Wilfrid Richmond.

The Americana: a universal reference library, comprising the arts ..., Volume 10 online

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cialized. Students come to the university for pro-
fessional courses such as medicine or engineering,
or law, or if they devote themselves to human-
istic studies specialize on history, or philosophy,
or philology. A course which is likely to lead
to success in the first division examination
(with which the Indian civil service examination
was combined in 1897) must consist of several
different non-technical subjects pursued with
almost equal diligence. Such a course may
tend, for those young men who have to work for
their livelihood, to lead to no profession except
the civil service and perhaps teaching. If so,
the original advantage of that generalized ex-
amination which was introduced under Macau-
lay's influence into both the home and the Indian
higher civil service will come to an end. It will
be no longer possible for the clever youths from
the universities to compete each year for civil
service posts before finally deciding on their
career. The generalized course will itself have
become a special preparation, and it will be dif-
ficult to resist the argument that a specialized
examination involving, as it does for instance
in Germany, a technical course of study in law
and economics would produce better results.

The term "civil service is in England only
used of the service of the central state. That
fact has helped to disguise the unity of the prob-
lem of administrative employment r under the
central and the local government. The census
figures class them together and show that the
iocal employees are growing in number as fast
as the central.

National. Local.

1871 53.""° 5>.°«>

i83i., 5'S< V ^° S1i<**>

x8qi 79."°° 64,000

1901 ou,ooo 71,000

Only a few of the larger local governing
bodies have a system of competitive examination



for their administrative service and ^influence*
is undoubtedly very powerful in securing ap-
pointments under the rest. At the same time,
as the size of local governing areas and the im-
portance of local work increases, the need of
abler and better trained officials is making itself
felt. It is certainly not desirable that each local
service should be a "water-tight compartment,*
admission to which must be sought by a separate
examination and within which alone promotion
can be hoped for. Nor is it probable either that
the central state will lay down (as it does in the
case of Medical Officers of Health) certain
qualifications which must be possessed by all
persons appointed to local administrative posts,
or that the local bodies will combine for a gen-
eral competitive examination from the successful
candidates at which all local bodies may draw.
But if a course of preparation including perhaps
law, statistics, and "Staatswissenschaft" became
accepted by public opinion as the best prep-
aration for a professional administrator, it is
probable that the central and local officials
would be appointed to a large extent from the
same body of candidates. At present, however,
opinion in England might be suspicious of a
"bureaucracy" trained, as in Germany, on a
common body of knowledge and in a common
form of thought.

Burke in his reform of 1782 not only helped
to create the class of professional "cival ser-
vants® but attempted to distribute some of their
work upon a more logical and economical basis.
What we now call "Government Departments*
consisted then of the clerical staff attached,
either to certain ancient offices of State, such
as those of the Lord Chancellor, the Chancellor
of the Exchequer, the Postmaster General, and
the Secretaries of State, or to Committees of
the Privy Council, or to Boards of Commis-
sioners administering other ancient offices such
as those of the Lord High Treasurer, or the
Lord High Admiral. Each office had "grown*
cf itself, and new offices had been created as
work increased and without reference to any
consistent plan. Of the two principal Secre-
taries of State, for instance, the Secretary of
the North conducted all correspondence with
the Northern powers of Europe, and the Sec-
retary for the South not only corresponded with
France, Spain, etc., but carried on Irish busi-
ness and the whole police and other work of
the "Home* Department. Burke re-divided
their duties, making the Northern Department
the office of the Foreign Secretary, and the
Southern Department that of the Home Secre-
tary. At the same time, England having lost
the greater part of her Empire, he suppressed
the Colonial Secretary, who had existed since
1768, and who had by hopelessly unworkable
arrangement shared his duties with a Com-
mittee of the Privy Council called the Board of
Trade and Plantations. The work of both was
given to the Home Secretary.

But it was not until the period of legis-
lative activity which followed the Reform Bill
of 1832 that anything like a complete survey
was made of the functions of government, or
that any serious attempt was undertaken to
create a department for each function. Both



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GREAT BRITAIN— SCOTTISH HISTORY



the recognition of the need of such a survey
and the actual form taken by the redistribution
of powers were largely influenced to the sug-
gestions of Jeremy Bentham in his ( Constitu-
tional Code > and other writings.

