Weston Arthur Goodspeed.

The province and the states, a history of the province of Louisiana under France and Spain, and of the territories and states of the United States formed therefrom (Volume 4) online

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the department, was active in trying to prevent these attacks and
in endeavoring to punish the offenders when they occurred, but



•liiHi...! ■);






th\il^i .(..Hill



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ll','



20 TJIE PROVINCE AND THE STATES.

as the number of men under his control was inadequate he was
'*' able to accomplish but little.

'■'■ At the beginning of May, 1812, however, he gathered a large

number of the leading men of the Sacs, Foxes, Shawanese, Dela-
wares. Great and Little Osages, antl otlier Indians at a coun-

^•1'! oil in St. Louis, and proceeded with them to Washington to
consult President Madison and arrange for peace between them
and the settlers in the war with England which all saw to be
impending, and which was formally declared about the time

'^ they reached the capital. The mission was successful. Presents
were distributed lavishly among these Indians, they returned to

' ,^ their tribes gratified at the treatment given to them by Clark
and the government, and in most cases they carried out their

,, pledges and maintained the peace.

'"^ Clark was the man for the situation in this most exposed part of

the national frontier at this crisis. Forty-two years of age at the
time he went to Washington with the Indian deputation in I'Sis,
a soldier by profession, a younger brother of Gen. George Rogers
Clark, the conqueror of tlie British at Kaskaskia and Vincennes,
, in the war of independence, and the winner of the region between
the Alleghenies and the Mississippi, young Clark had seen some
military service before he was appointed in 1803 by Jefferson
as Lewis's partner in the exploring expedition of 1804-06 from
the Mississippi to the Pacific. He was in the army afterward
for a few years, was then successively Indian agent and brigadier
general of the forces of upper Louisiana under Governor Lewis,
held the hitler pcist under Howard's governorship after Lewis's
death, and won a reputati<ni as an acti\e, resourceful and diplo-
matic oflicer, which reached Washington long before he himself
did.

IMadison offered Clark an assignment as brigadier general in
the field in the war against England and urged him to take the
command at Detroit, which was held by the aged Hull, but he
declined, saying he could do better work for his country at
St. Louis than he could on the northern frontier. Probably he
was correct. With Clark in command at Detroit the collapse
which came under Hull would probably have been averted. But
Clark had gained an experience among the Indians of the trans-
Mississippi country which was of vital consequence to the nation
in that crisis. His journey from the mouth of the Missouri
to the mouth of the Columbia, supplemented by his service sub-
sequently at St. Louis as Indian agent and as head of the Ter-



auv y'Aw



\\v\'






THE rERRITORV OF MISSOURI. 2 1

ritor\'s military force, had given him a closer acquaintance with
all the important trihes l)et\veen the h\g river ami the Pacific
than any other white man had hefore or since.

When Clark declined the cunnnand at Detroit, Madison
appointed him governor of Missouri Territory, and he remained
in that office until Missouri ])ccame a state in 1821, after which
Monroe made him superintendent of Indian Affairs, with his
headtjuarters at St. I.ouis, a post which he held until his death
in 1838. Knowing frontiersman as well as Indian, grasping
the forces which ])recipitated the irrepressihle conllict of inter-
ests hetween thcin, and syiupathizing sincerel\- with each, he had
the confidence of each to a larger degree than any <jther man
in any similar position whom the counlr)' has seen. The intel-
ligent supervision of the Kcd Head Chief, as the Indians affec-
tionately called him, at St. I.ouis, did mcjrc during that third
of a ceiitur\''s westward march of empire to preserve the jieace
hetween red men ami white, and red men and red than could
have heen done hy half a dozen regiments of troops on the
frontier. For close on to forty years, William Clark was one
of Missouri's and the West's foremost citizens.

