals given in the last chapter might to some extent at
least mitigate the admitted evils of the present system. His sugges-
tion concerning a national institute of production is especially worthy
of consideration.

Lucius M Bristol.

University of West Virginia.

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The Unsolved Riddle of Social Justice. By Stephen Leacock.
(New York: John Lane Company. Pp. 152.)

In this little book Dr. Leacock has essayed ahnost as great a task as
the young Scottish probationer who announced that the theme of his
sermon would be the Universe, God and Man, and that he would give
ten minutes to each head. In some thirty thousand words Dr. Leacock
states the social problem, expounds and criticizes the practice of indi-
vidualism and its theoretical interpretation in the classical economics,
condemns the alternative that socialism offers, and expounds a via
media. Yet in the flood of special treatises there is much to be said
for such an endeavor to see the problem whole and from a single view-

The first chapter restates the paradox of progress and poverty, given
fresh .point by the war's revelation of peace time superfluities, and of
the tremendous slack that could be taken up in emergency. Then
follows an analysis of the economic theory which the classical school
devised to explain and defend the individualism on which our present
society rests. The analysis is clear and coherent but perhaps unduly
simplified; a defender of the old economists would ask for proof of the
assumption that they taught that every factor in production got out
what it put in, and for a fuller analysis of the meaning of cost in the
equation between cost of production and value. In a later chapter
the author discusses the bearing of monopoly factors and bargaining
power on prices and wages. The unworkability of socialism as an
alternative is demonstrated by a criticism of Bellamy's Looking Back-
ward which is certainly conclusive, though most readers would prefer
to have the author's views on Cole, or Smilhe, or Lenin. •

In conclusion. Dr. Leacock sets out his own program of individual-
ism modified by social control, with equality of opportunity through
education, state provision of employment — hardly consistent with the
previous denunciation of bureaucratic futiUty — social insurance, and
legislative regulation of the conditions of employment, as in the reduc-
tion of working hours below the intolerable eight a day now prevalent.

As would be expected, Dr. Leacock writes with great clarity and
force. While the limits of the volume do not permit detailed treat-
ment of any of the topics taken up, the reader will find every page
suggestive and will be thankful for a chance to see the woods instead
of the trees.

0. D. Skelton.

Qiteen^s University, Kingston, Canada.

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Italian Emigraiion of our Times. By Robert F. Foerster.
(Cambridge: Harvard University Press. 1919. Pp. xv, 556.)

Students of immigration and population problems are placed under
a great debt to Professor Foerster for the preparation of this volume.
Unlike most American writers on immigration, Professor Foerster
deals with his subject in its larger aspects and relationships. Only
four chapters (91 pages) of his book are devoted to the special prob-
lems of the Italian immigrant in the United States, and these are the
least valuable and in many ways the least satisfactory chapters of the
whole book. This latter statement is not made in the spirit of criti-
cism, for the literature of this aspect of the subject is so abundant and
so accessible that students may easily digest and interpret it for them-
selves. Nine other chapters of Professor Foerster's book deal with
the subject of Italian emigration to other coimtries. Especially valu-
able are the four chapters (97 pages) dealing with the Italian Inuni-
grants in the Argentine and Brazil, for these chapters in the history
of Italian emigration are full of interest to those who would under-
stand the Italian in the United States.

But the especial importance of Professor Foerster's work is the
careful analysis of the causes of emigration, of the effect of this move-
ment on the Italian nation, and of its probable future, — for the future
of Italian emigration can be forecast only as a result of such an inves-
tigation of emigration at its source as Professor Foerster has made.
As a result of his searching study of the Italian state papers, such as
the Inchiesta Agraria, the Inchiesta Parlamentare, and the BoUetino
deWEmigrazioney and of his wide acquaintance with the other Italian
literature 9f his subject. Professor Foerster has presented a scholarly
and interesting account of the emigration movement properly set
against its Italian background.

Italy has been, as Professor Foerster points out, one of the few
great emigrating nations. In South Italy, emigration has been "well
nigh expulsion; it has been exodus, in the sense of depopulation; it
has been characteristically permanent.'* The picture of the Italian
peasant roused from an "age-long lethargy" to flee from the profound
economic disorders, the social maladjustments and the extremities of
poverty of his native country is a thrilling story, and it is ^ story that
must be studied by those who wish to understand the Itahan peasant
in his efforts to adapt himself to the complex social and economic life
in his new environment.

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As regards the mentality and character of the emigrants who return
to Italy, opposing views are presented (pp. 458-459). Nitti's opinion
''that emigration is a distribution of scholarships" and that it ''is not
possible to measure the gains in knowledge nor the inferences from
experience that emigrants bring back. They have seen the world and
lived in it and have grown indefinably in stature; something that has
been dormant has come to awakening; where blankness was, positive
wisdom has surged forth'' — may be contrasted with a statement by
Professor Bordiga in his report on Campania: "It must be con-
fessed that the great majority of the emigrants depart illiterate and
return so, and at home have no influence on the spirit of the country,
the course of public affairs, and so forth."