The Board of Works (Bentham's c Domain
Minister*) was created in 1832; the Poor Law
Commission (Bentham's <( Indigence Relief
Minister*) was created in 1834, became the
Poor Law Board in 1847, and was merged in
the Local Government Board in 187 1 ; the Com-
mittee of Council for Education (Bentham's
•Education Minister*) was created in 1839 a °d
became the Board of Education in 1899; and
the Registrar General (to superintend Bentham's
•Local Registrars* of vital statistics) was cre-
ated in 1837. Separate Secretaries of State
were appointed for War and Colonies in 1854,
and for India in 1858. A Secretary for Scot-
land was created in 1885, and a Board of Agri-
culture in 1889.

At present under a bewildering variety of
names (Boards, Commissioners, ^ Secretaries,
etc.) a fairly logical system is in existence.
Nearly all the work of the executive govern-
ment is divided among about fifteen main de-
partments. At the head of each department is
a political chief who sits in the Cabinet and who
is assisted by another member of the Govern-
ment, who generally sits in that House in which
the Cabinet member does not sit.

In 1906 the Departmental chiefs and their
Parliamentary assistants were: for Finance, the
Chancellor of the Exchequer assisted by the
Financial Secretary to the Treasury; for the
Home Office (Police, etc.), Foreign Office,
Colonial Office, War Office and India Office,



a Secretary of State with a Parliamentary
Undersecretary in each case; for Scotland and
Ireland, a Secretary and Chief Secretary; the
President of the Local Government Board
(dealing with Poor Relief, Public Health and
other functions administered by local authori-
ties), with a Parliamentary Undersecretary;
the President of the Board of Education, whose
assistant (in the House of Lords) is called
Lord President of the Council and is (1906) in
the Cabinet; the President of the Board of
Trade, with a Parliamentary Undersecretary;
the President of the Board of Agriculture, with-
out one; and the Postmaster General.

Billiography. — The only book on the whole
subject is D. B. Eaton's < English Civil Service 1
(1880), a careful record of facts, but written
without special knowledge of English conditions.
The rise of the Indian civil service is admirably
treated in A. L. Lowell's < Colonial Civil Ser-
vice ) (1900). But the main sources are the re-
ports and evidence of the successive Parlia-
mentary committees and royal commissions
which have sat on the subject, especially the
Report of Sir Stafford Northcote and Sir
Charles Trevelyan (1854), Reports and Papers
on the reorganization of the Civil Service ( 1854-
55), The Select Committee on the Civil Service
(i860), The Play fair Commission (1874), and
the Ridley Commission (1887). For the or-
ganization of government departments, consult
Sir William Anson's <Law and Custom of the
Constitution^ Vol. II.

Graham Wallas,
Member of the London County Council; author

of i Life of Francis Place* ; Lecturer at the

London School of Economics.



THE JUNIOR PARTNERS.



14. Great Britain — Scottish History.

From the Invasion of Agricola in 80 a. d. to the
Death of Alexander III. in 1286.— In the main
lines of its development Scotland has from
the beginning been subjected to the same
general influences that have determined the
civilization of all the countries of Western
Christendom. Like each of these countries,
However, it has had a history of its own
which has given a specific stamp to the
character of its people, to its institutions,
laws, customs, and social arrangements.
Among the nations of Europe Scotland has
an individuality as distinctive as that of any
of its more powerful neighbors, and it has
made its own contribution to the general
sum of knowledge and to the advancement
of humanity. Let us in a rapid survey glance
at the general and special conditions under
which her people became a nation and ac-
quired the characteristics by which she is
known to the world.

