Weston Arthur Goodspeed.

The province and the states, a history of the province of Louisiana under France and Spain, and of the territories and states of the United States formed therefrom (Volume 4) online

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significance which some of the t)ralors (Mayor Winier of St.
Louis, Edwartl Ikites and otlurs) on that occasion took [xiins
to point out.

Two years after the railroad from the East reached the Mis-
sissippi opposite St. Louis the Missouri was connected with the
Mississippi by rail by the completion of the Hannibal and St.
Joseph to the last named place in i<S59. h'rom St. Jtiseph as its
easterly terminus the pony e.\i)ress line to San h'ranciaco started
in i860.

Missouri's great transportation agencies, however, in i860,
were the steamboats and not the railroads. The steamboats on
the watercourses of the Mississippi valley reached their highest
number and splendor on the eve of the Civil war. The rivers
were then at the iieigiit of Ihfir activity and importance. By
way of the Mississi])pi, noith and south, the Missouri, the Ohio,
the Illinois and other streams, St. Louis was in direct water
communication in i860 with most of the important points in the
great valley, from the Gulf of Mexico to the Falls of St. Anthony,
and from Pittsliurg, near the Allcghanies, to b'ort Benton, in the
shadow of the ixocky mountains.

Moreover, in other than the strictly material things iMissoin-i
was also in a fairly satisfactory condition in iS()0. In nnmbi^r,
pecuniar)' sn|)port and attendance its clinrclies compared favor-
ably witii tiu)se of the average Western state. Its ])ublic school
S)stem had just nuule rapid and premanent advances over its
previous condition. A school fund of a rudimentary sort was
established by act of congress in 1812, back in the territorial
days. Thomas F. Riddick. one of Missouri's most iniblic spirited
and valuable citizens, originated the act, and hMward Hemp-
stead, the territory's first delegate, i)resented it in congress.
Governor Dunklin, who served from 1832 to 1836, did good work
for the school system of the state's early era. James S. Rollins,
the father of the State llinversity, at ("ohimbia, performed an
important service in the same general field. All that had been
done in this sphere was materially supi)lemented by an act of the
legislalme signed b\' Gov. .Sterling I'riee on I'ebrna)- J.|, 1853.

IJii ! I the law of 1853 twenty live per cent ni llie reveinies
of th- l..le were sit apai I lor the beiielit of the connnon schools,
and add.il to the previous annual accruing funds. These reve-



Z". \ ■■



MISSOURI ON THE lll'R Of Tim CIllL WAR.



135



lilies were distributed among the counties according to the num-
In'r of children of school age in them. The highest amount
which the public schools of the state received under the old con-
ilitions was sixty-five million dollars in 1853, j^^^t before the
act of that ycnv went into effect. In 1854, the first year of the
. operation of the new law, the school fund was swelled to one
hundred seventy-two million dollars. It steadily increased with
the growth of the state's revenues, and amounted to two hun-
dred sixty-two million dollars in i860. Suspended most of the
tniie during the Civil war period, the allotment of the fund wad
resumed just afterward, and has continued ever since. .'

Among the institutions of the higher education which were .;

in active operation in 1S60 were the State University at Colum-
bia and the St. Louis and the Washingtcju universities in St.
Louis. ■ 1

There were 173 newspapers and periodicals in Missouri in '■'■ '

i860, with an estimated annual circulation of 30,000,000 copies. a

Naturally the most widely read and infiueiitial of the state's * >' i

papers were ])iiblished in its principal city. These were the
Missouri h'cj'iihlicait, the Missouri Dciiiucnil, the livchi)i;^ Bid- <

iclin, and the ll'cslliclic I'ost. The iMissouri h'cpiiblicaiL (the |

present St. Louis Republic) dated back, through changes of
name, to the Missouri Gazette, established in St. Louis in 180S, i

which was the first newspaper published west of the Mississippi J

river. Its eilitor in i86>o was Nathaniel Paschall, and its busi- I

ness manager and largest stockhoUler was George Knapp. The '^

Kel'uhUcan had been a Whig ])aper, but with the collapse of the 1'

^Vhig parly as a con>ei|uenre of the repeal of the .Missouri com- \

promise in 1854 it became a Democratic journal. It sui)ported |

Buchanan in 1856, but in the division in the Democratic party ; 't'

in i860 it went to Douglas, who was opposed by the Buchanan
administration.

