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angled at elbow, hands, thumb and finger on right, thumb and 2 fingers
on left; trunk triangular, swelling hips; legs straight, feet outward; in
right hand a club with lozenge head.

Man armed; head circular, necked; shoulders in one with upper arms; arms
modeled and extended horizontally, forearms upward at right angles;
trunk columnar, widely hipped; legs straight, convergent, feet outward;
over head extended to left of man 2-handed club, probably axe-bit type.



Table 54 — continued.


























Samoa .

Samoa . .



Paddle .

Paddle . .

Paddle .



Paddle .

Paddle .
Paddle .


Man armed; 2 similar men; heads circular, detached, no necks; shoulders
in one with forearms; arms extended horizontally, forearms upward at
right angles, no hands; trunks triangular, widely hipped; legs straight,
convergent, feet outward; in one figure leg broken and out of place; over
heads 2 clubs extended slightly upward to left of figures, leaf-blade and
transverse rib identify these as carinated.
Man armed; head circular, no neck; shoulders Vjroad; extra unit; arms
downward and then upward, curved elbows; trunk columnar, constricted
at waist expanding sharply to curved hips; legs straight, feet obscure;
over head a poorly carved large club with head to right of figure, right
hand holding, left free, suggestive of the larger serrated clubs.
Man armed; head circular, detached, no neck, shoulders broad; arms angled
at elbow, no hands; trunk triangular, wide-hipped; legs straight, feet in a
picture of double talipes varus; large disk in right hand, smaller disk in
left, probably ula (compare 143).
Man armed; apparently a man spears a man and a bird at one thrust.

Man with spear: head triangular, necked; shoulders broad; arms straight
over head to form triangle, no hands; trunk triangular, lightly
hipped, legs straight, divergent, feet outward.
Man speared: head quadrant (compare 117), necked; shoulders broad;
arms acutely angled at elbow, no hands; trunk triangular; legs wish-
bone, feet outward.
Bird (compare 83, 84).
Man armed; head quadrant, necked; shoulders broad; right arm acutely
angled at elbow, left extended 45° straight, no hands; trunk triangular,
no hips; legs straight, divergent, feet outward; large disk in right hand.
smaller in left (compare 141 a), probably ula.
Man armed; scene of double victory:

Center man: head circular, detached, no neck; shoulders curved; arms
widely extended, acutely angled at elbow; trunk columnar, slight
swelling at hips; legs slightly curved, divergent, the left advanced,
feet outward and prolonged; in right hand a billet.
Dead men: no heads at all, necks slightly scooped; arms spread abroad
loosely; legs the same, one leg broken; under right arm of each lies a
billet dropped from the hand.
Man armed; head circular, no neck; shoulders broad, extra joint at right;
arms angular at elbow; trunk columnar, wide-hipped; legs straight, con-
vergent, feet outward; doubtful club in each hand.
Man armed; head circular, no neck; shoulders broad; arms angled at
elbow; trunk triangular, no hips; legs straight, left advanced, feet outward,
spear in right hand, club in left, possibly lipped type.



Maskoid with Papuan Ornaments, from New Ireland.




In the succession of several volumes I have been able to prosecute
somewhat minutely the examination and discussion of the linguistic
evidence pertaining to the movement of Proto- Polynesian migration
through the western Pacific from the earlier site of the race in Indonesia
in the direction of its point of later distribution in Nuclear Polynesia.
The physical material in this collection of the weapons of offense and
of defense has afforded the machinery of a separate investigation of the
same theme through other methods, quite distinct, and on that account
all the more confirmatory. The result proves to be the same along
either line of inquiry. In these wooden artifacts of Nuclear Polynesia,
highly evolved in form to correspond with needs not only utilitarian
but even vital in their necessity, most remarkably specialized in orna-
ment, there are found with equal clarity the memorials of such transit
and sojourn of the peoples of the Nuclear Polynesian race through and
in various parts of Melanesia as has already been estabhshed through
the study of the many languages of the two Pacific areas.