Remof as is her geographical position,
Scotland, from the moment it appears in
history, was an integral part of Western
Europe. Like England, France, and other
countries she also came under the domina-
tion of the Roman Empire, and her history
begins with the invasion of Agricola in the
V*ar 80 a.d. In her case, however (and it is



a note of difference at the very beginning
of her history), the Roman dominion never
passed beyond a military occupation, and,
except material remains, left no permanent
impression of its presence. The next power-
ful influence that helped to determine the
future of Europe was the spread of
Christianity, and for this influence Scotland
had not long to wait. About the year 563
Saint Columba introduced Irish Christianity
into the country north of the River Forth,
and by the first quarter of the 8th century
the whole of North Britain came nominally
under the jurisdiction of the Bishop of
Rome. Christianity was a common factor in
the process which led to the formation of the
nations of Western Europe, but in Scotland,
as in other countries, there were specific
conditions that determined the character of
her development and permanently influenced
the genius of her people. There was first the
physical nature of the country, and, second,
the fact that peoples speaking different lan-
guages divided the land between them. As
far as her internal history is concerned, the
dominating physical fact was the division of
its surface into a Highland and a Lowland
country. The River Forth ff that bridles the
wild Highlandman,® dividing these two ter-
ritorial sections by a natural line, has been,



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GREAT BRITAIN — SCOTTISH HISTORY



in fact, a determining factor in the develop-
ment of the Scottish nation. To the north
and the south of the Forth respectively
there have existed to the present day two
distinct peoples, speaking different languages
and possessing different characteristics,
partly the result of original racial idiosyn-
crasies and partly the result of their respec-
tive histories. The mutual relations between
these two peoples, it will be seen, have been
of the first importance in the history of the
Scottish nation.

In the first quarter of the -nth century
the entire mainland of Scotland was nom-
inally consolidated under one ruler, Mal-
colm II., who came of the Celtic race beyond
the Forth. Though territorially consoli-
dated, however, there was little cohesion
between the northern and southern sections
of the Kingdom, and the process in the next
stage of national development (1100-1300;
was the knitting of the bonds between the
different peoples and their gradual subjection
to an acknowledged head. In this process,
also, there were general causes at work
which were common to Christendom, and
causes which were peculiar to Scotland her-
self. The general causes were the introduc-
tion of the feudal system, the organization
of the Church with Rome as its centre, and
the growth of towns and municipal institu-
tions — all the result of the general move-
ment among the countries of Western
Europe. Peculiar to Scotland itself during
this period of her development was the de-
cisive supremacy obtained by the Teutonic
over the Celtic peoples in the direction of
the national destinies. The marriage (1070-
109.3) of Malcolm Canmore, a Celtic prince,
with the Saxon Margaret marks the beginning
of the struggle between the two races which
was to decide whether there was to be the
Scotland which exists to-day. From that mar-
riage issued a line of kings with Teutonic
names, Teutonic sympathies, and with the abid-
ing purpose of Teutonizing the national
institutions. The reasons for this policy are
sufficiently obvious. The country between the
Firth of Forth and the Tweed, which had been
acquired through conquest by the Celtic kings
of the north, and whose inhabitants were
mainly Teutonic, was the most valuable part of
their kingdom, and naturally tended to become
its political centre. From the death of Malcolm
Canmore in 1093 to the death of Alexander III.
in 1286, therefore, the task of the successive
Scottish kings was, on the one hand, to de-
fend the southern part of their dominions
against the encroachments of England, and,
on the other, to hold in check their Celtic
subjects to the north of the Forth and in
the extensive district of Galloway (also
mainly Celtic) in the southwest. By the
death of Alexander the task had been ac-
complished, and Scotland was now a con-
solidated kingdom, effectually ruled by one
acknowledged prince, with Teutonic influ-
ences in the ascendant.

The Struggle for Independence. — The death
of Alexander III.'s only heir, Margaret of
Norway, led to the attempt of Edward I. of
England and his immediate successors to



attach Scotland to the English Crown, and
for more than half a century she had to fight
for her bare existence as a nation. The
results of the struggle were of the highest
importance for the future of her people.
Successfully maintaining her independence,
by the very effort she made for self-preserva-
tion she became a united nation with a con-
sciousness of a distinct destiny which had
not been present to her even in the (( golden
days" of Alexander III. By the ordeal they
had passed through, moreover, the Teutonic
section of her people, who had been mainly
interested in the issue of the struggle, ac-
quired that national characteristic <( the carl
o* hemp in man* — that dogged persistence,
which the world has recognized as a pecu-
liarity of the typical Lowland Scot. But, as
we shall see, there was another result of the
struggle for independence which, if it did
not affect the national' character, powerfully
influenced Scotland's laws and institutions,
political, social, and municipal. In the con-
test with England she had sought the alli-
ance of France, and for two centuries and a
half she was in closer contact with France
than with England. Previous to the War
of Independence it was from England she
had borrowed what she needed; now it was
to France that she looked as her model.

