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William D. (William Darrah) Kelley.

Speeches of Hon. William D. Kelley. Replies of the Hon. William D. Kelley to George Northrop, Esq., in the joint debate in the Fourth Congressional District online

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which 1 now read : — ■

■• • Resolved, That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, and especially the
right of each State, to order and control its own domestic institutions according to its own
judgment exclusively, is essential to the balance of power on which the perfection and endur-
ance of our political fabric depend, and we denounce the lawless invasion by armed force of
the soil of any State or Territory, no matter under what pretext, as among the gravest of
crimes.'

•• 1 now reiterate these sentiments ; and, in doing so, I only press upon the public attention
the most conclusive evidence of which the case is susceptible, that the property, peace and
ity of no section are to be in anywise endangered by the now incoming Administration.
1 add, too. that all the protection which, consistently with the Constitution and the law
be given, will be cheerfully given to all the States, when lawfully demanded, for whatever
cause— as cheerfully to one section as to another."

Passing' to another portion of this address, for I cannot devote my hour to reading the
whole of it, Mr. Lincoln further said : —

'• I, therefore, consider that, in view of the Constitution and the laws, the Union is unbroken,
and to the extent of my ability I shall take care, as the Constitution itself expressly enjoins
upon me, that the laws of the Union be faithfully executed in all the States. Doing this, 1
deem to lie only a simple duty on my part : and 1 shall perform it, so far as practicable, unless
my rightful masters, the American people, shall withhold the requisite means, or, in some
authoritative manner, direct the contrary. I trust this will not be regarded as a menace, but
only as the declared purpose of the Union that it will constitutionally defend and maintain
itself

"In doing this there need be no bloodshed or violence ; and there -shall be none, unless it be
forced upon the National authority. The power confided to me will be used to hold, occupy,
and possess the property and places belonging to the Government, and to collect the duties
and imposts; but beyond what may be but necessary for these objects, there will lie no inva-
sion, no using' of force against or among- the people anywhere. Where hostility to the United
States, in any interior locality, shall be so great and universal as to prevent competent resi-
dent citizens from holding' the Federal offices, there will be no attempt to force obnoxious
strangers among' the people for that object; While the strict legal right may exist in the
Government to enforce the exercise of these offices, the attempt to do so would lie so irritat-
ing, and so nearly impracticable withal, that 1. deem it better to forego, for the time, the uses
of such offices.

"The mails, unless repelled, will continue to be furnished in all parts of the Union. So far
as possible, the people everywhere shall have that sense of perfect security which is most
favorable to calm thought and reflection. The course here indicated will be followed, unless
current events and experience shall .-how a modification or change to he proper, and in every
case and exigencj my best discretion will be exercised according- to circumstances actually
existing, and with a view and a hope of a peaceful solution of the national troubles, and the
restoration of fraternal sympathies and affections."

L turn to still another brief passage.

" My countrymen, one and all." said the incoming' President, "think calmly and well upon
this whole subject. Nothing valuable can be losl by taking- time. If there lie an object to
hurry any of you in hot haste to a step which you would never take deliberately, that object
will be frustrated by taking- time ; bat no good object can be frustrated by it. Such of you
a- are now dissatisfied, still have the old Constitution unimpaired, and. on the sensitive point,
the law- of your own framing' under it ; while the new administration will have no immediate
power, if it would, to change either. If it were admitted that you. who are dissatisfied, hold
tin' right side in the dispute, there still is no single good reason for precipitate action. Intel-
ligence, patriotism. Christianity, and a linn reliance on Him who has never yet forsaken this
favored land, are still competent to adjust in the best way all our present difficulty.

" In your hands, my dissatisfied fellow-countrymen, and not in mine, is the momentous issue
of civil war. The Government will not assail you. You can have no conflict without being
yourselves the aggressors. You have no oath registered in Heaven to destroy the Govern-
ment, while I .-hall have the most solemn one to - presen e, protect, and defend it.' "

Before lie had called for a soldier, before he had the power to give an order with reference
to a national \ e.-sel. did Abraham Lincoln, in the presence of the American people, and of the
Cod of our beloved country, thus appeal to the people of the South to take time and let the