At particular points of the present inquiry proof has been adduced
with growing strength of a distant source in Melanesia and in Melane-
sia n culture for this or that form of the artifacts, for this or that manner
of decoration. In all study of this wonderful folk-movement which
took Proto-Pol>'nesians in two discrete waves of migration out of their
earliest known seats in the islands of Indonesia and set them in Nuclear
Polynesia, thence to undergo later distribution, we lack positive rec-
ords. Such must be the case with an unlettered people. The proof of
the migration is all inferential ; it subsists in the interpretation of ob-
scure traditions, in the dissection of Unguistic material, in the dissec-
tion of the anatomy of customs and social manners. We refer this
movement to a period relatively remote; the various accounts when
synchronized suggest a date generally equated to the beginning of the
Christian era. After the first eastward impulse had expended itself
with the settlement of the race in Nuclear Polynesia, we postulate an
inter-migration period in which there was no communication between
Melanesia and Polynesia. Later by some six centuries we find a new
folk-movement of sundered branches of the same race moving outward
from Indonesia with a culture somewhat markedly advanced, partic-
ularly in religious faith and social custom, pursuing some oceanic track
not yet identifiable to a settlement of conquest upon the new abodes of
its simpler kin. Quite uncertain as this second or Tongafiti migration
track must remain in the present state of our knowledge of the race,
there is ample reason to believe that it did not engage at any point
with Melanesia and its culture. Following the Tongafiti arrival in



Nuclear Polynesia, we postulate a second inter-migration period with
the same absence of communication with the island areas lying to the
westward ; this period endures until the beginning of the great voyages
which have resulted in the estabHshment of Polynesian culture upon
the islands of the South Sea eastward of Fiji and extending north to
Hawaii, eastward to Easter Island, south to New Zealand and the
Chatham Islands.

For these inter-migration periods we assume an absence of com-
munication between Melanesians and Polynesians. In general this
assumption is tenable. In each period the great eastward impulse
had halted. The same is true of the third resting-period, that which
followed the era of the great migrations, which endured for some
500 years, to the great upheaval produced by the arrival of adventurous
Europeans upon voyages of discovery. Yet intercommunication was
not wholly at a standstill in the resting-periods; greatly reduced it was
undoubtedly, but not wholly absent. This is susceptible of estab-
lishment in the history of such Melanesian islands as Uea of the Loyalty
group, of Aniwa and Fotuna in the New Hebrides, of certain of the
atolls of the Polynesian Verge proximate to the Solomons. Likewise,
in the modern period following European discovery the conditions
attendant upon the introduction of the alien culture have led to a
renewal of interchange of communication among the several races
of the Pacific.

In this final chapter it is proposed to deal with the few but very
interesting museum specimens which estabhsh the quite modern drift
of implements from the source of their origin to a point of discovery
and collection where they are anomalous. By thus dealing in detail
with matters which are readily estabUshed in the common acquaint-
ance of modern and famiUar customs, it is possible to illuminate
matters which antedate the coming of European investigation. But
before entering upon this specific theme it is proper to rehearse sum-
marily what has been discovered in the club record as bearing upon
the general problem of the migration.

That Melanesian Fijians of Nuclear Polynesia were at some remotely
past time in contact with a specific culture with which the Moanus and
other folk of the distant Admiralty Islands were at some indefinite
time in contact is made apparent in the study of the axe-bit clubs
with the device of a mortised socket for a blade. The condition is
very succinctly set forth in the foregoing sentence. It is not intended
to express the opinion that the Fijians and the Moanus are of the same
race ; there is a lack of anything which might serve as evidence upon
which to base an opinion that the Melanesians of Fiji, in the course of
migration to their present abode, had been commorant at any time
upon the Admiralty Islands. But by removing the lashings of the
Modnus obsidian spears there is disclosed the device of a doubly