The Missouri Democrat (one of the progenitors of the pres- .
ent St. Louis Globe-Democrat) had been founded by a few of
Benton's supporters in 1852, who had just previously purchased
the Signal, a h'^ree Soil paper, and who just afterward, in 1853,
bought out the Union, both papers being thus merged in the
Missouri Democrat. The Democrat's earlier stockholders
included William McKee, Francis P. Blair, Jr., Benjamin Gratz
l^rown (afl'Mward governor of IMissouri and vice ])residential
candidate ii. 1X72 on the Greeley ticket) and other influential
cili/eiis. i .. .i'Koeated I'.enfon's election to congress in 1852 and
1854 and t I ibe governorshi]) in 1856, supported Buchanan in



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rii-i 1856 fur president, as diJ r.eiUon, but it wont to the Republicans

'•vw in 1857, on llic organization of tb.oir party in Missouri, anil

rcniaiiUHl with the Republicans afterward, through all its changes

.!'',' of name, proprietorship and editorsliip. d'he Democrat's suc-

of cossive editors along to i8(k) were William S. IMcKee (1852-54),

cousin of William McKee, Renjamin Gratz Rrown (1854-57),

V and Peter L. Foy (1857-61). It sup])orted Lincoln in i860.

Daniel M. Houser, who has jjeen at the head of the Globc-Dc»io-

\(:'i crat for many years past, began his connection with the Democrat

iQ.' in 1862.

;,,[(■ In that year the I::-eJiiiii^ Biilletiit was a Rreckinridge pajXT,

'T' and took the extreme Southern ground on the dominant issue of

1.. the day. Its principal writer was Col. Thomas L. Snead, a man

tin of ability, character and courage, who was a member of the

K.' staff of Gov. Claiborne F. Jackson in 1861, served on the staff

1/V of Gen. Sterling Price, was a member of the confederate con-

.! :•! gress, and was the author of the welbknown boolc, "The Mgiit

S«r for Missouri." 'idie Wesiliche }\ist, which was only three years

.'•'I' old in i860, was the spokesman of the (iermau residents (:if Mis-

v. souri, almost all of whom were .sl.alwarl Cniouists. It was a

. chami)ion ui Lincoln and the Kt[iul)licaus in 1860, and under

the ediliirshi|) of Dr. I'juil I'reetuiius, is ^till the best knmvn news-

■■:; paper printed in (he GiTm.ni language we.vt of the Allegliauies.

Among the uewspajjers of ability and inllueiice outside of

St. Louis was the Columbia Slalesiiian, edited by William F.

Switxler, the historian, a former Whig, who was a member of

Ck the legi>l,ilme for .->e\eral ye.ii-^, including the tune when the

of Jackson re>ohitions were before that body, and who t.ipposed the

ca, resolutions, 'blie Shitesiiuiii supported iMllmore, the candidate of

the American i^arty, in 1856, and went t(j liell, the Constitutional

Union party's nominee, in i860.

An analysis of Missouri's population returns brings out sev-
eral im])ortaut facts. d"he increase in inhabitants from 682,0a)
in 1850 to 1,182,000 in i860 was, taking intc; conside'ration the
warfare on the Kansas border during the g'reater part of the
decade and the general disturb.uice which it causeil in a large
I)art vl the state, a \ery rem.irk.ible gain, though, of course, the
expansion in wealth from one hundred thirty-seven million
dollars in the decade's first year to five' hundred one million dol-
lars \' the last year, was still more notable.