"sdlicr second thought," which used in lie a Democratic doctrine, control them. Whal was the
result? James Buchanan had announced to the loyal people of the South thai if they dared at-
tempt to resist the secession of their respective States, he could not, and would not, aid them or
take sides with them. His administration had armed the Southern army. TheCi ofederacy had
been organized, had been officered, had received its army and navy from thai Administration;
and its soldiers carried on their shoulders our muskets with which to pu1 us to death, if we
should attempt to maintain the unity of the country, its constitution and its 1; Abra-

ham Lincoln organized no war. The fourth of March passed, and the fifth, and each
day of that month, and April began, and eleven clays of that month had passed when you
shocked as 1 was (and 1 care not whether you be my partisans or tho f mj friend), when
you felt that you had rather die than that the insult which had been put upon the flag of
your country should not be wiped out in blood; when from fortifications constructed around
Fort Sumter with James Buchanan's deliberate consent (for his Secretary of War could have
ordered the commander of Port Sumter to destroy the working parties attempting to con
those works) from fortifications constructed, I say. by the consenl of. lames Buchanan and the
Democratic party, Fort Sumter and the flag of your country were fired upon, and a thousand
hands and hearts engaged in the bloody work of storming seventy United States soldiers who
defended the Bag of the United States over a United States fort; and when fire had d
those poo,' men from the stronghold that your money had built, those brutal n : | upon

them at the water's edge. The country sprang to arms and cried for an avenging war; and
Abraham Lincoln, who had said to those people that the issue of civil war was with them and
not with him, responded to the country's call, and appealed in i\n~ people for 75,000 men.
They came at his call; they swelled to a' hundred, to two hundred, and to three hundred thou-
sand; and he brought them to the frontier of the Confederacy, lie held them on the north
bank of the Potomac and on the north bank- of the Ohio, until you and I grew impatient.
He would not invade Virginia. He still hoped that reason and patriotism would bring the
rebels back. But when they began to construct works from which they could shell the ,
of your country, as they had shelled Fort Sumter, he seat troops into Alexandria and .
the northern borders of Virginia; and again you thrilled, 1 care not what your party may have
been, when you heard that young Ellsworth had died for taking down the rebel flag from al
a house within sight of the District of Columbia.

This war is the rebels' war. The war maintained by the Presidenl is for our country and
our posterity. It, was begun by the rebels; and it is maintained by the pa of -the

country for the purpose of crushing rebellion and establishing the Constitution and the code
of laws belonging to us, in their supremacy, from the Atlantic to the Pacific and from the
northeastern point of Maine to the southern point of Texas.

1 have said that the Democratic party, misled by the doctrines of John C. Calhoun, have
been forced to occupy the position of Benedict Arnold. From that position they are spit-
ting envenomed spite on the tomb of Andrew Jackson, and kicking the green turf from the
new-made grave of Stephen A. Douglas. These things I shall prove to von. before we part
to-night.

_ Wha1 are their complaints? Let me cite them in substance from one of their most dis-
tinguished orators and statesmen. I take them as they are made, point lie point, in a speech
by Horatio Seymour : —

1. " The freedom of speech and of the press has been denied us."

2. "it is your property, the property of Northern tax-payers, which is confiscated."

3. "Men have been torn from their families and locked up in prison, and women loo."

4. "Men are told that they must leave their homes and devote themselves to wai

5. "'I'he policy of the Administration has placed hindrances in the way of the Union,"
(i. -'The Administration has entered upon a settled policy, dangerous to the V

country."'

7. "in God's name, are there no means by which we can save the lives of husbands and
brothers'.''"

8. "We have nominated McClellan that we might restore prosperity -e to the

people."

Now let me read a proclamation written by Benedict Arnold, after he had deserted the
flag of our country and gone over to Great Britain. You will find that he makes each one ol
these points, just as though he had handed them to Horatio when the latter was ascending
the platform to make his speech. On the 20th of October. 1780 ( just about the time when
Pennsylvania was abolishing slavery), Benedict Arnold issued the following proclamation to
the citizens and soldiers of the United States :—

" You are promised liberty by the leaders of your affairs. But is there an individual in the
enjoyment of it save your oppressors? Who among you dares to speak or write what he
Thinks against the tyranny which has robbed you of your property, imprisoned v ur sons
drags you to the field of battle, and is daily deluging your country with blood !"