Hurrying hack from Washington in the early days of 1813,
Governor Clark -found St. I.(niis in hourly exi)eetation of an
attack hy Ihitish and Indians, which might repeat (ju a far
larger scale the atrocities oi the Indian and British assault on
that town in 1780. Tecums^h, the Shawanese, maddened at the
crowding oi his race
in 1810 and 181 1 . hci 11
gan. Wi.sconsin, .Alal.
whiles into the lakes a

saries and while agents of the Ihitish government had crossed
the INIississipppi and carried his war hclts among the red men-
of the present Missouri, Iowa, Minnesota and the Dakotas. His
plans had been baffled by the rashness of his brother the Prophet
in provoking the attack by Harrison which resulted in the Indian
defeat at Tippecanoe in the closing part of 1811, but the war
between England and the United States which was declared in
June, 1812, sent him and thousands of Indians over to the Prit-
ish side; Fort Dearborn, on the site of the present Chicago,
was captured and its garrison massacred, Hull was forced to
surrender at Detroit; Fort Bellevue, on the Mississippi, was
besieged several days by the Winnebagoes ; an assault on St.
Louis by the Siou.x, Pottawatomies, Kickapoos, Winnebagoes



w


'St ward


b\' the setllers' advance, had,


M'


K-almg


ihc' Indians oi Illin.iis, Michi-


m


I and I


ieorgia to unite lo sweep the


id


the Cul


t ol .Mexico, antl his red emis-



<.lii7i 'j:;r.ji;;'



nado s daring- with Tallexrand's athuilncss, liad
ancc with the Indians of thr Missouri river ih,
who hved before or since, and liad belter suce\-
them. Clark ai)|)ointed Lisa I'nited States s
the formidaljle red men on that stream from
isii, and lie did his work in characteristically elT
Indian village of Prairie dn Cliien, on the si
Wisconsin city of that name, \\,is a rendezvous
and a radiating center of inlhiences hostile to t
and also commanded the upper Mississijipi. CI
Captains Yeizer and Sullivan and Lieutenant i
hundred vohinteers, went up in armed barges
built Fort Shelby at that point, and, leaving
it, returned to his post.

Notwithstanding Clark's precautions, howevi
Hearing that an attack in large force on tha
impentling, he sent Lieutenant Campbell and al
soldiers in three keelboats up the river to re-enl
but Ihey allowed themselves In be led into ;
river, were attacked by the Sacs and b'oxes,
the river with consideral)le loss of life. Mea:
son at Prairie du Chien, on July 17, 1S14, was
British and Indians from the lakes, under Colo
tain Yei/er and his gunboat were driven (k)\\
Fort Shelby surrendered on the 19th.

There had been considerable fighting in the
souri during the war. Capt. Sarchell Cooper, 1
Lick country, a leading- spirit in his locality, w
house, which formed part of Cooper's fort, one
night, was killed by an Indian who had crept
for that purpose. On March 7, 181 5, Capt.
the Commander of the rangers in his vicinity,
of his mill, near Prairie Fork, in the present Mo
killed l)\- the Sacs and lu)xes. Cooper and Cal






1. 1.1 loii; i,. hr.i



.; ■ ■ THE TERRITORY OF MISSOURL 23

counties were afterward named, were tlie most [jrominent men
who were killed in Missouri by the IncHans thu-ing the war.

The news of the Haoue treaty of ])eace reaching St. Louis
soon after this time, Clark called a great council of all the Indians
in Missouri Territory and on the upper Mississippi, which took
l)lace at Port.age <ks .Sit)u\. on the ueck of land between the
Mississi])i)i and the Misst)uri, a compact oi peace was signed,
and the war in the West was formally ended.