Two other valuable features of the volume should be noted: the
heroic struggle with the emigration and immigration statistics of the
Italian and other governments from which Professor Foerster emerges
with as much success as may be had in this baffling field; and his valu-
able detailed account of the work carried on by the office of the com-
missioner-general of emigration in Italy and the corresponding emi-
gration council. Here Italy has initiated a unique and valuable social
experiment, the results of which may now, thanks to Professor Foerster,
be more widely known and carefully studied.

Edith Abbott.

University of Chicago.

Our Italian Fellow Citizens. By Francis E. Clark. (Boston:
Small, Maynard and Company, 1919. Pp. ix, 217.)

It is a pity that a book prompted by such good spirit as this should
be woven together of such thin tissue. The title is misleading, for
nearly the whole volume treats of Italy and Italians, with slight refer-
ence even to emigration, not to speak of "fellow citizens" — unless the
character of the last can be said to be made clear by explicit eulogy of
Marconi and denunciation of d^Annunzio. The attractive illustra^
tions are mainly unrelated to either title or text — one is a picture of
"Lake Stresa," which does not exist. A pilgrimage to Benevento dis-
covers the fact that this capital city is "in Foggia," where it has doubt-
less been since Baltimore became a city in New York. Yet even such
grotesque errors are probably to be expected. The author's familiarity
with the Italian language — ^there is plenty of support for the guess —
does not go beyond the phrase-book. Writing in the year 1919, he

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draws frequently for his material upon King and Okey's Italy Today,
published 1901, even for authority for "pre-war'' wage statistics. Such
conclusions as he reaches have generally little relation with what has
gone before, just as what has gone before has little relation with the
book's announced themes. Actually half the space of a chapter bn
"The ItaUan of the North" is given to the Waldensians, who might
have been omitted altogether, and a chapter on "The Italian of the
South" contains little save casual observations made on a railway
excursion to Benevento and a short way beyond. In the circum-
stances, nothing would be gained by expatiating here on the book's

Robert F. Foerster.
Harvard University.

The Decline of Aristocraq/ in the Politics of New York. By
Dixon Ryan Fox. (New York: Longmans, Green and
Company. Pp. xiii, 460.)

This valuable monograph gives a detailed account of the gradual
transfer of power from a narrowly limited class of freeholders to an
electorate comprehending all the male citizenship, with reference to
the party groupings that accompanied the process and shaped its
phases. The work is based upon primary sources and is a monument
of extensive research and minute investigation. In effect, it collects
the particulars of the political history of New York from 1800 to 1840.
It was a period that was rich in party developments. Federalists,
Jeffersonian Republicans, Jacksonian Democrats, Whigs, Locofocos
and Antimasons appeared upon the scene. Their composition, aims
and leadership are described, giving so full a view of party struggles,
that at times one can hardly see the wood for the trees. The work
has great merits, principally those resulting from diligence in collecting
materials and skill in arranging them. A feature that lends interest to
the narrative is the vivid personal characterization with which the
author from time to time relieves what keeps tending to become a
monotonous record of faction wrangling.

Henry Jones Ford.

Princeton University,

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Public Opinion in Philadelphia^ 1789-1801. By Margaret
Woodbury. (Northampton, Mass., Smith College Studies
in History. Pp. 138.)

In this thesis Dr. Woodbury has given a careful study of the capital
of the nation at the time of the first sharp party division in national
affairs and when Philadelphia had more and better newspapers than
any other city in the country. Not the least interesting and impor-
tant part is the conclusion in which in three pages we have an admir-
able summing up giving a clear view of the situation. The influence
of the work of Professor McMaster is clearly discernible and we have
an intelligent application of the methods of research and presentation
which have made his volumes such interesting and valuable contribu-
tions to a knowledge of the American people and their opinions in
current affairs. It is to be hoped that this will be the forerunner of a
series of such intimate studies of local views concerning important
eras and developments. The chief sources of the study are the news-
papers and the pamphlets of the day. Alexander Hamilton naturally
fills a large part of the well drawn picture.

Clinton Rogers Woodruff.


The Street Surface Railway Franchises of New York City. By
Harry James Carman, Ph.D. (New York: Longmans,
Green and Company. 1919. Pp. 248.)

This monograph traces the franchise history of the street surface
railways of Manhattan Island. Seven hundred twenty-six railway
companies have been organized to operate steam, surface, elevated and
subway lines within the present limits of greater New York. Over
four hundred of these are now extinct, about two hundred others have
lost their identity, and many others are operating under a lease or
agreement. This study is limited to those companies whose lines were
consolidated to form the present street railway systems on Manhattan

The history covers street railway grants under the following periods:
previous to 1850, 1850-60, 1860-75, 1875-84, 1884-97. There are also
special chapters on "The Fight for Broadway" (1852-84), on "The
Era of Consolidation," and on "Franchise Grants imder the Charter
of Greater New York." A half dozen pages are devoted to an in-
clusive bibliography.