Does not this sound amazingly like a modern Democratic speech? But let me proceed

" Your country once was happy, and had the proffered peace been embraced, the last two
years ol misery had been spent in peace and plenty and repairing the desolation of the quarrel



that would have set tin' interests of Great Britain and America in a true light, and cemented
their friendship. 1 wish to lead a chosen band of Americans to the attainment of peace, lib-
erty and safety— the first object in taking the field!"

"You have changed the purpose of the war," says the modern Democrat; "it is no longer
1'mi- the Union; it is for something else." Just so Benedict Arnold, to cover up his treason,
said that we were no longer fighting the. Revolutionary war for peace, liberty and safety.

••"What is Ann lira.'' continues Arnold, "but a land of widows and orphans and beggars !
But what need of argument to such as feel infinitely more misery than tongue can express.?
i give my promise of most affectionate welcome to all who are disposed to join me in moa-
sures necessary to close the scenes of our affliction, which must increase until we are satisfied
with the liberality of the mother country, which still offers us protection, and exemption from
ail taxes but such as we think fit to impose upon ourselves."

This is not, I assure you, much as it sounds like it, a modern Democratic speech; it is a
proclamation of Benedict Arnold, published in October, 1780.

Now let me turn to the grave of Andrew Jackson. I was a Jackson boy, and I remember
how, in my earliest childhood, I wept, when running back into my mother's entry, after the
newspaper that had been thrown over my head by the carrier, I picked it up and found the
hickory-tree at the head of its leading column turned upside-down, and black lines between
the columns of the paper, and read that a coalition had defeated the election of my idol An-
drew Jackson. That was in 1824. I never ceased to be a Jacksonian Democrat. I am such
to-night; and from the time the leaders of the Democratic party accepted the doctrines of
< 'alhoun and made war upon the memory and principles of Jackson, I swore that I would fight
them in honor of his name and for the safety of my country. I go now to the grave of -lack-
son to pluck a flowret from the chaplet which history weaves around his brow, and which will
never fade.

"You have suspended the habeas corpus," says my friend and antagonist, "and how can I
bring suit when you have suspended the habeas corpus ?" Andrew Jackson suspended the
habeas cm-pus, and imprisoned the judge that issued it ! And for that act. more than for any
other in his life, the Democratic party made him President. These gentlemen who call Presi-
dent Lincoln in one breath a "tyrant," and in another a "baboon" — and who denounce their
own candidate for the Presidency when they speak of "Lincoln's hirelings and dogs" — also
murmur about the freedom of the press. Let me presently read you a little from Parton's
Jackson.
It was a question in New Orleans whether peace had been concluded between England and
America. In that day there were no telegraphs or railroads. Jackson had just beaten the
British army, and there came rumors by ships that arrived at Mobile that a treaty of peace
had been signed. .Jackson still maintained martial law in New Orleans, and the people who
did not like the war resisted. You know how people of foreign birth have during this war
been encouraged by democratic orators to go to the consular representative of their native land
and claim exemption from military service. That game was practised in New Orleans while
it was under the military rule of Jackson. The French residents were stimulated to apply
to their consul for protection against his military authority. Some of the people demanded
that, because there were rumors of peace. Jackson should relieve the city from martial law.
Let us see what he did.

Mr. Parton says : " .Mr. Livingston returned to New Orleans with the news of peace on the
10th of February. The city was thrown into joyful excitement, and the troops expected an
immediate release from their arduous toils. But they were doomed to disappointment. The
package which Admiral Malcolm had received contained only a newspaper announcement of
peace. There was little doubt of its truth, but the statements of a newspaper are as nothing
I., the commanders of fleets and armies. To check the rising tide of feeling, Jackson, in the
very day of Livingston's return, issued a proclamation, stating the exact nature of the intelli-
. and exhorting' the troops to bear with patience the toils of the campaign a little lunger.
• U' must mi/,' said he, l be thrown into false security by hopes that may be delusive, /i is by
Holding out such, that an artful and insiiliims enemy too often seeks to accomplish what the
iii in,, si exertions of his sir, ii,ji}\ will not enable him to <ffect. To place you oil' your guard
and attack you by surprise, is the natural expedient of one who. having experienced the.
superiority of your arms, still hopes to overcome you by stratagem.' 'Though young in the
trade of war, it is not by such artifice that he will deceive us.' Jackson would not have liked
an armistice. 1 suppose !