After the close of the war of 1812-15 ^^'^ inrush of immi-
grants into Missouri began, and eld settlements were extended
and new ones founded. A fever of land speculation set in, and
raged many years. Timothy Flint, a New England Congrega-
tional clergyman, who was in the Territory at the time, gives
a graphic ])icturc of the craze for wild lands which prevailed.
"I (piestion if the people of Missouri," he said, "generally thought
there existed higher objects of interest than Chouteau and a
few other great landholders of that class. A very large tract .
of land was cried by the sheriff for sale while I was present, and
the only limits and bounds given were that it was thirty miles
north of St. Louis. A general laugh went through the crowd
assembled at the court house door. But a purchaser soon
appeared, who bid off the tract thirty miles north of St. LouiSj
luidonbteill)' with a view to sell il to some more greedy specu-
lator than himself."

The same writer gives a vivid account uf the iniiouring of
settlers during (hose days. "Uetween the secoiul and tliird
yvAvs," he sa\s, "of my residence in ihe conntr\-, the immigra-
tion fu)m Ihe Weslern and Soulhern slates poured in in a Hood,
the power and strength of which could only be adequately con-
ceived by persons on the spot. We have numbered a hundred
persons passing through the village of St. Charles in one day.
The number was said to have equalled that for many days
together. From tlie Mamelles I have looked over the subjacent
plains quite to the ferry, where the immigrants cros'sed the
u])per Mississippi. I have seen in this extent nine wagons har-
nessed with from four to six horses. We may allow a hun-
dred cattle, besides hogs, horses and sheep, to each wagon, and
from three or four to twenty slaves. The whole appearance
of the train ; the cattle with their hundred bells ; the negroes
with delight in their countenances, for their labors are suspended
and iheir imaginations excited; the wagons, often carrying two
or Ihree Ions, so loaded that the mistress and children are stroll-
ing carelessly along, in a gait which enables them to keep up



tary for four years, and judges and justices of
for four years, were appointed by the presiden
sent of the senate, all being subject to reniov;
dent during tlieir term, and all were required
of the Territor)'. The house of representatives \
every second year by the peojde of the Territo
of one re]>resentative for every 500 free white ;
of the Territory, the number of members, thoug
twenty-live. All free while male cilizens of th
above the age of twenty-one, resident in the ".
months, who paid a territorial or county tax,
vote for members of this body. The council w
nine persons, to be selected by the president, v
consent, from a list of eighteen persons name
of representatives, resident in the Territory, et
acres of land, to continue in office five years
removed by the presiilent. A delegate was to b
Territory's voters to the national house of re
^Va^hillgloll, to h.ive the inivile_i;e of talking
measures, but not of voling.

Missouri Territory's first delegate to congres
Hempstead of St. Louis, who was elected in 181:
cecdcd by Rufus Easton, of St. Louis, in 181 5,
lowed by John Scott of Ste. Genevieve in 181 7
in office until Missouri became a state in i8ji. ^
to congress for three terms under the state gc
ing from 1821 to 1827.

While agriculture was the largest of Missouri "
ests, lead mining was the earliest of all its :
la Motte, in the present Madison county, wa:
La Mottc and Renault in 1720, in the early day
occupation. Later on, especially after the trans
ince in 1762 to Spain, lead iliscoveries were mac
of Ivlissouri— in the |)resent counties of Ste. Gi
lin, \VashiugU>n and Jelferson— south ami southw






(r.l'.r,



THE TERRirORY OP MISSOURI. 25

lU- the beginning- of the territorial days the lead mines were
being worked with considerable success, adding to the region's
resources and [copulation. The iron, coal and zinc industries
were later developments.. In St. Louis, Ste. Genevieve, St.
Charles and other towns mercantile houses were being opened ;
the fur trade, which was the most important of St. Louis' inter-
ests for many years, was being extendetl, antl banks were being
established.