Ab'Ml two (birds of Mivomi's popni.iiion (d i80o was hoiii
in the ^la(e. Of the p(»pula(ion boiu in the United Stales and
outside of Missomi, the South was still ahead of (lu' Nordi, Km-



MISSOCRI U\' THE HI' li OP THE ClllL WAR. 137

tucky beins:^ the largest single contributor among^ the states. The
North, though, was soon to take the lead.

While the slave element of Missouri's population had increased
^7,000, or 3[ per cent, during the decade, the white ingretlient
of its inhabitants had expanded 471,(^)0, or 80 per cent. This
was a i)ortent.)US fact. It meant that even if the war between
North and Soulh could be averted, slavery's days in Missouri
could not be long in the land. Possibly the masters had not
yet begun to sell liieir slaves "down the river," a jilace which
iiad a superstitious terror for .Missimri's bondnH'u before and
after the davs of "Koxana" an<l "Tom" in Mark Twain's
"I'udd'nhead Wilson," but ihings were drifting in ihat direction
in i860. The umlerground railroad was actively at work on
three sides of the state by that year. John Brown's raid from
Kansas into Missouri in 1858, which was preceded and folhnved
by other slave stealings and slave runaways along tiie Kansas bor-
der, transmuted the i)rophecies of Atchison, liurnes and the
Stringfellows of 1854 and 1855 into fact. The forty-six million
dollars rei)resented by Missouri's 115,000 slaves in i860 was a
very precarious asset.

Of the 160,000 foreign residents of Missouri in i860, 88,000,
or more than a half, came from Germany. This was a circum-
stance of vast consequence in that crisis. While many of the
other foreign ingredients of the state's population leaned to the
extreme Southern view in the division which opened early in
1 861, and some of them went into the confederate armies, the
(Germans were Unionists almost to a man, and furnished the bulk
of the troops wdiich Missouri contribule<l under Lincoln's first
calls.

From the time that Gottfried Duden settled in the present
Warren county in 1824 and the jiarties of immigrants under the
lead of Frederick iMuench antl Paul Follenius located in the
same quarter ten years later, Missouri had been an attractive spot
for Germans, though it did not receive so many of them as did
some of the states east of the Mississippi. But the real inflow
did not begin until after the failure of the risings in Prussia, Bava-
ria, Baden and the other German states in 1848-49. The names
of ' Krekel, Schurz, Preetorius, Sigel, Osterhaus, Ilaarstick,
Daenzer, Niedringhaus, Nagel, Rassieur, Sessinghaus, Bernays,.
Taussig, I'.c.mIi, Soldan, Kayser, Fis.se, Rommel, ITusman, P.ainn-
garteii J'.rtMl.nieyer, Boernstein, Finkelnburg and Stifel represent
a' few,;md -nlv a few, (d Germany's coiilrihutions (d" a h-w decades
ago to the l)irniess, i>oli(i.al or social life of Mi.ssouri.



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138 rilR PROVINCll AND THE STATES.

I\Iost of the Gcniians of Missouri joined the Democratic in pref-
erence to the Whig parly at the outset, but they went to tlie
Benton section of the Democracy as soon as slavery became the
dominant (|uesti(Mi, rmd furnished Benton a larg-e portion of tlie
vote which lie received in 1S52 and 1854 when he was a candi-
date for coni^ress. When tlie Republican i)arty, founded on the
issue of hostility to slavery extension mU) the territories, was
establishctl in Missuuri, most of the Germans joined it.