'•This proclamation seems rather to have inflamed than allayed the general discontent.

Two days after the return of Livingston, a paragraph appeared in the Louisiana dfazette, to
the ell'ert that a • flag had just arrived from Admiral t 'ochrane to General Jackson, officially
announcing the conclusion of peace at Ghent, between the United States and Great Britain,
and virtually requesting a suspension of arms.' For this statement there was not the least
foundation in truth, and its effect at such a crisis was to inflame the prevailing excitement.
Upon reading the paragraph. Jackson caused to be prepared an official contradiction, which
lie sent by an aid de-camp to the offending editor, with a written order requiring its insertion
in the next issue of the paper."



There was a terrible hullabaloo raised by the Democrats of Philadelphia when Gen Schenck
made the proprietors of the Evening Journal do just what Gen. Jackson made the editor
of the Louisiana Gazette do — publish a little bulletin announcing that what he had said the
day before was not true.

"This was regarded by the discontented spirits as a new provocation. The " muzzled" edi-
tor, in the same number of his paper, relieved his mind by the following comments upon the
General's orders: " On Tuesday we published a small handbill containing such information
as we had conceived correct, respecting the signing of preliminaries of peace between the
American and British Commissioners at Ghent. We have since been informed from Head-
quarters that the information therein contained is incorrect, and we have been ordered to
publish the following to do away the evil thai might arise from our imprudence.

"Every man may read for himself, and think for himself (thank God ! our thoughts are as
yet unshackled !) but as we have been officially informed that New Orleans is a camp, our
readers must not expect us to take the liberty of expressing our opinion as we might in a free
city. We cannot submit to have a, censor of the press in our office, and as we are orderednot
to publish any remarks without authority, we shall submit to be silent until we can .-peak
with safety — except making our paper a sheet of shreds and patches — a mere advertiser for
our mercantile friends."

" Pretty loud growling," says the writer, " to come from a muzzled editor. - ' Why, it is not
like a taint echo of the growls that you find in our "muzzled" papers. Take the New
York Daily News, the organ of •• Phernandiwud," and see whether this is a whisper in
comparison with the growls of that paper or the World.

"In this posture of affairs," continues Mr. Parton, "some of the French troops hit upon
an expedient to escape the domination of the general. They claimed the protection of the
French consul, M. Toussand ; the consul, nothing loth, hoisted the French Bag over the con-
sulate and dispensed certificates of French citizenship to all applicants."

Just as a good many consuls during our present war have dispensed certificates of foreign
citizenship to men who have been voting among us for years, and are used to hearing
modern Democratic speeches inspired by Benedict Arnold's proclamation.

"Naturalized Frenchmen availed themselves of the same artifice, and, for a few days. Tons
sand had his hands lull of pleasant and profitable occupation. Jackson met this new difficulty
by ordering the consul and all Frenchmen, who were not citizens of the United States, to
leave New Orleans within three days, and not to return within one hundred and twenty
miles of the city until the news of the ratification of the treaty of peace was officially pub-
lished."

■He was not going to have a nest of traitors, spies, and dealers in contraband merchandise
and intelligence at his heels claiming foreign protection, and lie ordered them out of his lines and
prohibited them from coming back. But let Parton tell the story : " The register of votes of
the last election was resorted to for the purpose of ascertaining who were citizens and who
were not. Every man who had voted was claimed by the General as his 'fellow-citizen and
soldier; and compelled to do duty as such.

"This bold stroke of authority aroused much indignation amongthe anti-martial lawparty,
which, on the 3d of March, found voice in the public press. A. long article appeared anony-
mously in one of the newspapers boldly, but temperately, and respectfully calling in question
General Jackson's recent conduct, and' especially the banishment of the French from the city.
Here was open defiance. Jackson accepted the issue with a promptness all his own. He
sent an order to the editor of the Louisiana Courier, in which the article appeared, com-
manding his immediate presence at headquarters. The name of the author of the communi-
cation was demanded and given. It was .Mr. Louaillier. a member of the Legislature."