St. Louis got two banks, which were the pioneers for that part
of the Territory, in 1816. These were the Bank of Missouri,
oi)ened for business on September 30, and the Bank of St. Louis,
which began operations on December 12. With one or other
of these institutions most of the prominent business men of St.
Louis and vicinity — Col. Auguste Chouteau, one of the found-
ers of St. Louis; Lilburn W. Boggs, afterward governor of the
state ; Louis Bompart, Thomas V. Riddick, Thomas TL Benton,
afterward senator anil representative in congress; Thomas Hemp-
stead, Charles Gratiot, John P, Cabannc, Matthew Kerr, John
B. C. Lucas, Bernard Pratte, Moses Austin, the promoter of the
American colonization of Texas; Bartholomew Berthold, Joshua
Pilcher, Frederick Dent and others — were identified.

On July 12, 1808, four years bi-fore Missouri Territory was
created, Joseph Charless started at Si. Louis the Missouri (7 fl.?c'/.'t',
wliich, after passing through several changes of name, is the
1 resent St. Louis Rcl^itblic. This was the lirst ne\\spai)er pub-
lislu'd we.st .'f the Mississippi, but not llie lust in the Louisiana
ru)\ini-e. New ( trk.uis ha.l one fourUen xear.-. before that time.
In 1S19 Nathaniel Patton e.vtabli.shed in the town uf Franklin
the Missouri liitcllii:,ciiccr, the lirst newspaper \\hich ajipeared
west of St. Louis.

The newspaper and the steamboat, which appeared about the
same time, brought in the new era in the West. In 181 1, four
years after the launching of Fidton's Clermont on the PLidson,
i'\ilton, Livingston and Nicholas J. Roosevelt, President Roose-
velt's granduncle, completed the New Orleans at Pitt.sburg,
and it went down the Ohio and Mississippi to the town after
which it was named, and established a route between that |)lace
and Natchez. On August 2, 181 7, the General Pike, the first
steamboat which went u]) the Mississippi past the mouth of tlie
Oliio. tied u]. at the foot of Market street, in St. Louis. On
Oetob. r J, (.f the same year, a hwysr steanibwal, the Constitu-
tion, arrived at St. Louis, the arrival of each attracting tolhe
river the greater part of the residents of the town and of the



• i<i.n'.'"-:3l 'Jitl



Jinq J/ifli It.



way in Missouri. The Arkansas district, coiii]
ent state of Arkansas and a kirj^-e part of Indi;
Oklahoma, was cut off from Missouri in ihii
into a separate territory. Missouri Territory ha
to the third or highest tirade in i8r6, its ])C(
privilege of electing the council, or ui)per bra
lature. They wanted complete .self rule, hcjwe'
a memorial of the Missouri legislature asking f
form a state government was ottered in the hou
fives at Washington by John Scott, the Territory
conflict which this request precipitated, and wl
the longest and most exciting that ever took p
will be given in detail in the next chapter.



VK'^Z ilVVV 'A'



Missoufa'S FiGiir for statehood. 27



CHAPTER IT



T



Missouri's Figlit for Statch'



O llic I)ill to allow }>lissouri to frame a state constitution,
which was reporteil to the liou>e on i'ehruary 13, iSkj,
James Tallmadg-e, a New York Democrat, (jiTereil the fol-
lowing amendment, copyint^- the i^hraseology of the sixth article of
the ordinance of 17S7: "And, i)rovided, that the further intro-
duction of slaver)' or involuntary servitude be prohibited, except
for the punishment of crimes whereof the ])arty shall have lieen
duly convicted; and that all children born within the said state
after the admission thereof into the Tnion shall be free at the age
of twonty-five years."

This precipitated a contest in congress which lasted two years,
con\nlsed the conntrv, inciteil threats of secession from both
north and south, but principally from the south, divided congress
and the country on sectional lines, and called out this exclamation
from Jefferson, in a letter to John Holmes, one of tlie senators of
the then ncwdy created state of Maine, written April 22, 1820:
"This momentous question, like a firebell in the night, aw\akened
and fdled me with terror. I considered it at once as a knell of
the Union." Then, in words which future events proved to be
prophetic, he added: "It is hushed, indeed, for the moment, but
this is a reprieve only, not a final sentence. A geograpliical line
coinciding- with a marked princii)le, moral and political, once con-
ceived and held up to the angry passions of men, will never be
obliterated, and every new. irritation will make it deeper and
deeper."