This was the situation in Missouri at the time the national
canvass of i860 opened. Four presidential tickets were placed
in the field. The Kansas c|ueslion, especially that phase of it
which was involwd in the Lecoiupton cnn^tiliilion li.^ht of 1858,
in which Doni;las o|)po.sed the iWichanau administration and the
Southern element of the party, sjdit the Democracy in the Charles-
ton convention in A])ril of that year. At conventions held in
f)tluT places a lillle later the Nortlurn si'Ction of the party nomi-
nated Don-las for iHv.si.Knl and llerchell V. Johnson of (ieor-
.qia for \ii-e |)resiilenl, and the .Southern clement put up John C.
lirccldnridi^e for the liii;her ollice and Joseph l.aiie of Oregon
for the second post. The Re])nblicans nominated Lincoln and
tlandin, \vliile the old Whigs who had not as yet joined the
Democracy or entered the Rei)nblican i)arl)' jnit u]) John ISell
of Tennessee and Edward I'.veritt of Massachust Its, and adopted
the name Constitutional I'nionists. The bulk of this element,
wdio were called Americans or Know Nothings, at that lime, sup-
ported b^illmore for j)resi<lent in 1856.

In Missouri the lonlest, both for governor and president, was
bi-tween Ihe 1 )emocrals and the Conslitulional Unionists, or Amer-
icans. Notwithstanding the vicjlence of tlie feud between the
two sections of the Democracy on jiresident and on the general
policy of the party, the)' united on Claiborne V. Jackson for
governor, but when Jackson annoimced that he woidd support
Douglas, a section of the Breckinridge stalwarts put up Hancock
Jackson. Sample Orr was nominated for goverrior by the Ameri-
cans and James B. Gardenhire was selected by the Republicans.

The Douglas candidate, Claiborne F. Jackson, carried the state
for governor, receiving 74,.pi6 votes, as compared with 64,583
for the American, Orr. 'Idie Breckinridge men and the Repub-
licans were far in the rear, Hancock Jackson's ptjU being 11,415,
and Gan\iihire's 6,135. 'hhis was in August, i860, thne months
before tb.- \oting for president lo(^k \)\:\vv. As J.incoln received
1 1 ,000 II. 01 r votes than ( iardenbirr, it is evident that many Repub-
licans sn|. polled Orr, who reccivrd 8,000 more ballots than B.cll,



i.U ;VUT t.\/.K :\'jVv\'10A'\ 'XI






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MISSOURI ON Tllli lll'E OU THE Cllll WAR



139



and perhai)s a fcnv of tliem voted for Clail)orne F. Jackson, on
account of his imagined devotion t(j I^ouy.ias. Jackson, however,
and Thomas C. Re\'nokls, who was chosen hentenant governor,
were primarily Breckinridge, (jr Soutliern Kights, men, and
accei)tcd Douglas as a means nf uniting the Democrats against
their real antagonists, the Hell men. kuks;.ii and K.ynolds
showed their attachment to the Southern eau;e al \\vA\ eiUrance
into oh ice.

In Xovemher Dmiglas received 5H,<S;)i votes in Missouri, I'ell
58,373, ilreckinridge 31,317, aiul Linccjln i7,o-\S. Missouri was
the only state carried by Douglas. Its nine electoral votes and
three of New Jersey's seven, the other four going to Idncoln,
were the only votes in the electoral college secured by the can-
didate of the Northern section of the Democracy. Though Lin-
coln in Missouri received very little more than half as many votes
as Breckinridge and not much over a quarter as many as Doug-
las or Bell, he received almost twice as many in this state as he^
got in all the rest of the slave states in the aggregate.

The Democrats elected five of Missouri's seven members of
the popular branch of congress, the l-icpublicans chose one (Blair,
of the St. Louis district), and a coalitirm of the Republicans and
the Bell men elected one ( Rollins, of Columbia, the (jld Whig
leader). Two of the Democrats (John II. (lark rmd John \V.
Reid, the Mexican war hero) were expelled in 1861 for joining
the confederacy.

When the news of Linc(.)hrs elei-tion (Lincoln received 180
electoral votes, all from the free slates; Douglas 1 -', from Mis-
souri and New jersey; Bell 31), from V'iiginia, Kentucky and
Tennessee; and Breckinridge y2, the vote of all the slave states
except those already menti(Mied) on November 6, i860, reached
the country the next day, South Carolina took immediate steps
looking toward separation from the Union, passed an ordinance
of secession on December 20, and issued an address asking the
rest of the South to "join us in forming a confederacy of slave-
liolding states."