The Development of National Institutions
Under French Influence, 1472-1542. — From the
death of David II. in 1472 to the beginning
of the reign of Mary in 1542 is a well-marked
period of Scottish history, during which the
national institutions assumed the general
form which they maintained till the union of
the Scottish and English Parliaments in
1707. Throughout this entire period the
dread of English aggression was still the
constant preoc.cupation of the people, and
this permanent dread at once deepened the
national traits of hardihood and caution and
contributed to the strengthening of national
sentiment. In the development of institu-
tions we have again to note the action of
causes common to western Europe. Like
the kings of other countries the Kings of
Scots deliberately aimed at crushing the
power of the feudal nobles and establishing
a central authority over which they shoula
be supreme. But in this endeavor they were
checked by two hostile forces — the power
of the Scottish nobles themselves and the
insubordination of their Celtic subjects in
the Highlands and the Western Islands. As
the result of these opposing forces, whose
relative strength was constantly changing, a
Parliament like that of England, with well-
defined privileges and efficaciously represent-
ing the different classes of the people, could
not come to birth in Scotland. In the Scot-
tish Parliament or Estates (so-called in
imitation of the French Etats), the Lords
Temporal and Spiritual, the Commissioners
for the Shires and Burghs, sat in one House
and nominally legislated for the nation, but
the actual power of "the Parliament was
in the hands of a committee known as
(( The Lords of the Articles,* the choice of
which lay with the king or the greater
barons according as the one or the other waa



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GREAT BRITAIN*.



i. Melrose Abbey, Scotland. 2. Balmoral Castle, Scotland.

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GREAT BRITAIN —SCOTTISH HISTORY



in the ascendant. Till the Scottish Parlia-
ment ceased to exist, therefore, it was but
the convenient instrument of whatever au-
thority chanced to preponderate in the State.
In the case oi other institutions it was from
France that Scotland borrowed the models
she sought to imitate. It was from France,
mainly during the period of which we are
speaking, that she took over the Roman
law, thus departing from the example of
England; and the College of Justice (the
present Court of Session), established by
James V. in 1532, was formed on the pattern
of the Parlcmcnt of Paris. In the election of
municipal bodies in the burghs the method
of France was likewise adopted (the retiring
body electing its successor), a method which
prevailed till as late as the 18th century.
From France, also, during the same period
was taken the arrangement of feu-farm by
which land was leased in perpetuity — an
arrangement encouraged by the Estates and
intended (ineffectually as it proved) t to
remedy the system of short and precarious
1 eases which till the 19th century disas-
trously affected agriculture in Scotland.
When to these borrowings we add the fact
that the majority of highly educated Scots
studied in the schools of France, it will be
seen that, apart from the political results of
the alliance, the influence of France in Scot-
land is one of the important facts in the
national development.

From the Reformation to the Revolution,
1542-1689. Adoption of Protestantism and
Alienation From France. — With the beginning
of the reign of Mary (1542) Scotland makes
a new departure and enters on a period
which definitely closes with the Revolution
of 1689. The dominating fact of the period
was the adoption of Protestantism in place
of Catholicism as the national religion
(1560). The immediate result of the change
of religion was alienation from France as a
Catholic country and approach to England,
with an ever-growing conviction on the part
of both peoples that political union was in
the interests of both. But there were other
results from the religious revolution which
permanently affected the national character
and the future of the country. For the first
time in the nation's history an issue was
presented which the public mind was mature
enough to comprehend and which was of a
nature to evoke the inherent contrarieties of
thought and feeling which divide man from
man. From the change of religion and the
political consequences it involved there re-
sulted a collision between two types of mind
which have been in antagonism ever since.
But this very collision of opposites produced
a quickening of the general consciousness
which made Scotland a nation in the strictest
sense of the word. From the Reformation
to the Revolution the country was cleft in
twain by two opposing principles and two
opposing parties, between which compromise
was impossible and political equilibrium was
unattainable. On the one side were the suc-
cessive Stewart kings who aimed at absolute
control in Church and State, and on the
v other, the religious party which adopted