Slavery was the issue which incited the contest on Missouri's
admission. The institution had existed in the province of
Louisiana from the early days of the French occui)ation. It had



28 THE PROVINCE AND THE STATES.

been recog-nizod by the laws of France ami Spain, its successive
owners. Slavery had been in Missouri fr(;ni the opening,'" of the
lead mines in the iMeraniec region, a century belt)re statehood was
asked. In effect it was guaranteed by the Bonai)arte-Jefferson
treaty of Louisiana cession of 1803, and had not been disturbed
by any of the' acts of congress organizing any parts of the
province — Orleans, Missouri or Arkansas — into territories. A
majority of Missouri's inhabitants were from the slave states.
Though probably less than a fourth of them owned or held
slaves in 1819, most of them, including some who were enemies
of the institution of slavery then or afterward, took the ground
that the prohibition of slavery in Missouri by congress would be
an arbitrary exercise of federal power, which would impose
limitations on it that were not placed on the other communities,
and thus deprive it of that equality with tiie rest of the states
which was guaranteed to all of them on their entrance into the
family of commonwealths.

The desire to preserve the balance between the slave antl the
free sections of the country put the Soutli on Missouri's side on
this issue. At the time the constitution went into operation in
1789 the Union consisted of seven free and six slave states, giving
the original thirteen states the classification accorded to them
subsequently. Delaware, Maryland and all the states south of
these were classed as slave states. Those to the north of the
two named, although nearly all of them had some slaves for years
afler the a.hipliou of the con.slilulion, were cK'sigu;ited as free
slates. In 1700, wiien lin' l]v^[ ii.ilioiial census was taken, there
were ()98,ooo slaves in liie United States, of which 40,000 were in
the Seven northern states and the remainder in the six southern
states, Virginia having 293,000. All the northern states, except
Massachusetts, had some slaves at the time. Slavery soon dis-
appeared in the North, but it increased in the South, and there
were 3,954,000 slaves in the south in i8(k), live \ears before the
institution's final extinction by the thirteenth amendment.

From the beginning the North di-e\v ahead of the South in pop-
ulation (chielly on account of the existence of slasery in the
South), and C(jnse(|nently in its number of V(jtes in the house oi
representatives. To offset this ])n, ponderance by the Morth, the
South (.arly in the ninetet-nlh ix-nlury l)cgan to insist that the
states should be admitted in ])airs, a slave stale being linked to a
frrc si, lie. When Louisiana was a(hiiilled m iSi_' tlkre were
eighlei,n slates in the Union, nine free and nine siavt'. Mve—
the frie states of Venn(Mit antl Ohio anil tiie shive slates of Ken-



MISSOURI'S FIGHT FOR STATEHOOD. 29

tiickv, Tennessee and Louisiana — had been added to tlie original
thirteen hv 1812. Tnchana was achnilted in 1S16, iMississipjii in
1S17, lUinois in 1S18 and .\hd)ania in iSk). huhaita and llhnois
helongini;- te) the free eohnnii and the other [\\o to the slave.
Tliere were thus twenty-two states before the contest on Mis-
souri's admission began. The division between the sections was
still even. True, Alabama had not been actually let in when
the strife on the Missouri question started, but her early entrance
was seen to he inevitable. Alabama's enabling act was passed
March 2, 1819, and her admission took i)lace on December 14 of
that year.