Missouri's response to this appeal was not long in coming.



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MO



TUB PROl'INCE AND THE STATES.



CHAPTER XV



Missouri Stands bv the Union



THE clinracUT (.)f Missouri's answir to SouUi Carolina's
appeal \vt)ul(l necessarily he of \'ast conse(Hience not onl)'
to Alissourians but to ihe people of the whole country.
Missouri slood close to the Ke<*Mi";M''ii^'''l center of the Ihiited
States. Half way between .\'ew York and California, she was
also about half way between the (iulf of Mexico and the Cana-
dian boundary. She was on the direct line <jf overland ininii-
j^ralion from h'urope, the h'.ast and the central West to the Rocky
niountain rei^ion and the raidlic slope. iVrkairsas and d'exas
would, it was seen, ioin South C'arolina and the rest of the cot-
ton states in secession. Ajiart from Texas and .\rkansas there
were j,(.oo,(H)o people residin- m the slates ami teirilories wholly
west of the Mississippi at the end id' i .S( .< ). Missouri had not far
from half of tluse. If Missouri should be wi.n over to seces-
sion — and the South in the opening da)s tif 1801 made a serious
attempt to do this, and at the outset had some hopes of success —
the confederacy might have been able to control the MississiiJpi
permanently for much more than half of its length, and the Union
might be overthrown.

South Carolina's reasons for secession were reasons which
appealed with force to separatists in Missouri and all the rest
of the slave states. That state, in her official declaration of the
causes which imjjelled her to tlissolve her rel;iti()ns to the Union,
started out by presenting the argmuents in favor (;f state sov-
ereignt) , ,uid then said that the North liad electetl a man to
manage "die administration of the common government l)ecauso
he ha-^ .l^el.iivd that the government cannot endure permanently
half slave and half iwx-, and that the public must rest in the



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M!SSX)UKf ST.INDS' IIV Tllli VNION.



141



hclirf that slavery is in course of ultimate extinction ;" stated
that nearly all the Xoiihern slates, nientionini;- them by name,
had itassed pei'sonal liberty laws, nullifyint<" or impelling' a
guaranty in article 4 of the constitution and the fugitive slave ;:

act which v/as ])art of the compromise measures of 1850; averred f

that, throni^h the slavery ])rohibiti(in in the ti'rritories which the ,(

Ke])ublicans were pled>4'e(l tct secure, the South was to be - \

(lepri\-ed of its e(pial riL;iits in the common domain, .and cited the ' l

tarift acts as haviny been ])assed for the beiieJit oi the North j

and as burdensome and unjust to the South.

Alexander H. Stephens, however, the vice president of the <

Southern confederacy, said in his "War lictween the States," i

published in 1867, that the discrimination ag"ainst slavery, act- |

iial or expected, was only a nn'nor cause of secession — that this, ;

notwithstantling- the two billion dollars of property which was ' j

endangered, was but as the "dust in the balance compared with ' j

the vital attributes of the ric^hts and of inde|)endence and of sov-. \

erei.^'uty on the part of the several stati's." |

As a lethal ri.i;ht secession was based on the theory that the *

conslilulion was a compact between slates actiuf.;' in a sovereij^n J

capacity, which could be abrotjaled at an\- lime by the i)eoi)le
of any stale, so far as re-ards lli;il stale's relalions lo Ihe Union.
This claim had oflen been asserted in llu' North as wt'll as in
the South, ll was voiced by Aladi.son an<l JelTerson, resi-ectively,
in the A'irt^inia and Kentucky re.solutions of 1798; openly pro-
claimed by Josiah (}uiucy, a Massachusetts Fedi'ralist in con-
L;ress in 1811, in retaliation for the admission of tin- staU- of
Louisiana; was pl(;tled, it was charL,',cd, in the llartf(jrd Conven-
tion of New En<;land j'"ederrdisls in 1814; contemplated by
South Carolina in Calhoun's and flayne's nullification movement
in 1832; was vaguely threatened, just before the annexation of
Texas, by Ex-President John Ouincy Adams and other Northern
members of congress, if annexation should take place, and was
many times asserted by representative Southern men, and also
by Garrisonian abolitionists, between the Palmetto state's nulli-
fication in 1832 and her actual secession in i860.