"At noon on Sunday the 5th of March, two days after the publication of the article. Mr.
Louaillier was walking along the levee, opposite one of the most frequented coffee-houses in
the city, when a Captain Amelung, commanding a file of soldiers, tapped him on the shoulder
and informed him that he was a prisoner. Louaillier, astonished and indignant, called the
bystanders to witness that he was conveyed away against his will by armed men. A lawyer,
P. L. Morel by name, who witnessed the arrest from the steps of the coffee-house, ran i
spot, and was forthwith engaged by Louaillier to act as his legal adviser in this extremity.
Louaillier was placed in confinement. Morel hastened to the residence of Judge Dominick
A. Hall, Judge of the District Court of the United States, to whom he presented, in his client's
name, a petition for a writ of habeas corpus. The Judge granted the petition, and the writ
was immediately served upon the General. Jackson instantly sent a file of troops to arrest
the judge, and before night, Judge Hall and Mr. Louaillier were prisoners in the same apart-
ment of the barracks."

This was the same Andrew Jackson for whom the Democrats have all shouted. It is the
same Andrew Jackson whose name to-day is attempted to be used as a shibboleth by men who
are insulting and spitting upon his memory, and denouncing him as a tyrant and usurper.

" So far from obeying the writ of habeas corpus, General Jackson seized the writ from the
officer who served it, and retained it in his own possession, giving to the officer a certified
copy of the same. Louaillier was at once placed upon his trial before a court-martial."



Finally peace came and it found Lonaillier and the Judge still in prison. General Jackson
then caused to be issued the following order:— w=ue«iiuacKson

'Headquarters Seventh Military District, New Orleans, March 11th 1815— Sir-
You will detail rorn your troop a discreel non-commissioned officer and four men. and direct
Tl <''»•" call on he officer commanding the 3d United Slates Infantry for Dominick \ |

J^ confined m the guard-honse for exciting mntiny and desertion within the encampS

' I pon receipl of the prisoner, the non-commissioned officer will conduct him up the cast
beyond the hues of Gen. I larroll's encampment, and deliver him the inclosed order aVdsei Inn
V&eter V. (W, TH ° MAS HUTLER ' ^d-de-camp.

' ( lommanding troop of cavalry, New Orleans.'
"Inclosed with this order was a laconic epistle from the General to Judjre Hill • I have

h T ht '"'T; 1 '- Sai p 1 r ' ; '" , ' n ' 1 - ■ '" Send y° u be y° nd the Um *s of my encampment to pre!
1 '■'/petmun o the improper conduct with which von have been char" I You I ill

1,1 "in ii un entisn snail have felt the Southern coast

My honest Democratic friend, what do you say of your leaders who conceal facts of this
kind ^from you, and are trying to tempt you to make war on your country, because the Govern
men) has done what every patriot honors Jackson for doing what even- ,, , }. ev ,'

commanded a greal army has done, and what the Constitution of the UnSd States express^
authorizes to i.e done when the emergency invites it expresslj

Lei us now look a little further; for this matter does not end here. This act made Andrew
PrtsdTnf'butThe slthern^ jt-OonstitutionaHt, would have made StVpten tv^Z

>■ «. . bu the Southern rebels knew his devotion to the Union, and ran Breckinridge
and Lane for the purpose „I preventing his election. I shall show you presently how ma?
nificently Douglas, on the floor of Congress, defended tl,, actio,, of J ,ks a N w l ea f

trictsatatafnS
m t. sal again in his court; and again 1 refer to Parton For an account of what took olace

Maior-GeS AntwSw ^ " WM "S^ ° rdered b >' the -u,, ttlu tl!! laid
Jl , "V, ^ndiew Jackson show cause, on Friday next, the 24th March instant at ten
ft A.M.. why attachment should not he awarded agains lun, fo,Mamten H o! 1 ^ : o,
in having disrespectfully wrested from the clerk aforesaid an original order™? the honorable

ame: also or disregarding the said writ of habea, rpus, when issued and served • i aV •

,npnso,,d the honorable the .judge of this court ; Jj for other contempts as stateS by Z

General Jackson had ceased to command an army; the country was at peace- and he did


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Online LibraryWilliam D. (William Darrah) KelleySpeeches of Hon. William D. Kelley. Replies of the Hon. William D. Kelley to George Northrop, Esq., in the joint debate in the Fourth Congressional District → online text (page 3 of 20)