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The study is based on a thorough search of sources and is a credit-
able doctor's thesis. It makes available to the 'Student in detail the
historical background of many of the present street railway difficulties.

The author deducts the following conclusions:

1. It can scarcely be said that New York City has ever had a scien-
tific franchise policy; rather it has been blindly groping to evolve such a
policy. Until the creation of the Greater City, the franchise-granting
body, whether common council or state legislature, awarded franchises
to those individuals or corporations offering the greatest monetary
inducement or exercising the greatest political influence.

2. In making franchise grants, the public was utterly disregarded.
Ordinances were rushed through with practically no opportunity for
publicity or careful consideration.

3. The executives, both state and municipal, by their veto power
made a greater effort to protect the interests of the public than did the
legislative bodies.

4. The majority of the grants were given in perpetuity, were exclu-
sive or monopolistic in character, and invariably brought little revenue
to the city.

5. The franchise grants or contracts were loosely drawn and the
conditions embodied therein were trivial in character; no provision
was made for financial regulation.

6. Consolidation of the independent lines was accompanied by over-
capitalization, high rentals, and stock-jobbing.

These observations force us to conclude that today, with the awak-
ened interest in public affairs, the city should formulate a definite and
comprehensive program with respect not only to its street railway
franchises but also to other public utilities.

In this connection it is interesting to note the recommendations
made by the committee on franchises of the National Mimicipal League
at its Detroit meeting, November 22, 1917.

Clyde L. King.

University of Pennsylvania.

Policeman and Public. By Arthur Woods. (New Haven:
Yale University Press. 1919. Pp. 178.)

Most .of the few books published in this country on police work
have been historical in style or purely technical. None compares with
this voliune of lectures by ex-Commissioner Arthur Woods of New

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York in presenting the subject from the policeman's point of view.
He uses everyday speech and shows in a refreshing manner the mental
processes of the "cop/' rather than the mere mechanism of the work.

Very few men in the United States who have not done actual police
work appreciate, and most of those who have done such work cannot
clearly express, the difference between law from the viewpoint of the
lawyer, judge or the district attorney, and from that of the policeman.
The characterization of the policeman as constituting in himself a
court of first instance, while not novel, is apt. In similar manner the
chapters on rewards and punishments, graft, influence and the criticism
of civil service promotions, show the grasp of a man who has studied
policing at close range, who can think like a policeman, but who ex-
presses himself in a clear and forceful manner interesting alike to
civilian and policeman.

Few American departments have any course of instruction worthy
of the name for new men or new superior officers, and in those courses
which do exist, the instruction is almost wholly in military drill, rules
and regulations, and "legal law" — ^not "policeman's law" — all too
often given as a favor or a sideline by some lawyer or court official to
the inevitable befuddlement of a recruit on the street. It would be
very much worth while if this book were read by every civilian police
commissioner in the United States, and then have it or an adaptation
of it made a textbook for the instruction of police superiors and above
all of the new man in police work. Assuming an honest department
with a desire to improve, a study of this book would be as worth while
for the spiritual and constructive side of police work as the study of
the department rules and regulations is for the mechanical side.

G. H. McCaffrey.

Boston, MassdchiLseUs.

The Free City! A Book of the Neighborhood. By Bouck White.
(New York: Moffat, Yard and Company. 1919. Pp. 314.)

This book is an impassioned plea for home rule for cities. It is also
a bitter attack on national government, especially "the Potomac
scheme." The greater part of the book is devoted to pictures of free
cities — "City States," "Industrial Democracies," "Communes,"
"Guild Cities," and the "municipality" at large. The entire field of
history, both sacred and secular, is combed for examples and illustra-
tions. Rome, Athens, and Jerusalem each have a fervid chapter.

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The Hanseatic League cities, Florence and other "Mediterranean
communes," as well as certain guild cities of Asia, are vividly pictured.
The rest of the book is devoted to the author's philosophy, and to his
interpretations of history and the mind of Deity.

The book has a great many beautiful passages, too many of which
are offset by ugly epithet. It contains much accepted truth, often
violently interpreted. The style is fantastic and disjointed. The
text is full of extravagant and mystical descriptions of the "munici-
pality" or "The Free City," which the author declares is "a piety, a
spiritual adventure, a mysticism, aye, a love story," "made up of
great people," "God's attempt to build for himself a habitation."

The conclusion is given that all ills of society result from our present
form of government, and that if we could revert to the federation of
free cities of the ancients we should develop all splendors, all social
and civic virtues, unselfish citizens, patriots, geniuses, workmen who

Online LibraryWestel Woodbury WilloughbyThe American political science review → online text (page 52 of 77)