This was the situation when the Missouri admission bill started
the contest between the North and South in congress. In sub-
stance, the argument of the slavery exclusionists was that the
constitution, in empowering congress to admit new states to the
Union, permitted congress to refuse to admit; that this power
to exercise its oiUiou in admitting or in refusing to admit states
included the power to admit them on such conditions as it
sjiould prescribe — a power which it exercised when it retjuired
Ohio, Indiana and Illinois, as a condition of their admission to
statehood, to prohibit slavery, as provided by the ordinance of
1787 shutting it out from the region which included those and
other states — and that slavery was inconsistent with the republi-
can government which the constitution obligetl congress to guar-
antee to every state.

The opponents of slaverv exclusion argued, in effect, that the
restriction prescribed by congress in the case of the three states
named was unconstitutional; tiiat congress had no power to
impose conditions on new states which were not recjuired from
the original thirteen, unless the authority to do this was plainly
set forth in the constitution ; that the original states, before and
after the adoption of the constitution, exercised the power to
admit or exclude slavery ; that the constitution had not taken this
power from them, and that the imposition of distinctions by con-
gress between the terms on which the new states should enter the
Union and those on which the old states came in destroyed the
equality of the states in powers and privileges.

In general, the division in congress on the Tallmadge slavery
exclusion proviso was on sectional lines, most of tlie membersfrom
the North voting in favor of the- prohibition, and most of those
from the Souih voting against it. Hamilton's, Adams' and Jay's
i-'ederalist jiarly was dead at that time, and oidy one great political
organization was in the country — Jefferson's Republican party,



m



Tlir. PROVINCE AND THE STATES.



which was sometimes called Democratic then, which adopted the

latter name permanently in Jackson's days, and which has

, ,., retained it ever since. The hest speeches which were made in

/i,:,, con.Ljress on the slavery prohihition side were hv 'J'allmad;|e him-

, j;-i \ self and hy John Taylor, also a New \'orkt'r, in the house, and hy

Uvv Rufus King, from the same state, in the senate. The strongest

speeches made against the restriction were hy John Scott, ]\Iis-

souri's delegate, Philip Barhour of Virginia, Louis McLane

of Delaware, Henry Clay of Kentucky, and John Holmes of

Massachusetts (who belonged to the section of Massachusetts

which became the state of Maine in the admission act passed just

before Missouri's), all in the house, and by William I'inckney of

Maryland in the senate.

Tallmadge's anti-slavery amendment to the Missouri admission
bill, proj)Osed on hVbruary 13, i8i(;, was accejjted by the house, in
which chamber the North was predominant by reason of greater
poi)ulation. The bill, with the amendment, passed that body on
February 17, by a vote of 87 to 76. In the senate, in which tlie
vote of the sections was nearly even through the balance between
tJie states, the Tallmadge proviso was stricken out, and the bill
passed without it on March 2. In the disagreement between the
two branches, Missouri was still a territory wdicn the Fifteenth
congress expired on March 3.

When the Sixteenth congress met on December 6, 1819, the
Missouri admission question came up early. Maine at this time,
separating from Massachusetts, asked to be K't in as a state, and
the house passed a bill to this elfecl on Januarv 3, iSjo. On
I'Vbinarv iS, die Maine adlni^sii.u bill parsed die' senate hy a
vote of j8 to _'o. With it, however, the senate had linked a bill
admitting i\lissouri without the slavery restriction, but with an
amendment, proposed by Jesse 15. Thomas, an Illinois Democrat,
excluding slavery from all the Louisiana i)rovince north of lati-
tude 36 degrees and 30 minutes (Missouri's southerly boundary
line), cxce])t Missouri. The house rejected the Missouri admis-
sion rider and the Thomas amendment, and sent the Maine
admission bill back to the senate. Fach branch sticking to its
I)ositi(jn, the matter was referred to a conference committee of
the members of both houses, which reiiorted that the bills be
separated, that both be admitted, Missouri to come in without
the Tallmadge restriction but with the Thomas amendment. Woih



Online LibraryWeston Arthur GoodspeedThe province and the states, a history of the province of Louisiana under France and Spain, and of the territories and states of the United States formed therefrom (Volume 4) → online text (page 2 of 53)