mortised socket engaging with the blade and with the shaft; in the
interpretation of the structure typed in the Fijian axe-bit we are led
to the discovery of a similar doubly mortised socket engaging with
blade and shaft. For this device we have no knowledge of any other
habitat. Therefore we arrive at the conclusion that Moanus and
Fijians have derived this interesting device from a common culture
source. It is impossible to venture further and to suggest a Fijian
or a Moanus source of the device, for the movements of migration
which have afTected the Melanesian races are yet to discover. In
another work we have investigated the occurrence in Matankor of the
Admiralty Islands of the custom of the kava (Sissano, 135), and this
distant locus of a custom of such high development in Fiji is certainly
of the utmost importance. At the same time we must note the lin-
guistic record of the Moanus (The Polynesian Wanderings, 147) as
exhibiting very strong traces of Polynesian speech. vSpeech and kava
may establish Moanus as a halting-place of v/andering Proto-Samoans ;
the axe-bit, restricted to the Melanesian culture element in Nuclear
Polynesia, is evidential of distinctively Melanesian association.

The next critical character is the wooden metamorph of the stone
head in such clubs as we have here assembled under the designations
of tila, mace, pandanus, and lipped. With the single exception of the
mace, all these pertain to the Fijian culture element, while the dis-
tinctively Polynesian types, such as the paddle and the lapalapa, are
quite as clearly wooden weapons ab initio. In the case of the missile
club, the mace, and the pandanus we have satisfactorily shown the
evolution from a spherical or cylindrical head of stone, such as is found
in New Britain and parts of northern Melanesia. In the case of the
axe-bit and the lipped club we have established a source in the stone
blade mounted as an axe, and this mounting can be identified in
northern Melanesia and nowhere else in the Pacific. Therefore these
characters point in the same direction as does the socket element.
Ancestors of the Fijians must have been in contact with the culture
which has given the peoples of the Bismarck Archipelago the stone
blade or the shell blade mounted with its cutting-edge parallel with
the shaft as distinct from the adze mount which characterizes southern
Melanesia and all of Polynesia so far as records extend.

A critical character, singular in that it affects true Polynesians and
not the Fijians of Nuclear Polynesia, is the sickle type of wooden club
in Nine, found in no other island of the province nor elsewhere in Poly-
nesian culture. Here are found two important details in one weapon —
the sickle blade and the cone ornament at the end of the handle. Each
is identified in the Buka culture of the northern Solomon Islands. The
former instances have estabhshcd some remote community of culture
for the Fijian and certain of the Melanesians ; the latter is to be read as
evidential that the Proto-Samoan ancestors of Nine made such soiourn


in the region of Buka culture that they were led to adopt this distinc-
tive type of weapon. We shall await with interest the collection of
linguistic and cultural material from the northern Solomons for the Hght
which it may show in confirmation of the interrelation of the two races.

We see a Melanesian source, and no other than Melanesian, for the
general character of the ornament upon these clubs. When in Nuclear
Polynesia a physical appUcation appears upon the club-shaft it is
invariably either a coil of sennit or a simple leaf tie. Yet the incised
ornament, as distinguished from that which is appHed, is predomi-
nantly characterized by the motive of weaving. This again v/e find
to characterize Buka culture. A most interesting collection of arms
from Buka and adjacent Bougainville exhibits not only the bows but
the clubs and spears and even the fragile arrows completely covered
with a fine plaiting in woven pattern of the fibers of grass and of
Gleichenia fern.

All these details point in the direction of northern Melanesia as hav-
ing left an impress, a dominant influence, upon the club art of Nuclear
Polynesia, and this holds true both of the Melanesian element in Fiji
and of the Proto-Samoan element in the other archipelagoes. The latter
has received such abundant confirmation in the research addressed upon
the linguistic problems as to justify the estabhshment of the Samoa
Stream of migration-movement from an Indonesian exit by way of the
north shore of New Guinea, thence through the Bismarck Archipelago
and the Solomons to a port in Samoa, including Rotuma on the way.