Presbyterianism as its form of church polity
and which maintained the Church's inde-
pendence of the State. After a struggle that
had lasted above a century ca** * the Revo-
lution of 1689, when England ind Scotland
both cast out the House of Stewart and a
new order began.

From the Revolution in 1689 up to the Pres-
ent Time; The Union of Scottish and English
Parliaments (i?o?); The Jacobite Risings;
Subsequent Privileges; Modem Development. —
For Scotland as for England the Revolution
marks the beginning of the modern tim*
Throughout the foregoing period theologies'
considerations had dominated the public
mind equally in affairs of Church and State;
henceforward secular interests become more
and more the impelling motives that deter-
mine the action at once of the State and of
the individual. The immediate result of this
changed attitude was the union of the
English and Scottish Parliaments in 1707.
In the previous century ecclesiastical differ-
ences had been a bar to this union; now
considerations of reciprocal interests de-
termined both nations to accept it. For
Scotland the union was a necessity if she
was to take her place among the nations.
Hitherto she had labored under dis-
advantages which, in spite of the strenuous
efforts of her people, had impeded her free
development. Her remote situation, her
jimited^rea of arable soil, her long antagon-
ism' to • Eriglaad^ ^le?** f>©Htical and religious
distractions, and* as the result of all these
concurrent disadvantages, the meagreness of
capital, had crippled her in all'her efforts to
develop her resources and to compete with
more fortunate nations. The immediate conse-
quences of the union, however, did not give
promise of the future that was in store for
her. The old jealousies between the two
partners increased rather than abated, and
for fully half a century Scotland sullenly
acquiesced in a union into which (such was
the feeling generally expressed) she had
been entrapped by unscrupulous statesmen,
and from which she had only received in-
sult and injury. The Jacobite risings of
1715 and 1745 are the significant commentary
on the state of feeling even in the Lowlands,
but, as the issue of both enterprises proved,
the heart of the nation was too deeply com-
mitted to the new order to revert to a regime
-that would have been inherently opposed to
the spirit of the new time.

By the middle of the 18th century the
advantages that accrued from the union were
no longer doubtful, and henceforward the
industrial and commercial progress of the
country exceeded the expectations of its
most sanguine advocates. Manufactures
multiplied; the mineral wealth of the country
and the riches of its seas were utilized for
the first time on an extensive scale. Foreign
trade had hitherto been almost entirely
restricted to the exchange of commodities
with the countries bordering on the German
Ocean and the Baltic Sea, but by the open-
ing up of trade with America, Glasgow,
Greenock, and Paisley — mere villages at the
time of the union — grew into great



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GREAT BRITAIN— SCOTTISH HISTORY



towns and important commercial centres.
Hitherto, also, of the three types of burghs
peculiar to Scotland — Burghs of Barony,
Burghs of Regality, and Royal Burghs —
only the last had enjoyed the privilege of
foreign trade in staple commodities, but this
privilege gradually fell into abeyance, and
every burgh with sufficient enterprise was
at liberty to compete with its neighbors.
In connection with the burghs a further
progress has to be noted. In Scotland, as
in other countries during the Middle Ages,
trade and commerce had been shackled by
conditions, necessary at the time but which
were incompatible with free national de-
velopment. Only Royal Burghs had pos-
sessed the privilege of being the homes of
the great industrial crafts; in all the three
types of burghs only burgesses had the
right of pursuing any form of trade; jealous



Online LibraryWilfrid RichmondThe Americana: a universal reference library, comprising the arts ..., Volume 10 → online text (page 17 of 185)