On the other hand, a jiowerful elenu'iit (which was steadily
increasing up lo l8(.l ) of the .\mericau people, chielly in the free
states, rejecU'd tlu' contract theory of the iMivcrinuent from the
beginnim; They believed that "We, the people of the I'nited
States," \;li() declare in the constitution's preamble tliat they do
"ordain aud establish this ccjustitution," meant the people (jf the
country collectively. That is to say, the Lhiited States is a



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142



THE PROVINCE AND THE STATES.



l • nation, and not mtrily a Icagnc. This view was immeasurably
strenj^theiied ami the lo\e of the Union iiitensitied by Webster's
''■ speeches in the Ilaync debate in 1830.

'•' In iiis lirst inaugural, March 4, 1861, Lincoln set forth the

•'* national idea by sa\'in^'- that the l^nion, as exjjressed in the con-
'''' stitution. was manifestly meant to be perpetual, and by asking
' ■" that if the federal government be in the nature of a ccMitract
i ' merely, "can it, as a contract, be peaceably unmade by less than
•' all the parties who made it?" lie declared that the idea of per-
'' ' petuity was confirmed by history. "The L'nion," he said, "is
much older than the constitution. It was fc^nned, in fact, by
the articles of association in 1774. It was matured and con-
• tinut'd by tlie Declaration of independence uf 177(k It was fur-

!' ther matured, and the faith of all the then thirteen states
■ '■ expressly ])lighted and engaged that it shouM be- perpetual by
the articles of confeckration in 1778. And, linally, in 1787 one
I"*' of the declared objects iuv ordaining and establishing the con-
stitution was to 'form a more perfect Union.' "

I'ut the theory of the k'gality of secession, excej)t, of course,
■' under the right of revolution, found very little favor in .Mis-
'■•' sonri or any other ])art of the West. The ftnirth article of the
'•li ordinance of 1787 bjr ihe govennnent of the Northwest Terri-
■■' tory. comprising the jirescut stales of ( )Iiio. Indiana. Illinois.
!•'•'■ Michigan, Wisconsin and that part of Minnesota east of the
•' ' Missi.-,sii.i)i, declares: "idle said lerrilor\ , and the states which
'■'■ may be' fornu'd therriii, shall forever remain a part of this coii-
i''>' feck'r.acy of ihe United .Slates." .\\\ the states outside of the
•"•'^ original thirteen were the direct creation of congress. The claim
made by some of the original nKiiibers that thev were older than
"' the Union, and that they themselves delegated to the federal
government all the ])ower which it jxissessed, could not be urged
in favor of any of the other states. Moreover, Missouri and
all the rest of the slates comprising the Louisiana region of 1803,
were bought by the United States government, and paid for out
of the United States treasury, and, as fiovernor Stewart ui Mis-
souri said, they certainly had no right to leave the Union except
by the consent of ;dl the' mmibcrs of it at the time of their admis-

Tbe ( )liio, liie Illinois and IJU' upper .Mississippi, supi-knieiited
by the i.nhoads, had, by the lime of Lincoln's tkction, crr;ilrd
a slroh-' r i.hvsical b.^iid brturen Missouri and the states north
of th. I (hioand the l'ot,)mac than the lower Mississip])! had estab-
lish. •<! 1.^ Iwecn h. r ;md thr South. The free st;ites funiishe.l the



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Online LibraryWeston Arthur GoodspeedThe province and the states, a history of the province of Louisiana under France and Spain, and of the territories and states of the United States formed therefrom (Volume 4) → online text (page 14 of 53)