This movement of migration is inferential though probable ; it is set
back into a somewhat remote past. The linguistic record establishes
certain datum points along this track, but our comprehension of the
wandering must rest essentially upon a knowledge of conditions of the
wholly primitive life of these savage peoples, and particularly upon
certain constants of the art of navigation within the power of sailors
whose only craft are the canoes and whose motive power is the trade-
wind. By the combination of speech and seafaring it is possible to
establish the tracks of migration with considerable certainty. When
the record of the artifacts is adjusted upon these already well-estab-
lished tracks an added degree of certitude is obtained. The trans-
mission of specific forms of the artifacts and of particular modes of
decoration employed thereupon is properly to be designated drift,
because it follows the identifiable courses of this great folk-migration.
The drift is essentially part and parcel of the culture history of the
Polynesians ; the introduction of foreign elements is a mere detail in a
smoothly flowing movement through channels quite well defined.

The erratics in the collections of South Sea artifacts are those objects
which in quite modern times have been removed from their normal
sources and have been deposited in alien communities from which they
have been gathered by those interested in the collection of ethnica.





Here an outside influence is the cause of such redistribution of objects.
They have moved anomalously in the Pacific area under conditions
which are not normal to Polynesian Hfe, which are wholly dissociated
from the smooth movement of migration responsible for the drift. The
exterior influence which has been at work in the scattering of the
erratics is modern ; it has been exerted only in the period since the dis-
covery of the islands by the navigators of the white
race and superior culture. The conditions of the drift
were operative over many centuries ; the conditions of
the erratics arose and decUned within less than a single
century and have made almost as Uttle impress of
record upon written history as the drift conditions did
upon the tradition record of savages. The principal
trades which are to be studied in explanation of the
erratics, even though fully pursued in the days of our
fathers, have gone out as completely as did the aimless
voyages of migrating canoes in the long ago.

The erratics in the collection under present review
number 8 pieces; they are illustrated in Plates VII and

A figurine collected by Voy in the Solomon Islands
without further particularization of locality is here
pictured. It is recalled that Voy made but a single trip
into the western Pacific, at that time a region of
singular savagery and wholly devoid of the protec-
tion of law and order, save such as the adventurers
could carry about their persons. In this trip he visited
only the southern and better-known part of that great
archipelago of the Solomons and probably went no
higher than San Cristoval, which was then the
usual port of call for the few vessels which adventured
upon this wild trade. For the present purpose it is
matter of small moment to seek to estabUsh with more
precision the particular island at which Voy made this find, for at
whatever spot he did find it the object was equally misplaced. It is
a piece of walrus ivory; the carving in its every detail is as much
to be assigned to Alaskan culture as is the material.

With this is to be associated the object figured on Plate VIII, a, a
club 4.5 feet long, picked up by Voy in Santa Cruz. This piece is
carved throughout in the form characteristic of the light billet dis-
tinctive of Samoa; it is fitted with a triangular lug athwart the full
width of the haft end, although the perforation has not been made, and
this lug is properly assignable to Samoan club art. Yet this piece is
carved entirely from narwhal ivory. Now, it is perfectly clear that
the walrus does not frequent the warm waters of the southern vSolo-


Fig. 3
IJttle Bone God


mons nor the narwhal the waters of Santa Cruz; the study of the dis-
tribution of mammals negatives that as even the most remote possi-
bility; there is no natural supply in those regions of the material of
these two pieces. Yet the credibility of Voy is so stoutly estabhshed
that no doubt can attach to his record that he collected these two
pieces at these points in the South Pacific and in warm equatorial
waters, although the two animals can exist only in Arctic and subarctic


The explanation of these two pieces discovered in ahen surroundings
begins far away, at Nantucket and New Bedford. It is written in the
intimate history of the whale trade, once great but now decayed.
Setting forth upon a three-year cruise, the whalers shipped only so
much of a crew as might serve to sail the ship to the cruising-grounds.
This inhered in the practice of paying by the lay; each sailor had an
interest in the catch; it was the part of a good ship's husband to pare
the crew-list to such good boat-headers and boat-steerers as might be
needed in the great chase. In the earlier years of the last century the
Pacific fairly swarmed with a fortune for the cast of the harpoon. In
the war of 1812 Commodore Porter put the Uttle Essex around the
Horn and harried the British whalers. He took and commissioned so
many prizes that the last had to be put in command of a midshipman
scarcely entered into his teens, David Glasgow Farragut; he cruised
with such a fleet that he was forced to annex the Marquesas to the
United States in order to give himself a naval base. One of the most
interesting of the oceanographic charts of Commodore Maury pub-
Hshed by the Hydrographic OfRce before the Civil War was a guide to
the whales of the great ocean — a double spout printed in blue upon each
latitude and longitude where a whale had been seen to blow. It was a
sport of all the year. In the summer the fleet went northabout after
the right whale in Bering Sea and the Arctic; in the winter of the north-
ern hemisphere it made a new summer off New Zealand after the
antarctic whale. In each voyage between the ice of the north and the
ice of the south the whalers scattered over the equatorial waters and
followed the fiercely fighting cachalot. Small wonder that the giant
mammals of the sea were brought so close to extinction that men were
led to turn to Seneca oil to see if haply it might not do something more
than serve as a liniment for creaky joints.

These random details of the whale fishery find their place in account-
ing for these two erratic pieces. Arriving shorthanded in the Pacific,
the whalers filled up their forecastles with islanders from Samoa and
Tonga and Fiji in the south, from Hawaii in the north — men of a race of
boatmen, hardy and adventurous, eager to seek out new adventure.
They were recruited to serve as boatmen ; theirs was no lay in the catch ;
they felt themselves richly paid by a few bits of iron hoopage from the
cooper's stores and by junk in general. The former of these emolu-



»■ Jl





p M >^

3148 H 3781


Erratic Club Forms.


ments, the few inches of soft iron, represented such wealth to a race
ignorant of metals that its vernacular designation iakawai has come to
signify treasure of any sort. In this custom of the whale trade cul-
ture began to be mixed. Thus and from this cause Hawaiian material
is met with on the Alaskan coasts and islands ; even in the mountains of
the western United States the name Owyhee still persists in its archaic
spelling in varied geographical use. It is thus and from this cause that
this northern material is found in Santa Cruz and the Solomons.

When familiar with the conditions of such seafaring there is no
difficulty in reconstructing the story of each of these objects.

Some kanaka boatman on shore leave in Alaska was attracted by the
little figurine. Possibly it appealed to his art sense ; quite as hkely, for
the whale trade considerably antedated the introduction of Christianity,
it may have seemed to him a god which it would be worth any man's
while to have for his very own. One never wholly comprehends what
actuates the savage mind, enormously strong for a time and then turn-
ing fickle. At any rate, such must have been the source of the carved
ivory, and of such sort its portage away from the place of its origin. If
a god, perchance he was in a journey ; peradventure he slept ; for Baal
is not the only god in history who has proved recreant to his wor-
shiper. Perhaps the attraction ashore in the southern Solomons was
sufficient to induce the kanaka seaman to part with that which once
he had treasured. There is dark and bloody ground in the western
Pacific; there was in the beginning of our knowledge of Melanesia,
there is to-day despite the emollient influences of high commissioners
and gunboats and punitive expeditions. It may have been that the
statuette so worked upon the cupidity of Solomon Islanders that they
took it from the sailor, probably took the sailor himself the way of all
flesh in those regions, which is the way of meat. It is thus that a
simple explanation is found for the presence in the Solomons of a bit of
Alaskan culture, an erratic.

So also is the story of the narwhal-ivory billet club, yet with a differ-
ence. In the former instance Alaska furnished both the material and
the finished object; in this the material alone is Alaskan, the art is
Polynesian. It was surely a Samoan sailor who first came into posses-
sion of this horn of the unicorn of the sea and saw at once how well
fitted it was to the exercise of his handicraft. It is easy to pictuie him
in the lazy hours of cruising with no more pressing occupation than
waiting to be stirred into activity by the hail from the crow's nest of
" 'Arr she blows and 'arr she breaches!" The hours of idleness go
industriously past as he busies himself with holystone and shagreen to
rub the twists out of the stalk of ivory, and with the sheathknife as he
carves the lug upon its end in his own country fashion. He follows the
art of the vSamoan tujuga and fills his toilsome idleness with pleasant

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Online LibraryWilliam ChurchillClub types of nuclear Polynesia → online text (page 19 of 21)